Apesar dos morcegos hematófagos serem muito estudados, diversos aspectos de sua biologia e de seu papel na transmissão da raiva ainda não são conhecidos. O objetivo da presente tese foi estudar os abrigos diurnos, os agrupamentos e o comportamento agonístico do morcego hematófago comum, Desmodus rotundus, e sua relação com a raiva dos herbívoros no Vale do Paraíba. Foi possível também obter informações sobre as duas outras espécies de morcegos hematófagos, especialmente de Diphylla ecaudata. Entre 2011 e 2014, dados sobre abrigos diurnos, composição dos agrupamentos, lesões corporais, diagnóstico de raiva e sorologia antirrábica de D. rotundus foram obtidos nos municípios de Jacareí, Paraibuna, Pindamonhangaba, Salesópolis, Santa Branca e São Luiz do Paraitinga no Vale do Paraíba, Sudeste do estado de São Paulo, Sudeste do Brasil. Foram estudados 14 abrigos diurnos de D. rotundus, dos quais 12 eram construções abandonadas na área rural. Desmodus rotundus partilhou abrigos diurnos com apenas cinco espécies de filostomídeos: Diphylla ecaudata, Chrotopterus auritus, Carollia perspicillata, Glossophaga soricina e Anoura caudifer. O tempo de recolonização desses abrigos diurnos por D. rotundus foi em média 12,5 meses, com uma variação entre três e 25 meses. O tamanho dos agrupamentos variou de dois a 79 indivíduos, com uma média de 15,6 morcegos/grupo. Fêmeas foram encontradas em 15 agrupamentos, com uma média de 13 fêmeas e uma variação entre uma e 55 fêmeas/grupo. Por outro lado, machos estiveram mais presentes nos agrupamentos, ocorrendo em quase todos (N=21), com uma média de 7,1 machos/grupo e uma variação de um a 24 machos. Sete agrupamentos foram considerados de machos solteiros. Onze dos 22 agrupamentos eram constituídos de colônia e grupo de machos solteiros. O dimorfismo sexual no comprimento do antebraço de D. rotundus do Vale do Paraíba foi estatisticamente significativo e sugere que as fêmeas são maiores 13 do que os machos. Lesões corporais, atribuídas às mordeduras provocadas por outros morcegos, foram encontradas em 76,7 por cento dos indivíduos de D. rotundus, tanto em machos como em fêmeas. A região mais atingida foram as membranas alares, com 68 por cento , porém lesões nas orelhas, face e membros foram menos frequentes (23,1 por cento nas fêmeas e 26,9 por cento nos machos). Acredita-se que as lesões nessas regiões sejam mais importantes nos mecanismos de transmissão de raiva. Apesar de ter analisado 310 amostras de encéfalos de D. rotundus do Vale do Paraíba, o resultado foi negativo em todas as amostras. A sorologia mostrou que todos os morcegos apresentaram positividade em diferentes graus. Contudo, se considerarmos o ponto de corte 0,5 UI/ml, o número de indivíduos positivos caiu para 30,1 por cento (N=90), sendo 30,9 por cento nas fêmeas e 28,8 por cento em machos. Apesar de nenhum indivíduo de D. rotundus positivo para a raiva ter sido encontrado no Vale do Paraíba durante a presente tese, a sorologia positiva de, pelo menos, 30 por cento mostra que há vírus da raiva circulando em sua população. Essa alta circulação viral pode ter sido favorecida pelas interações agonísticas, que causam lesões em mais de 75 por cento dos morcegos, a formação compacta (em penca) dos agrupamentos, o grooming social, a reciprocidade e partilha alimentar / Despite the hematophagous bats are very studied, many aspects of their biology and their role in the transmission of rabies are not yet known. The aim of this thesis was to study the diurnal shelters, groups and the agonistic behavior of the common hematophagous, Desmodus rotundus, and its relation to the cattle rabies in the Paraíba Valley. It was also possible to obtain information about the two other species of vampire bats, especially Diphylla ecaudata. Between 2011 and 2014, data on diurnal shelters, composition of groups, body injuries, diagnosis of rabies and rabies serology D. rotundus were gathered from the cities of Jacarei, Paraibuna, Pindamonhangaba, Salesópolis, Santa Branca and São Luiz do Paraitinga in the Valley Paraíba, Southeastern of São Paulo State, Southeastern Brazil. Fourteen diurnal shelters of D. rotundus were studied here and 12 were abandoned buildings in rural areas. Desmodus rotundus shared daytime shelters with only five species of phyllostomid bats: Diphylla ecaudata, Chrotopterus auritus, Carollia perspicillata, Glossophaga soricina and Anoura caudifer. The time of recolonization of these roosts by D. rotundus was on average 12.5 months, ranging from three to 25 months. The size of the groups ranged from two to 79 individuals, with a mean of 15.6 bats/group. Females were found in 15 groups with an average of 13 females/group and ranging between one and 55 females. Moreover, males were present in most groups from Paraíba Valley, occurring in almost all (N = 21), with an average of 7.1 males/group, and a variation of 24 males. Seven groups were considered to be single males groups. Eleven of the 22 groups were made up of colony and single male groups. Sexual dimorphism in the forearm length of D. rotundus from the Paraíba Valley was statistically significant and suggests that females are larger than males. Body Injuries, attributed to bites caused by other bats were found in 76.7 per cent of individuals of D. rotundus, in both males and females. The most affected region was the wing membranes, with 68 per cent , but lesions on the ears, face and limbs were less frequent (23.1 per cent in females and 26.9 per cent in males). It is believed that injuries in these regions are more important in the rabies transmission mechanism. Despite having analyzed 310 samples of brains of D. rotundus from the Paraíba Valley, the result was negative in all samples. Serology showed that all bats were positive in varying degrees. However, if we consider the cut off 0.5 IU/ml, the number of positive samples dropped to 30.1 per cent (N = 90) and 30.9 per cent in females and 28.8 per cent males. Although no individual of D. rotundus positive for rabies was found in the Paraíba Valley during this thesis, the positive serology at least 30 per cent shows that there is rabies virus circulating in this bat population. This high viral circulation may have been favored by agonistic interactions, that cause lesions in more than 75 per cent of the bats, the compact formation (in clusters) of groups, social grooming, reciprocity and food sharing.

Ce travail de recherche prend sa source dans mes diverses expériences professionnelles, sur plus de dix ans, en tant que psychologue clinicienne et psychanalyste en formation, exerçant avec des enfants, des adolescents, leurs familles ainsi qu’avec des adultes. Il s’agit d’une clinique particulière puisqu’elle a été recueillie au Liban, un pays qui a une histoire difficile à cerner, ponctuée de guerres et parsemée de violences. Un pays qui est marqué par un système de résonance et d’écho entre les traumas individuels et les rapports aux traumas collectifs. Cette recherche porte plus précisément sur une population bien définie puisqu’elle est exclusivement constituée d’ex-enfants, puis ex-adolescents de la guerre de 1975 à 1991 ayant vécu dans l’ex-Beyrouth-Est, puis devenus désormais adultes. Elle est aussi caractérisée par le fait qu’une fois le travail de la cure est bien avancé, j’ai pu comprendre que j’avais durant mon enfance puis mon adolescence, partagé, des tranches de vie avec mes patients. Ces moments étaient des vécus de guerre traumatiques. En effet, mes patients adultes, les parents des petits en cure et moi-même, nous-nous sommes trouvés aux mêmes endroits, et nous avons vécu aux mêmes moments, seuls, loin des adultes, les mêmes événements de guerre. Il s’agit d’une réflexion qui englobe au final, quatre générations. Je m’interroge sur la qualité du lien qui existerait entre la question des particularités du travail d’élaboration de situations de traumatismes personnels et de traumatismes familiaux au sein de thérapies d’enfants. Mon interrogation porte également sur le type d’intéraction qu’il y aurait entre le trauma spécifique du parent ex-enfant de la guerre et celui du trauma collectif propre à un pays en guerre. Comment ceci se joue-t-il dans la cure et avec le thérapeute de l’enfant (génération 1) né après la guerre ? Je m’interroge, d’une part, sur les modalités défensives des parents (génération 2) et les particularités des traumatismes personnels internes qui survenaient en écho avec des traumatismes familiaux entremêlés et emboîtés aux traumatismes cumulatifs collectifs/sociaux. D’autre part, je me questionne à propos de la psyché parentale qui me semblait figée, envahie, prisonnière d’un « entre-deux intérieur/extérieur-non-humain, fantasme/réalité », aux liens forts et inapparents qui semblaient inexistants mais desquels ils ne pouvaient pas se libérer à l’âge adulte. Je me demande si les enfants (génération 1) nés après la guerre, ne seraient pas pour leurs parents (génération 2), réduits à un symptôme ; symptôme que ces derniers n’auraient pas eu la possibilité de porter durant leur vécu infantile. L’enfant (génération 1) ne serait-il pas le porteur du « clivé parental » ? Je me demande finalement si les parents (génération 2) pourraient avoir accrédité, lors de l’entretien qui fixe le cadre, le contrat muet ou pacte suivant : « nous savons/vous savez ce que nous avons/vous avez vécu dans notre/votre enfance : on le pose là et on n’en parle pas ». Même si ce pacte n’a pas été explicité verbalement, la transmission s’établissait d’une autre manière : au-delà du langage. C’est pour cette raison qu’en confiant leur enfant, ces parents (génération 2) parvenaient enfin et pour la première fois, à confier l’enfant en eux à une personne qui « saurait », qui « serait passée par là » et qui a « les mots pour l’exprimer ». Pour essayer de répondre à mes interrogations, je tente d’introduire et d’expliquer une modalité particulière de vivre le cadre analytique : il s’agirait d’une co-construction, avec le patient d’un cadre. Ce cadre serait comme une piste de danse propice à la mise en place d’une « chorégraphie de la cure » qui permettrait à l’analyste et son patient de « danser avec la cure ». Ceci sous-entend un mouvement de rythmicité, un rapproché, un va et viens nécessaire à l’évolution.... / This research is rooted in my various professional experiences over more than a decade as a clinical psychologist and psychoanalyst in training, dealing with children, adolescents, their families as well as adults. This relates to a particular type of clinical work since the data for this study was collected in Lebanon, a country that has an elusive history, punctuated by wars and scattered violence; a country that is characterized by a resonating and echoing system between individual trauma and collective traumas. This study refers more precisely to a well-defined population, consisting exclusively of former children and adolescents of the 1975-1991 Lebanese war having lived and grown up in the former East Beirut. The study is also characterized by the fact that, once the analytic cure was well advanced, I was able to understand that I experienced, during my childhood and my adolescence, similar shared moments with my patients pertaining to traumatic experiences resulting from the war. In fact, my adult patients, the parents of the children in psychotherapy as well as myself, found ourselves as children and adolescents in the same places, experiencing the same epoche, alone, and away from adults (our parents or teachers), the same violent and destructive war events. This is a reflection that pertains to four generations. I wonder as to the quality of the links that exist between the peculiarities of the elaborative work of personal traumatic experiences and family traumas within the context of child psychotherapy. My interrogations also relate to the possible type of interaction existing between the specific trauma of the parent who is an ex-child (and ex-adolescent) of the war and the collective trauma that is specific to a country at war. I question in part the nature of the defense modalities of parents (generation 2) And the particularities of inner personal traumas that occur as an echo to family’s trauma, intertwined and interlocked with cumulative and collective social trauma. Moreover, I question why the parental psyche seems frozen, as if invaded, a prisoner “in a “no man’s land”, an undefined territory internal/external- non-human, fantasy/reality”, I also wonder about the strong, hidden links that seemed to glue up the members of a family. Those links or particular ways to live the attachment seemed, at first, apparently nonexistent but paradoxically they were extremely present in the sessions. The adults seamed unable to free themselves from this chain. I wonder if the children (generation 1) born after the war, are not, in the parental psyche (generation 2) reduced to a symptom – a symptom that the parents (generation 2) could not have had the opportunity to carry during their own childhood. Therefore, the child (generation 1) would be the bearer of "parental splitting"? I finally question the setting and wonder if the parents (generation 2) may not have accredited during our first encounter the « psychoanalytic » framework with the following dumb contract or agreement: "we know/you know what we/you have lived in our/ your childhood: we leave it aside and we do not talk about it at all. " Although the pact has not been explained verbally, transmission seemed to have been established in a « non-verbal communication. It may be for this reason that, the parents (generation 2) felt sufficiently at ease to try and place, for the first time in their lives, the suffering “child in them” in what they might have felt as being the securing, healing and soothing arms of “someone” who can be there for them; “someone” who has known what they have encountered because he is not a total stranger to their childhood experiences, “someone” who has the words and the capacity to talk about these unpleasant things; someone who may be able to express the “unspeakable experiences” with simple words ....

Quand deux espèces exploitent la même niche écologique, elles entrent en compétition. Cette compétition interspécifique peut conduire à l’exclusion de l’une d’entre elles. Toutefois, il est possible qu’un équilibre s’installe et que les deux espèces coexistent en sympatrie. Eupelmus vuilleti et Dinarmus basalis sont deux espèces de parasitoïdes solitaires, exploitant la même niche écologique, les larves et les nymphes de Callosobruchus maculatus un coléoptère séminivore. En situation de compétition par exploitation, E. vuilleti présente les caractéristiques d’une espèce dominante, potentiellement capable d’exclure D. basalis. Aussi, nous nous sommes demandés comment D. basalis peut se maintenir dans la même niche écologique qu’E. vuilleti, comme cela est observé dans certaines zones africaines ? Nos résultats montrent qu’en présence de compétitrices (compétition par interférence), les femelles des deux espèces expriment des comportements agonistiques et la résolution des conflits est principalement influencée par la valeur que les femelles placent dans la ressource. Nous montrons finalement que dans les conditions de compétition interspécifique directe, les femelles de D. basalis sont plus agressives et font du self-suparparasitisme pour augmenter leur gain en fitness. Au contraire, les femelles d’E. vuilleti s’éloignent et attendent pour finalement revenir multiparasiter après le départ de cette dernière. En conséquence, la coexistence de ces deux espèces est le résultat d’un équilibre entre les stratégies adoptées par les femelles dans ces deux situations de compétition. / When two species exploit the same ecological niche, interspecific competition may lead to the exclusion of one of them. For the two species to co-exist, resource exploitation strategies developed by both species must somehow counter-balance each other. Eupelmus vuilleti and Dinarmus basalis are two solitary parasitoid species exploiting the same hosts, larvae and pupae of Callosobruchus maculatus. When confronted to already parasitized hosts (i.e. exploitative competition), Eupelmus vuilleti seems to be dominant and potentially able to exclude D. basalis. Here, we aim at understanding how E. vuilleti and D. basalis can coexist when in sympatry. More particularly, we investigate the behavioral strategies adopted by females of both species when exploiting the resource (i.e. host) in presence of a competitor female (conspecific or interspecific) (i.e. interference competition). Our study reveals that in presence of a competitor female, E. vuilleti and D. basalis females display agonistic behaviors and the contest resolution is mainly influenced by the value that contestants place on the resource. Finally, under interspecific direct competition, D. basalis females tend to outcompete E. vuilleti females: they are more aggressive. In contrast, E. vuilleti females adopt a waiting strategy, waiting for the opponent female’s departure to multiparasitize hosts after committing an ovicide. Thus, both species seem to show counterbalancing strategies which could promote their coexistence in nature and granaries.

In an era when adversarial politics is condemned for either being archaic or right-wing extremism, proposing that incivility can be used to counter existing hegemonies, despite its potential to incite violence, is proposing an unorthodox project. By rejecting foundationalist approaches to the current incivility crisis, this study sees an opportunity for it to act as a populist rapture that defies simple binary categorisation and deconstructs incivility, at an ontological level, to reveal the deep meanings and concealed causes that contrast the grand narrative of hate speech. After an overview in chapter one, the study continues with a theoretical review of literature on incivility, guided by the works of radical democracy theorists who universalise what seems particular to Kenya. This review is followed by the description of Bakhtin’s concept of carnivalesque as utani, a joking relationship common in East Africa. For its theoretical perspective, the study is guided by Mouffe’s theory of agonistic democracy and a research method developed by transforming Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) work in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic, into a method for Discourse Analysis. Various concepts from Laclau and Mouffe’s work are used to innovate an explanation of how political practices in social media, both linguistic and material texts, enhance incivility and the struggle to fix a regime’s preferred meaning. Guided by Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Analysis, the study describes how the government is using linguistic tools and physical technologies to repair the dislocation caused by incivility in social media in its attempts to re-create hegemonic practices. Without engaging in naïve reversal of the polarities between acceptable and unacceptable speech, and considering that at the ontological level politics is a friend—enemy relation, the study argues that incivility in social media is part of the return of politics in a post-political era, rather than simple unacceptable speech. While remaining aware of the dangers of extreme speech, but without reinforcing the anti-political rational consensus narrative, incivility is seen as having disruptive counterhegemonic potential, that is, if we consider the powerplay inherent in democracy. It means that binary opposition is blind to the way power produces, and is countered through unacceptable speech. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

This study aims to acquire knowledge about the concept of drag storytimes in public libraries. It addresses research questions regarding their relation to the libraries' mission, as well as associated experiences with and perceptions of these events. The study adopts a qualitative approach, utilizing interviews with different stakeholders, alongside non-participatory observation, as well as media and social media analysis. The theoretical frameworks of agonistic pluralism and visibility are employed.  Findings show that drag storytimes promote accessibility, representation, and acceptance of diversity, aligning with libraries' democratic mission. They also bridge the gap between the art form drag and literature, serving as a means for libraries to encourage and facilitate children's reading. Findings also highlight misconceptions and misrepresentations of drag storytimes in media and public discourse. While libraries have encountered challenges and resistance when hosting drag storytimes, they have also received significant appreciation and support. Resistance is based on concerns about sexualization, indoctrination and unsuitability for children. These concerns are addressed with observations and interviews, which refute these notions.  This study finds that the purpose of drag storytimes lies in promoting reading and providing entertaining experiences for children, emphasizing their child-centric nature. Opinions and perceptions influenced by adults' perspectives, biases, and fears impact the power dynamics among libraries, the public, and politics. This study underscores the challenges faced by libraries in this dynamic and emphasizes their resilience. It underlines the importance of information dissemination, communication, and destigmatization of drag and drag storytimes. By engaging in open conversations, librarians can address misconceptions, confront prejudices, and broaden perspectives.