The aim of this thesis is to contribute to theoretically sound concept of Peace Journalism, which combines theoretical foundations from two spheres: conflict and peace studies and media studies. Influence of journalists as intervening force and explaining factor with regard to (violent) conflict is neglected. However, Peace Journalism is not theoretically strong and builds upon dualistic definition vis-á-vis so-called War Journalism. The concept of Peace Journalism has to overcome this delamination in order to reflect theoretical underpinnings of conflict transformation theory and conflict analysis. Moreover, Peace Journalism has to differentiate media according to an involvement of given societies in a conflict. This offers an opportunity to specifically and accurately analyse news coverage of conflicts. Case studies analysing Czech coverage of Cyprus and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts illustrates this approach. The coverage is essentially flat, distorts a reality of the conflict, pays attention to visual and physical aspects of the conflict and closes the conflicts in arbitrary time boundaries.

The thesis' aim is to explore the changes of the anarchofeminist zine Bloody Mary and how it was influenced by the Internet, as well as by the specific blogging platform and computer graphics software used in the zine's production. The chief sources of data used in my research are the specific issues of the zine, articles and archived documents published on the blog. Moreover, I have undertaken several interviews with the zine's authors and readers, giving me insight into the zine's production. The theoretical section of the thesis focuses on the function of zines as alternative media, as well as describing zines within the larger context of the key feminist views on the media industry and the history of independent feminist publications. The following section describes the formation of the Riot Grrrl movement, which has led the proliferation of zines within feminist discourse, as well as serving as a chief inspiration to Bloody Mary's authors. The next chapter describes the context of Czech anarchist activism and names some of the key groups such as the "Feminist Group of the 8th March" or the "Anarcho-feminist Group", which Bloody Mary's authors belonged to. The empirical section of the thesis focuses on the changes within Bloody Mary as a publication. The developments and transformation of the...

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Internet is recognised as an alternative media tool that has the potential to stimulate civic cultures, mobilize and sustain civil society networks. It is also perceived as an important tool for social change that offers a powerful communication platform for different social groups to advance their views and ideology online in a significantly less controlled way than it is done through traditional media. In the end of 2010, the release of U.S. secret diplomatic on the Internet by the non-profit organisation WikiLeaks got an instant global outreach through the Internet and primarily, through the Wikileaks website – www.wikileaks.org. The immediate reaction to this resulted in governmental pressure on global providers of Internet services to stop servicing the website, thus preventing the global public from accessing the materials. The project studies the discussion that has arisen in the context of these actions and examines the communication tactics used by civil society and governmental actors in this discussion in order to advance an ideology of the right to communicate, and civil society participation in forming and safeguarding Internet principles. The project looks deeper at ideological, participatory, and developmental issues brought up in the discussion around the restriction of access to the main Wikileaks website, and how do they relate to eventual processes of social change. The study is based on Fairclough's framework on critical discourse analysis, and is grounded in the theoretical framework of participation, discourse and ideology. The main conclusion of the study is that the discussion around the Wikileaks CableGate case has clearly articulated the necessity of common Internet principles and democratic framework built in an inclusive and participatory manner through the active involvement of civil society actors in order to preserve the core values and enabling potential of Internet as media, and that an effective model for this is the multi-stakeholder model of Internet governance.

Le présent mémoire vise à faire avancer la réflexion sur la conception de média alternatif à travers une analyse d’une organisation médiatique dite alternative, soit CISM 89,3 FM, la radio de campus de l’Université de Montréal. À partir de la littérature, l’auteur émet certaines interrogations et explore quelques pistes d’analyse en regard de cet univers médiatique. Suite à un travail sur le terrain, basé sur une série d’entrevues avec des acteurs oeuvrant au sein de CISM, ce travail de recherche permet de mettre en lumière certains éléments peu discutés dans la littérature. L’auteur met notamment en relief l’importance que revêt le statut d’alternatif pour CISM aux yeux de ses artisans, ainsi que la complexité de ce statut et les enjeux qu’il soulève. Le mémoire montre aussi, à travers les propos des personnes interrogées, la difficulté et les tensions avec lesquelles les artisans d’un tel média doivent jongler quotidiennement afin d’être fidèle à ce statut d’alternatif. C’est à travers ses remises en questions, ses points litigieux, ses tensions, ses négociations que CISM se définit à travers ce qu’est ou doit être un média alternatif. Mais, ce sont aussi ces tensions constantes qui lui permettent d’évoluer. / Abstract This essay aims to improve the reflection about the conception of an alternative media trough the analysis of a so-called alternative media, CISM 89,3 FM, the college radio of the Université de Montréal. After a literature review, the author proposes interrogations and explores ways of analyzing alternative medias. From a field research, based on interviews with actors engaged in CISM, this work sheds light on some elements that were not much discussed in the literature. The author shows the importance of this alternative status for the workers of CISM, and the complexity of this status and the stakes of it. This work also shows, trough the words of the interviewed people, the difficulty and the tensions that alternative medias worker have to deal with daily, in order to enact an alternative status. Through these negotiations, tensions, CISM is defining itself in regard to what is or should be an alternative media. It is these constant tensions that make CISM evolve.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo proceder a uma investigação acerca do papel de periódicos eletrônicos de mídias alternativas e debates de crítica social enquanto possíveis espaços formativos e educativos, e de reorganização da classe trabalhadora. Tendo como base de análise a teoria do valor-trabalho de Marx, analisamos a rede mundial de computadores, inserida dentro do campo maior das tecnologias microeletrônicas da terceira revolução industrial e enquanto base tecnológica e organizacional da reestruturação produtiva, enquanto parte estratégica do aparato que integra as condições gerais de produção do capital. Assim, esta se apresenta enquanto um conjunto tecnológico diretamente ligado ao processo de trabalho, responsável pela organização, controle, comando e fiscalização sobre o complexo de unidades particulares de produção que integram a Fábrica Social. A rede é concebida enquanto instrumento de controle social, que permite ditar o ritmo dos processos de trabalho no âmbito da fábrica social e fundir a vigilância com o próprio processo de trabalho, bem como os consumos organizados enquanto reprodução da força de trabalho. Considerando-se a organização social capitalista enquanto totalidade expandida e organizada como Fábrica Social, o processo dos consumos, lazeres e tempos livres se torna, uma vez sujeito à hetero-organização imposta pelas empresas e tecnocracias, um processo laborativo de consumo produtivo. A própria força de trabalho é produzida no interior deste processo, e assim, os lazeres eletrônicos e usos da rede de computadores pelos trabalhadores são também terreno de conflito social pelos usos dados a esta por capitalistas e trabalhadores. De um lado, configura-se a tentativa capitalista de hetero-organizar o uso destas redes enquanto instrumento de controle social e imposição de trabalho sobre uma classe trabalhadora que se encontra fragmentada pelo processo de divisão do trabalho na atual configuração produtiva. De outro lado, estruturam-se usos e apropriações das mesmas redes e tecnologias pelos trabalhadores, que potencialmente permitem a circulação e articulação dos processos de lutas sociais e a recomposição política da classe trabalhadora fato manifesto no importante papel da internet durante as atuais ondas internacionais e nacionais de protestos e lutas sociais. Ainda e finalmente, a apropriação e uso autônomo destas tecnologias pelos trabalhadores podem constituir fóruns de debate que assumem marcado caráter de potencial formativo e educativo, como o foi a imprensa operária independente no princípio do século XX. Assim, através da análise de quatro periódicos eletrônicos autônomos Centro de Mídia Independente, Desinformémonos, Passa Palavra e Sinal de Menos procuramos determinar o papel destes sites e espaços eletrônicos enquanto potenciais veículos de reorganização da classe trabalhadora, de autoformação, construção de conhecimento e identidade social da classe. Procuramos, através da análise do histórico, composição social, forma de organização e visões sobre o processo autoformativo e auto-organizativo por parte de seus leitores e coletivos produtores, determinar como se dá este processo, quais suas potencialidades e limites dentro das lutas sociais atuais. Para isto, procedemos ao levantamento de documentos editoriais dos periódicos e à análise cruzada de depoimentos de seus produtores e leitores. / This work aims to investigate the matter on the role of electronic journals of alternative media and debates of social critics as possible formative and educational spaces, and in reorganization of the working class. Focused on the basis of Marx\'s theory of labor value, we analyze the worldwide web, inserted within the larger field of microelectronic technologies of the third industrial revolution and as the technological and organizational basis for productive restructuring, as a strategic part of the apparatus that integrates the capitalist general conditions of production. Thus, it is presented as a technological set directly linked to the work process, responsible for the organization, control, command and surveylance over the complex of private production units that make up the Social Factory. The net is designed as instrument of social control, which allows dictate the pace of work processes within the social fabric and fuse monitoring with the work process itself, as well as consumption organized while reproduction of the labor force. Considering the capitalist social organization as whole expanded and organized as Social Factory, the process of consumption, leisure and free time becomes, once subject to hetero-organization imposed by the companies and technocracies a working process of productive consumption. The labor force itself is produced within this process, and thus the electronic and leisure uses of the computer network by workers are also field of social conflict by utilization of this by capitalists and workers. On the one hand, sets up the capitalist attempt to hetero-organize the use of these networks as a social instrument of control and enforcement work on a working class that is fragmented by the division of labor process in the current productive configuration. On the other hand, are structured uses and appropriations of the same networks and technologies by workers, which potentially allow the movement and articulation of social struggles processes and political re-composition of the working class - Manifest fact in the important role of the Internet during the current international national waves of protests and social struggles. Still and finally, appropriation and autonomous use of these technologies by workers may constitute discussion forums that take marked character of formative and educational potential, as was the independent labor press in the early twentieth century. Thus, through the analysis of four independent electronic journals - Independent Media Center, Desinformémonos, Passa Palavra and Sinal de Menos - we want to determine the role of these sites and electronic spaces as potential reorganization means of the working class, self-formative, building knowledge and social identity of the class. Sought through historical analysis, social composition, form of organization and views on the self-formation and self-organization process on the part of its readers and producer\'s collectives, determine how is this process, which its potential and limitations of the current social struggles. For this, we proceed to the survey of electronic journals publishing documents and cross-analysis of testimonials from their producers and readers.

Abortlagen är en fråga som väcker diskussion världen över. Irland har länge haft en av världens strängaste abortlagar men efter en folkomröstning 2018 kom lagen att ändras och är nu ersatt med vad som kallas en mer liberal abortlag. I Sverige har den allmänna diskursen kring nyheten på Irland, genom de etablerade medierna, rapporterats som ett steg i rätt riktning mot ett mer jämställt samhälle (Wendick, 2018). Bland många av de länder i Europa som har stränga abortlagar präglas både politiken och medierna av värdekonservativa ideologier (UI, 2016; UI, 2017). Vi vill därför forska i hur Världen idag, ett värdekonservativt kristet alternativmedium, framställer Irlands beslut att avskaffa abortlagen och hur de förhåller sig till journalistiska ideal. Det teoretiska ramverket för studien presenteras under kapitel två där vi redogör för de teorier och den forskning som ligger till grund för vår undersökning. Vi använder Foucaults diskursteori som förklarar de outtalade regler som finns i sociala sammanhang för att studera diskursen kring lagändringen om abort. Tidigare forskning inom området rörande medier och journalistik tas också upp. Genom att analysera det empiriska materialet med kritisk diskursanalys på textnivå har vi kunnat identifiera tre delteman hos texterna, vilka är: “Kvinnans perspektiv”, “Kyrkornas minskade inflytande” samt “Generationsskiftet”. Dessa delteman har hjälpt oss redogöra för texternas huvudsakliga innehåll. Med argumentationsanalys har vi urskilt tre teser utifrån de identifierade delteman för att sedan studera vilka argument som varit för eller mot teserna. Vi kunde med hjälp av metoden redogöra för vilka påståenden som ingår i artiklarna och studera dess underliggande mening och värderingar. När vi undersökt hur Irlands beslut att avskaffa abortlagen framställs i nyhetsmediet Världen idag har vi genom våra metoder funnit tecken som tyder på att tidningen ställer sig emot lagändringen. Rapporteringen kring den ändrade abortlagen genomsyras av att det är en negativ utveckling för landet. Genom att studera texterna med diskursanalys på textnivå och se till ordval och formuleringar har vi kommit fram till att abort omnämns i en negativt laddad språklig kontext och frågan utifrån kvinnans perspektiv är frånvarande. Generationsskiftet och kyrkornas minskade inflytande beskrivs som anledningar till att abortlagen röstades igenom. Genom att studera texterna med argumentationsanalys kunde vi se hur nej-sidan till abort fått mer utrymme att komma till tals och att argumenten förts till deras fördel. Världen idags ställningstagande i frågan om lagändringen blir tydlig. Det visar sig på det sätt texterna är formulerade och till hur mycket talutrymme ja- respektive nej-sidan får. / The abortion law is an issue that raises discussion worldwide. Ireland has been one of the most conservative nations in the world concerning abortion laws. After a referendum in 2018 the law was reformed and now serves as liberal abortion law. The mainstream media discourse in Sweden has been reporting the law reform as a step towards a more equal society (Wendick, 2018). Among other European nations with strict abortion laws both the politics and the media is characterized by value conservative ideologies (UI, 2016; UI, 2017). Therefore, we want to investigate how Världen idag, a value conservative Christian alternative media, report and features Ireland's decision to abolish the abortion law and how this can be related to the journalistic ideals. The theoretical framework in this study is presented in chapter two whereas we describe a various of theories and researches that is central for our issue. We are using Foucault's discourse theory which explains the unspoken rules we are reproducing in social contexts, this to highlight the discourses concerning the abortion law reform on Ireland. Previous research that has been made regarding media and journalism is also presented in our study. By analyzing the empirical material with a critical discourse analysis (CDA) on text level we have been able to identify three sub-themes in the texts which are: “woman’s perspective”, ”the church diminished influence” and “the generational shift”. The sub-themes helped us describe the main content of the texts. By applying argumentation analysis we have distinguished three theses based on the identified sub-themes. We could then identify what statements that has been made to understand the underlying values of the texts. In our research on how Världen idag frames Ireland’s decision to abolish their abortion law we have found signs that indicates on that the news media is against the law change. The reporting concerning the reformed abortion law permeated by insinuating values claiming it to be a negative development for the nation. By analyzing the articles with CDA on text level we been able to conclude that abortion is mentioned in a negatively context whereas woman’s perspective is absent. The generational shift and the reduced influence of the churches visualizes the main reasons why the new abortion law was voted for. The argumentation analysis indicated that the abortion opponents had more access to express themselves and their argumentation was presented in their favor in the texts. The stance taken by Världen idag is clear partly by the formulations of the texts and also by the varying opportunity to speak for the yes- and the no- side.

本研究旨在探討媒介對不同政策性議題建構的理論初探，研究問題為：1)議題在媒介體系間的傳散方式為何？2)媒介如何處理這些議題？本研究的議題分別是「彰濱工業區開發」與「黑名單開放」。 　　在研究方法上採內容分析法，以中央日報、聯合報、中國時報、自立晚報及民眾日報五家報紙的相關報導為對象。而研究時間分別是「彰濱工業區開發」為民國76.1.1起至81.12.31止，「黑名單開放」為民國76.7.16起至81.12.31止。共得2165個樣本，前者有165則，後者有2000則。 　　研究結果為： 　　1. 官方議題（彰濱工業區開發）由建制媒介流向另類媒介，公眾議題（黑名單開放）由另類媒介流向建制媒介。 　　2. 不同類型媒介對不同議題有不同的側重面向。 　　3. 不同類型媒介對不同議題的報導態度並沒有明顯的正面或負面評價。 　　最後本研究針對研究結果進行討論，並說明本研究的貢獻，以及研究的限制與建議。

面對八○年代中期大量出現於台灣的社會運動與另類影帶，本文透過對社會運動與另類運動的歷史分析，來觀照近年來二者的種種問題。本研究的主要目的有四：一、分析台灣社會運動與另類運動發展的情境關係；二、釐清社會運動與另類媒體的關係；三、瞭解新興社運與另類影帶的互動關係；四、解讀另類影帶建構社會真實的過程。根據研究結果，本文發現社會運動與另類媒體雖然都是多重因素造成的現象，然其最重要的生成關鍵卻在於反擊國民黨的威權體制，因此，二者的關係是相輔相成的。至於，在運動者與記錄者的互動關係中，由於二者理念的接近性、及大眾媒體對社運的輿論打壓，運動者靠記錄者為其宣傳理念；記錄者以運動事件為記錄焦點，故二者是相依相生的。在另類影帶文本分析方面，本研究發現其影像觀點的意識形態一致具有反國民黨特質，且其性別意識是構築於父權思想之上，因此，雖然另類影帶在本質上是極具批判性的，但在性別觀念上，仍無法以平權待之。