Mycket finns skrivet i ämnet frivård och återfall, varför det finns anledning att ytterligare se på hur frivårdens stödinsatser uppfattas av före detta kriminella, frivårdsanställda samt kamratorganisationen Kriminellas Revansch i Samhället, vilken frivården samarbetar med. Frivården har en tämligen hög återfallsstatistik hos de före detta kriminella som frivården fått i uppdrag att återanpassa till ett laglydigt liv. Särskilt hög är återfallsstatistiken hos de individer som haft kontakt med frivården mer än en gång efter att mer än en gång blivit lagförd för brott. Denna undersökning har sökt svar på hur frivårdens insatser uppfattas för att se på vad som eventuellt kan göras bättre i dagsläget. Frivårdsanställda och före detta kriminella, varav några medlemmar i KRIS, har intervjuats för att på så vis få en nyanserad bild av verklighetens uppfattningar. Resultatet visade att frivårdens stödverksamhet tycks sakna verktyg för att hjälpa till synes omotiverade individer. Det framkom också att i de fall de före detta kriminella kände sig negativt stämplade av handläggarna fungerade stödinsatserna sämre. Detta eftersom ett personligt bemötande enligt informanterna, ansetts viktigt för stödinsatsernas verkan. Personligt bemötande påverkar inte huruvida handläggare på frivården kan kontrollera brottsbelastningen fysiskt hos den stödbehövande, men har likväl upplevts som ett stöd av före detta kriminella individer. Lekmannaövervakare synes vara en insats väl värd att satsa på, visar denna undersökning.

Trots att barns relation till sina föräldrar har tillmätts stor betydelse i flera teorier om brottsutsatthet har ingen svensk- eller engelskspråkig studie undersökt sambanden mellan barns tid med sina föräldrar och barnens utsatthet för brott. Genom logistisk regression av enkätsvaren från 1 248 svenska barn mellan 10 och 18 år och  deras föräldrar undersöks två hypoteser: 1) att tiden som barn och unga har med sina föräldrar är negativt korrelerad till utsatthet för brott och 2) att detta samband kvarstår men försvagas efter kontroller för klass och ekonomisk status. Av studien framgår ett signifikant och tydligt samband mellan upplevd föräldratid och brottsutsatthet. Oddsen att utsättas för brott är lite mer än två gånger högre för barn som upplever minst tid med sina föräldrar jämfört med barn som inte upplever tidsbrist med någon av sina föräldrar. Sambandet är tydligt även efter kontroll för ålder, kön, konflikter inom familjen, familjetyp samt relativ fattigdom. Sambandet påverkas inte i någon större grad av klass, vilket kan ha att göra med att den uppmätta brottsutsattheten inkluderar stöldbrott. Resultaten tolkas utifrån livsstilsteori och routine activity theory, i linje med det som kallas L-RAT-framework samt Hirschis teori om social kontroll.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / L. Susan Williams / This study is about two grassroots political organizations that formed prior to the 2012 presidential election in the United States, each concerned with the nation's economy, corporate favoritism, government involvement, and growing income inequality. The study outlines an historical account of a culture of control, and then analyzes actions of two contemporary protest organizations – The Tea Party, known as politically conservative; and Occupy Wall Street (OWS), characterized as liberal – as the national election unfolded. Each group sought to change the political landscape and influence the outcome of the presidential election, but with competing messages and very different approaches. Seeking change from the inside, The Tea Party emphasized limited government regulation of the market economy. OWS intended to crumble the system by outside resistance and demanded government attention to economic inequality. Field research and content analysis provide insight into behaviors, beliefs, and actions of each group, which, in turn, identify efforts to resist the status quo. Content analysis of print news provides evidence of state responses toward each group, while also offering insight into media framing and public influence. Finally, a survey of official responses from host communities reveals specific efforts to control protest organizations, ranging from acts of diplomacy to violent opposition. Findings demonstrate how roles of the Tea Party and OWS are not always in conflict, such as media often portray; for example, both groups contested corporate control. The Tea Party met token success, but stopped short of influencing top echelons. OWS brought attention to system inequities, but failed to maintain significant pressure; instead, participants were criminalized for acts of protest. Ironically, in the end, both groups' efforts reinforced the culture of control they sought to resist. Theoretically, a cultural criminology framework, integrating symbolic interaction and social control, demonstrates how structural constraints oppose grassroots political efforts.

This research concerns tensions between ‘personalisation’, a neo-liberal concept adapted by New Labour to empower and motivate students and ‘performativity’, an aspect of governance whereby institutional effectiveness is monitored by statistical outcomes. Their ambiguous reconciliation in Personalised Learning (DfES 2004a) continues to develop in schools and colleges. A research focus on Key Stage 3/4 wider curriculum choice, one of five key but under-researched elements in this policy, provides the opportunity to explore this paradox. Involving an investigation into the recent experience of 14-15 year olds in an inner city English comprehensive school, the degree of equity afforded students in decision-making, based on teacher perceptions of students as achievers and underachievers may reveal conflicting values in the management of this process. Taking an ethnographic approach to case study development, triangulation of method and source is used to test internal validity. Analysis of interview data from a range of pastoral staff provides outline images of the institutional management of student choice. A comparative statistical analysis using data from anonymous student questionnaires provides an independent account of the effects of this interpretation on the student stakeholder role. From the questionnaire sample, qualitative data from twenty student interviews offers further insight into the processing of decisions. Relying on respondent validation procedures throughout, for ethical reasons the identification of student interviewees as ‘achievers’ or ‘underachievers’ is retrospective. Demonstrating how student access to the KS4 optional curriculum operates, the research reveals power differences firstly between the student cohort and ‘gate-keeping’ pastoral staff and secondly between individual students. While some evidence of social control through self-surveillance, implied through Foucauldian criticism of neo-liberal strategies (Rose and Miller 1992) may exist, the extreme social and economic deprivation of the area is used to justify this institutional interpretation of the stakeholder role through the moral imperative of social inclusion.

This thesis is based on two years of participant observation in a municipal youth club in a Swedish city suburb. In focus is a group of 14-19 year old boys and their relations to peers and to the staff of the club. Rock music playing, the activity they engage in, is studied as a part of the youth club practice, and seen as a communicative process in which relations are lived out. Two approaches are identified; "to go for it" and "to have fun" both of which become important in the boys´ musical awareness, as well as their attitude to life. The youth club is seen as a place where a particular kind of democratic dilemma is grappled with. The club has the pedagogical aim of creating meaningful leisure time on the visitors tenns, but also of disciplining them and functioning as an instrument of guidance into adult life values. Questions of power-relations and institutionalization are discussed through notions of the dialectic of control (Giddens); of authority (Sennett), and of Goffman's analysis of life within public institutions. In this setting, the complexity of power and of growing up in modem society are studied. Both groups; the staff and the visitors, are seen as jointly shaping and recreating a communicative practice through interaction, with music playing as the medium through which relations are transformedand hierarchies seemingly overturned at the same time as social control is cemented and protest limited.

This study aims to identify tactics used by the Turkish Hezbollah to recruit college students into joining their terrorist organization. This study based on the assumptions that social networks and institutional structures are two main tools that are used effectively by the Turkish Hezbollah to recruit college educated students. In this sense, the researcher claims that Social Learning theory and Social Control Theories can be used to provide theoretical explanation to the Hezbollah’s recruitment strategy. Parallel to these theories assumptions, while having militants within social networks increases the likelihood of being recruited through social learning theory assumptions, college students who are away from their families are more likely to be recruited through social control theory assumptions. The researcher uses individual level secondary data related to members of the Turkish Hezbollah. The data comprised of self reports that each member submitted to the Turkish Hezbollah as part of their recruitment process. The data are derived from the Turkish National Police’s database. Initially, frequency table is used to determine which structure and which theory best explain the Turkish Hezbollah’s recruitment strategies. Then, to decide which demographic factors increase or decrease the likelihood of being recruited through social networks (social learning theory) or institutional structures (social control theory), logistic regression is used. Eight independent variables are used to identify those factors such as having Hezbollah militants within social networks, pursuing college education while being away from family, family’s religious ideology, having online or campus education, family size, income level, college student’s religiosity level, and reason for attending Hezbollah. The findings indicated that social networks and institutional structures are two important tools that are used by the Turkish Hezbollah. Social networks are more effectively used structures comparing to institutional structures. According to the results, there are two important variables have more weight on dependent variable comparing to other variables. While having militants within the social networks increases the likelihood of being recruited through social learning theory assumptions, being away from families during college education increases the likelihood of being recruited through social control theory assumptions.

To understand the complexities involved with neighboring in public/private mixed-income communities, I conducted an ethnographic study of a HOPE VI site in a gentrifying neighborhood in New Orleans. Data was collected through 48 interviews, observation, mental maps, and casual encounters with residents living in the predominantly African American redeveloped St. Thomas Housing Development – renamed River Garden. I analyzed residents’ neighboring processes and how they socially constructed space, leading to the identification of several phenomena that shaped neighbor interaction in River Garden. As with previous HOPE VI neighborhood studies, within-group interaction was prevalent while cross-class interaction remained limited. Mechanisms that were intended to facilitate cross-class interaction were neutralized by the exertion of social control. Both limited mobility and neighborhood choice were factors that shaped residents’ perceptions of the neighborhood and motivated residents to either participate in the neighborhood as engaged residents or live as guarded residents dominated by constraints. I delineate the attributes of engaged residents to position neighborhood attachment as an important variable for neighbor interaction. Overall, the evidence illuminates class divisiveness among African American neighbors and demonstrates how the struggle for contested space creates a neighborhood filled with tension.

[pt] O presente trabalho visa abordar, apoiado na noção de Estado Democrático de Direito, os rumos que tem tomado o sistema de controle social formal do Estado contemporâneo pela via do direito penal hodierno e o choque existente entre o direito penal moderno, entendido como aquele que protege bens jurídicos coletivos, por meio de um desmantelamento, quando não da flexibilização dos princípios e regras do sistema penal vigente, e o direito penal de bases clássicas, informado e dirigido por princípios penais originados a partir do iluminismo e que seguem determinando, não sem ressalvas, a evolução da dogmática penal. O marco teórico do presente trabalho se assenta em bases garantistas e se fundamenta nas concepções do Estado Democrático de Direito, conceituado como o ambiente no qual se realizam as garantias individuais construídas a partir de diplomas como a Declaração dos Direitos do Homem e do Cidadão, de agosto de 1789, inspiradora do modelo de Estado plasmado na normatização constitucional desenhada na Constituição Federal do Brasil, de Outubro de 1988, a qual, em seu artigo 5.º, traz um rol de direitos individuais que representa um anteparo do elemento humano em face do poder repressivo estatal. Partindo-se do confronto existente entre os dois tipos de direito penal: o clássico e o moderno, já em curso, serão apresentadas as possibilidades de atuação dos mesmos, a adequação do direito penal moderno ao regramento legal e aos princípios penais e processuais penais vigentes, bem como a necessidade de que se estabeleçam critérios definidos para a teoria e prática do controle social estatal do século XXI. / [en] This paper aims to address, supported the concept of democratic rule of law, the path that has taken the formal system of social control through the contemporary state of criminal law and modern clash between the modern criminal law, seen as one that protects property Legal collectives, through a decommissioning, if not, the relaxation of the principles and rules of the existing criminal justice system, criminal law and the foundations of classical, informed and directed by criminal principles originated from the Enlightenment and determined that follow, not without reservations, the evolution of dogmatic criminal. The theoretical framework of this work is based on a guaranteed and is based on concepts of democratic rule of law, regarded as the environment in which they hold the securities built from individual acts such as the Declaration of Human Rights and the Citizen of August of 1789, inspiring the model created in the normalization of state constitutional designed in the Federal Constitution of Brazil, in October 1988, which, in his article. 5, brings a list of individual rights that represents a shield of the human element in the face of the repressive state. Based on the confrontation between the two types of criminal law: the classic and modern is already underway, will be presented the possibilities of action from them, the adequacy of criminal law to modern criminal rules and criminal procedural principles in force, and the need to establish criteria for the theory and practice of social control state of the twenty-first century.

Esta pesquisa é um estudo de caso sobre o Conselho de Acompanhamento e Controle Social (CACS) do Fundo de Manutenção e de Desenvolvimento do Ensino Fundamental e de Valorização do Magistério (Fundef) do Município de São Paulo, cuja perspectiva de análise foi identificar as ações de seus membros na realização das atividades do próprio Conselho e, desta forma, compreender quais foram as condições reais que tiveram para realizar o acompanhamento e o controle social das contas do Fundef no Município de São Paulo. Além disso, procurou analisar a dinâmica adotada por este Conselho para realizar suas funções de acordo com a legislação, por se tratar de um Conselho recente na história da Educação no Brasil. O estudo de caso foi realizado com material produzido, no período de 1998 a 2006, na forma de Atas das Reuniões e dos Relatórios Anuais. Entrevistas com membros do CACS serviram de complementação à análise efetuada na pesquisa. Como resultado do estudo, identificou-se que as quatro primeiras gestões não conseguiram analisar as respectivas contas do Fundef do município de São Paulo nos períodos correspondentes aos mandatos dos Conselheiros e somente a 5ª gestão conseguiu elaborar os Relatórios do seu período de mandato. Concluiu-se, ainda, que a atuação dos Conselheiros foi dificultada devido à falta de dados para a análise das contas, à morosidade da administração pública municipal em designar novos conselheiros, às dificuldades para a formação dos Conselheiros ao longo dos mandatos e às constantes substituições de membros, especialmente do segmento de pais. Apesar de ter efetivamente pouca interferência nas ações dos governos municipais, o CACS configura-se como um espaço importante para o debate acerca da Gestão Democrática do Financiamento da Educação. / The aim of this dissertation, which is a case study about the Council for the Accompaniment and Social Control (CACS) of the Fund for Development of Fundamental Education and Valorization of Teachers (FUNDEF) of the Municipality of São Paulo, is to investigate the actions of the Council Members while carrying out the activities of the Council and thus comprehend what the real conditions they had to carry out the accompaniment and the social control of FUNDEF\'s bills in the Municipality of São Paulo were. In addition to that, we also investigated the dynamics adopted by this Council to carry out its duties according to the Brazilian legislation, for being a recent-created Council in the Education history in Brazil. The case study was carried out using the Meeting Minutes and the Annual Reports written between the years of 1998 and 2006. Interviews with CACS members complemented this investigation. As a result of the study, it was possible to observe that during the first four managements they were not able to analyze FUNDEF\'s bills of the Municipality of São Paulo, only during the fifth management the Council Members were able to draw up a report of their management period. It was also observed that what hindered the Council Members\' performance was the lack of data to analyze the bills, the moroseness of the municipal public administration to name new Council Members, the troubles the Council Members have learning the Brazilian legislation and doing accounts during their managements, and the constant substitution of members, specially the segment of parents,. In spite of effectively having low interference in the actions of the Municipality Government, the Council (CACS) is an important place to discuss about the Democratic Management of the Education Financing.

Esse estudo realizou análise documental das políticas públicas implementadas no espaço da Cracolândia de São Paulo durante o período no qual o Governo Federal esteve sob o comando do Partido dos Trabalhadores Governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003-2016). Trata-se de análise discursiva documental, acrescida da análise conjuntural acerca da produção das políticas públicas com o objetivo de delineamento do objeto de pesquisa, referenciando-se no materialismo histórico e dialético. O objeto pesquisado é o controle social de Estado sobre a classe lumpemproletarizada da cracolândia de São Paulo. O corpo do texto está dividido em 5 partes. O capítulo 1 Apresentação dispõe a trajetória da autora e desta pesquisa. O capítulo 2 Metodologia orienta o referencial teórico-metodológico de pesquisa e o material de análise. Trata-se da análise documental dos materiais de Estado: peças legislativas, portarias, decretos, cadernos e manuais ministeriais e de secretarias públicas, além de documentos de mídia impressa e materiais acadêmicos balizadores das práticas de gestão pública. A metodologia empregada foi a análise dialética do discurso legislativo e demais documentos a partir de três pontos de apoio: o escrito, subscrito e sobrescrito. O capítulo 3 Três Ensaios Acerca das Considerações Teóricas tem por finalidade buscar a relação entre o Estado e a classe lumpemproletarizada, historicamente e de maneira totalizante. Superestrutura e Lumpemproletariado realiza abordagem teórica dos conceitos de superestrutura e lumpemproletariado, assim como do objeto de pesquisa: o controle social durante o período de acumulação pós-década de 1970. Panorama histórico está dividido em três subdivisões; o primeiro, Respostas Brasileiras ao Lumpemproletariado, retrata através de abordagem histórica algumas das relações entre o Estado brasileiro e o lumpemproletariado, das formas de controle arcaicas às modernas (a partir de algumas das produções acadêmicas sobre o tema). Em Estado e Cracolândia e Capital Imobiliário e Cracolândia estão reportadas algumas das relações entre estado, capital e os sujeitos de pesquisa. Fetichismo: droga como mercadoria é a terceira parte do capítulo 3 e realiza discussão acerca das relações ocultadas e fetichizadas pela mercadoria droga ilícita. O capítulo 4- Análise do Objeto: Lulopetismo: militarização e capilarização da sociedade civil representa a análise dos documentos selecionados a partir do conteúdo ideológico e da produção e planejamento das políticas demonstrando que essas se orientam conforme as condicionalidades das instituições financeiras internacionais. O capítulo 5 Considerações Finais finaliza o trajeto de pesquisa demonstrando que as formas de controle da classe social apartada da terra e não absorvida pelo trabalho produtivo apresenta aspectos das formas arcaicas misturadas aos processos modernizadores, entre instituições totais e políticas de manutenção da reprodução social da classe lumpemproletariada. E que o período estudado, o Lulopetismo, contribuiu para o processo de consolidação da reordenação superestrutural iniciada na década de 1990 com o período Collor. A lógica operacionalizada foi a construção de redes neoliberais (de forte imbricação público-privada), articuladas ministerialmente ou através das secretarias e a partir do orçamento público destinado às políticas 8 focais, provocando inchaço da burocracia civil e com isso, a sua capilarização ideológica de classe e um projeto de controle social militarizado. Houve capilarização da sociedade civil e aumento da militarização como mecanismo de controle da população lumpemproletariada. / This study did a documentary analysis of the public policies implemented in the area known as Cracolândia in São Paulo city during the period when the Federal Government was under the control of the Workers Party The Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff governments of 2003-2016. It is a discursive analysis of documents, plus the conjunctural analysis of the creation of public policies aiming at the experimental design of the research object, referring it in the historical and dialectical materialism. The object of study is the social control by the State over the lumpemproletarian class from São Paulo\'s Cracolândia. The body of the text is divided in 5 parts. Chapter 1 Presentation discusses the aims of the author and the research. Chapter 2 Methodology guides the theoretical-methodological referential of the research and the material of analysis. It covers the documentary analysis of the material from the State: legislative pieces, ordinances, decrees, journals and Ministry and public secretaries\' manuals, besides printed media and academic material, the guiding principles of public management practices. The methodology used was the dialectical analysis of the legislative speech and other documents from three supporting points: the written, underwritten and overwritten. Chapter 3 Three Essays on the Theoretical Considerations has as its aim to find the relation between the State and the lumpemproletarian class, historically and in a comprehensive manner. Superstructure and the lumpemproletariat takes a theoretical approach to the concepts of superstructure and the lumpemproletariat, as well as the object of the research: the social control during the accumulation period after the 1970s. Historical Panorama is divided in three subdivisions; the first one, Brazilian Answers to the Lumpemproletariat, portrays through a historical approach some of the relations between the Brazilian State and the lumpemproletariat, from the archaic to the modern forms of control (starting from some academic works on the theme). In State and Cracolândia and Real State Capital and Cracolândia, relations between State, capital and the research subjects are reported. Fetishism: drugs as merchandise is the third part of Chapter 3 and discusses about the relations that are unseen and fetishized by the illicit drug merchandise. Chapter 4- Subject Analysis: Lulism: militarization and capillarization of the civil society represents the analysis of documents selected based on the ideological content, and of the production and planning of the polices showing that those are guided according to the conditions of the international financial institutions. Chapter 5 Final Considerations ends the research path showing that the ways of controlling the social class that was segregated from the land and not absorbed by the productive labor presents aspects of the archaic ways, mixed with the modernizing processes, between total institutions and polices of maintenance of the social reproduction of the lumpemproletarian class. And that the studied period, Lulism, contributed to the process of consolidation of the superstructural reordering initiated in the 1990s with the Collor era. The operationalized logic was the construction of neoliberal networks (with a strong public-private imbrication), articulated via Ministries or through the Secretaries and from the public budget allocated to focal polices,causing the swelling of the civil bureaucracy and with that, the ideological capillarization of the class and militarized social control project. There was the capillarization of the civil society and the increase of militarization as a way to control the lumpemproletarian population.