Detta arbete avhandlar antagonistiska hot gentemot högstadie- och gymnasieskolor i Sverige i form av skolattacker och skolskjutningar. Fokuset har varit riktat mot projekteringsstadiet av nybyggnation och ombyggnation av skolor där förebyggande åtgärder kan genomföras för att försvåra för potentiella gärningsmän innan polis anländer och kan börja agera. Detta syftar också till att underlätta för personer som befinner sig inne i byggnaderna, samtidigt som utrymningsmöjligheterna vid brand enligt räddningstjänstens insatsidé bibehålls.De antagonistiska hoten har blivit allt vanligare i Sverige då hotbilden gentemot samhället har ökat. Denna utveckling kan leda till förödande konsekvenser där elever och skolpersonal riskerar allvarliga skador på sina liv och hälsa.Kvalitativa metoder i form av intervju med brandskyddsprojekterande brandingenjör samt tre intervjuer i pappersform med kommunala säkerhetssamordnare genomfördes som ett första steg. Därefter genomfördes studiebesök på två gymnasieskolor samt en ytterligare en intervju med sakkunnig polisinspektör inom POLKON-ämnet. Detta ligger till grund för de slutsatser och svar på frågeställningarna som lyfts i arbetet.Diskussionen kretsar kring vikten av integrerade säkerhetsperspektiv i planeringen av skolor, myndigheters samverkan och behovet av utbildning för personalen. Vid analyser av säkerhetsstrategier på skolor i de olika kommunerna belyses variationer och olika fokusområden inom säkerhetsplaneringen. Dessa inkluderar tekniska lösningar som säkerhetsappar, kameraövervakning och taggsystem, parallellt med betoning på elevers psykiska hälsa och en tidig upptäckt av eventuella hot.Det framgår att utrymnings- och inrymningsstrategier vid PDV inte alltid införs tillräckligt vid brandskyddsprojektering av skolor, vilket kan kräva anpassning och bättre hantering av vid potentiella hot.Polismyndighetens förändrade taktik mot ett än mer offensivt agerande vid PDV-situationer, liknande räddningstjänstens strategi vid brand i byggnader, betonas. Dock behövs fortsatt samordning och dialog mellan myndigheterna för att säkerställa en effektiv hantering av nödsituationer på skolor.Slutsatserna av arbetet är att ökad medvetenhet och anpassning av säkerhetsstrategier är nödvändigt för att möta dagens komplexa hot i skolor. Det betonas vikten av att införa lämpliga åtgärder för både brand och PDV i brandskyddsprojekteringen, samt säkerställa en samsyn mellan Polismyndighetens taktiska förhållningssätt och räddningstjänstens insatsstrategi för att trygga elever och personals säkerhet på skolor. Brister på krav i svensk lagstiftning bidrar till varierande säkerhetsåtgärder mellan kommuner och skolor.

The evolution of extra-group paternity (EGP) is a contentious issue in evolutionary biology. This thesis examines the factors and adaptive benefits driving EGP in a high-density, group-living population of European badgers (Meles meles). To improve power to assign parentage, I isolated and characterised 21 new polymorphic microsatellite markers. I genotyped 83% of 1410 badger trapped 1987‒2010 using 35 autosomal microsatellite markers. Maternity and paternity were assigned at 80% confidence ca. 82% of individuals. 48% of paternities were extra-group, where 85% were attributable to neighbouring-group males and EGP was detected in 47% of litters; thus badger social group do not correspond with a breeding unit. I tested whether indirect genetic benefits explain these high EGP rates. (1) ‘Good-gene-as-heterozygosity Hypothesis’: Paternal heterozygosity, but not maternal or an individual’s own heterozygosity, associated positively with first-year survival probability. Under benign environmental conditions, cubs fathered by more heterozygous males had a higher first year survival probability. Despite this correlation, the EGP rate per litter correlated with neither average nor maximum within-group heterozygosity of candidate fathers. (2) Fitness benefit Hypothesis: Extra-group offspring (EGO) had lower first-year survival probability and lived 1.3 years less than within-group offspring (WGO). Female WGO produced more litters and offspring over their lifetime than female EGO, whereas male EGO produced more offspring than male WGO. (3) Inbreeding avoidance hypothesis: The EGP rate within a litter increased with greater average pair-wise relatedness between mothers and within-group candidate fathers. No inbreeding depression on first-year survival probability was detected, but small sample sizes limited statistical power. Socio-ecologically, at the litter level, EGP correlated negatively with the number of within-group candidate fathers, and positively with neighbouring-group candidate fathers. In conclusion, EGP in badgers may reduce inbreeding and be maintained in the population through a sex-specific antagonistic selection and indirect genetic benefits may occur when the total fitness benefits of producing extra-group sons outweigh the costs of producing extra-group daughters. These indirect genetic benefits only partially explain the evolution of promiscuity in European badgers, highlighting that evolutionary factors underlying promiscuity remain unclear.

Dielectric elastomer actuators (DEAs) have been used for artificial muscles for years. Recently the DEA-based deformable surfaces have demonstrated controllable microscale roughness, ease of operation, fast response, and possibilities for programmable control. DEA muscles used in bioinspired robotic arms for large deformation and strong force also become desirable for their efficiency, low manufacturing cost, high force-to-weight ratio, and noiseless operation. The DEA-based responsive surfaces in microscale roughness control, however, exhibit limited durability due to irreversible dielectric breakdown. Lowering device voltage to avoid this issue is hindered by an inadequate understanding of the electrically-induced wrinkling deformation as a function of the deformable dielectric film thickness. Also, the programmable control and geometric analysis of the structured surface deformation have not yet been fully explored. Current methods to generate anisotropic wrinkles rely on mechanical pre-loading such as stretching or bending, which complicates the fabrication and operation of the devices. With a fixed mechanical pre-loading, the device can only switch between the flat state and the preset wrinkling state. In this thesis, we overcome these shortcomings by demonstrating a simple method for fabricating fault-tolerant electro-responsive surfaces and for controlling surface wrinkling patterns. The DEA-based system can produce different reversible surface topographies (craters, irregular wrinkles, structured wrinkles) upon the geometrical design of electrode and application of voltage. It remains functional due to its ability to self-insulate breakdown faults even after multiple high voltage breakdowns, and the induced breakdown punctures can be used for amplification of local electric fields for wrinkle formation at lower applied voltages. We enhance fundamental understanding of the system by using different analytical models combined with numerical simulation to discuss the mechanism and critical conditions for wrinkle formation, and compare it with the experimental results from surface topography, critical field to induce wrinkles in films of different thickness, and wrinkling patterns quantitatively analysed by different disorder metrics. Based on the results, we demonstrate its wide applicability in adjustable transparency films, dynamic light-grating filter, molding for static surface patterns, and multi-stable mirror-diffusor-diffraction grating device. For DEAs used for macroscopic-scale deformation in robotic arms, the main issue that undermines the performance of DEA muscles is the trade-off between strong force and large displacement, which limits the durability and range of potential robotic and automation applications of DEA-driven devices. In this thesis, this challenge is tackled by using DEAs in loudspeaker configuration for independent scaling-up of force and displacement, developing a theoretical prediction to optimise the operation of such DEAs in bioinspired antagonistic system to maximise speed and power of the robotic arm, and designing a clutch-gear-shaft mechanical system collaborating with the muscles to decouple the displacement and output force. Therefore, the trade-off between force and displacement in traditional DEA muscles can be resolved. The mechanical system can also convert the short linear spurt to an unlimited rotary motion. Combining these advantages, continuous movement with high output force can be accomplished.

No description available.

Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lairton Moacir Winter.pdf: 485027 bytes, checksum: b1932fcc88462b9ba0961d9f4ced6f8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-18 / The purpose of this work consists of analyzing the place that the big s and people s conflict occupies in Machiavelli s political thought and to investigate its relationship with the political freedom. More specifically, is the understanding of the concept of republican freedom giving special attention to his theory of the humors. The central hypothesis is that the freedom can only be reached by a balance point among the forces in conflict. For that, it is necessary that the conflict, not being annulled, be rationally regulated and normalized by the republican institutions, changing from negative force into force capable to converge in the State the commonwealth, the social order and the freedom of the whole political body. The republican law, born of the permanent confrontation of the antagonistic desires, subverts the negative character of the humors of big and people and it channels the force for the political life, demanding active citizenship of their members, it means, the participation of both humors in the public space as political agents for the maintenance of the freedom. To make it clear, we analyzed, firstly, the position of the tradition and the perspectives of the republicanism towards the problem of the political conflict in order to verify the republican elements present in Machiavelli s political thought. In a second moment, we tried to demonstrate the characteristics of the conflict of the humors, in agreement with those which the desire of the big gets confused with a desire of power, while the desire of the people is associated to freedom. In this perspective, we sought to elucidate the meaning of the good and the bad conflicts for the political life. Afterwards, we tried to highlight the need and the importance of the continuous foundation and re-foundation of the freedom front to the corruption of the republic, resulting from the homogenization of the manners of wanting of the humors in conflict. And, finally, we presented the dynamics of the conflict of the humors of big and people in the civil principality. In this regime, Machiavelli presents the conflict much more in the context of the political alliances than properly in relation to the freedom. From this point of view, we sought to demonstrate that in the civil principality the conflict is thought by Machiavelli not from the optics of the freedom, what is possible only in the republic, but from its role in the conservation and in the maintenance of the prince s power. For this reason, we tried to defend the theory of the republicanism of Machiavelli, according to the true political freedom is only possible when the antagonistic humors can relieve their desires through the participation in the public space of debates and collective decisions, what can only happen in a republican regime. / O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em analisar o lugar que o conflito de grandes e povo ocupa no pensamento político de Maquiavel e investigar a sua relação com a liberdade política. Mais especificamente, trata-se de compreender o conceito de liberdade republicana concedendo especial atenção à sua teoria dos humores. A hipótese central é a de que a liberdade somente pode ser alcançada mediante um ponto de equilíbrio entre as forças em conflito. Para isso, é necessário que o conflito, não sendo anulado, seja racionalmente regulado e normalizado pelas instituições republicanas, convertendo-se de força negativa em força capaz de fazer convergir no Estado o bem comum, a ordem social e a liberdade de todo o corpo político. A lei republicana, nascida do permanente confronto dos desejos antagônicos, subverte o caráter negativo dos humores de grandes e povo e canaliza sua força para a vida política, exigindo cidadania ativa de seus membros, isto é, a participação de ambos os humores no espaço público como agentes políticos para a manutenção da liberdade. Para esclarecê-lo, analisamos, primeiramente, a posição da tradição e as perspectivas do republicanismo frente ao problema do conflito político a fim de verificar os elementos republicanos presentes no pensamento político de Maquiavel. Num segundo momento, procuramos demonstrar as características do conflito dos humores, de acordo com as quais o desejo dos grandes se confunde com um desejo de poder, enquanto o desejo do povo se associa à liberdade. Nesta perspectiva, buscamos elucidar o significado dos bons e dos maus conflitos para a vida política. Em seguida, procuramos destacar a necessidade e a importância da contínua fundação e re-fundação da liberdade frente à corrupção da república, resultante da homogeneização dos modos de desejar dos humores em conflito. E, por fim, apresentamos a dinâmica do conflito dos humores de grandes e povo no principado civil. Neste regime, Maquiavel apresenta o conflito muito mais no contexto das alianças políticas do que propriamente em relação à liberdade. Deste ponto de vista, buscamos demonstrar que no principado civil o conflito é pensado por Maquiavel não a partir da ótica da liberdade, o que é possível apenas na república, mas do seu papel na conservação e na manutenção do poder do príncipe. Por esta razão, procuramos defender a tese do republicanismo de Maquiavel, segundo a qual a verdadeira liberdade política somente é possível quando os humores antagônicos podem desafogar seus desejos mediante sua participação no espaço público dos debates e das decisões coletivas, o que pode ocorrer apenas num regime republicano.

Cette recherche est issue d’une observation longitudinale de quatorze enfants suivis en psychothérapie ; reçus en consultations familiales avec des interprètes ou médiateurs ; soutenus dans leur environnement social et scolaire ; et pour certains, accueillis en hôpital de jour. Il s’agit essentiellement d’enfants d’origine africaine, simultanément engagés par leur famille dans des traitements traditionnels. Le caractère bifocal – individuel et environnemental – de ces suivis, ouvre à un questionnement épistémologique dans ces deux champs respectifs – psychologique et social – et dans celui de leur articulation. Il engage, pour éviter l’écueil du relativisme ou des confusions sémantiques, à un approfondissement des notions de complémentarisme et d’acculturation antagoniste telles qu’elles ont été formalisées par Devereux, et prolongées, pour cette dernière, par certains sociologues comme Bourdieu et Sayad, ou du point de vue des paradoxes qu’elle soulève, par les travaux de Winnicott, de Roussillon, de Bateson, ou de certains cognitivistes. Ces observations conjointes et longues, sur trois à dix ans, soulignent les nombreuses interfaces entre les problématiques des enfants suivis et le champ familial et social auquel ouvrent les traitements culturels de leur malaise. En cela, la réflexion sur ces psychothérapies interculturelles soutient celle déjà engagée par d’autres cliniciens sur l’articulation de l’intrasubjectivité et de l’intersubjectivité, et sur les médiations thérapeutiques. Elle amène à approfondir dans ce domaine le sens des notions de symbolisation, de traduction, et de transitionnalité, dans la suite des travaux de Roussillon, de Berman, et de Winnicott. / This work is based on the longitudinal observation of 14 children treated with psychotherapy, seen in family consultations with interpreters or mediators, supported in their social and school environment and in some cases, admitted to day hospitals. Most children are of African origin, with families that simultaneously looked for traditional treatments. The bifocal character of these follow-ups – individual and environmental – allows for epistemological questioning in both of the respective fields – psychological and social – and in their articulation. It involves, in order to avoid the pitfalls of relativism or semantic confusions, a more profound analysis of the notions of complementarism and antagonistic acculturation as they have been formalized by Devereux, and developed in the case of acculturation, by certain sociologists such as Bourdieu and Sayad, or from the perspective of paradoxes that result, of the work of Winnicott, Roussillon, Bateson and certain cognitivists. These conjoined and long clinical follow-ups lasting from three to ten years underline the numerous interfaces between the problematics of the treated children and the family and social fields implicit in the cultural treatment of their illness. As such, the reflection about these intercultural psychotherapies supports work already engaged by other clinicians on the articulation between intra- and inter-subjectivity and on therapeutic mediations. It allows for a more profound examination of meaning of the notions of symbolization, translation and transitional space, following the work of Roussillon, Berman and Winnicott.

Sexual conflicts arise when there is a difference in how females and males of a species or population achieve their maximum reproductive fitness. In intralocus sexual conflicts, alleles at a given locus are exposed to conflicting, or antagonistic, selection pressures. Based on a Genome-wide association study on sexually antagonistic genes in Drosophila melanogaster (fruit flies), the aim of this study was to investigate whether the candidate gene CG3598 exhibits sexually antagonistic effects on fitness between the 2 identified alleles of the gene. The study was performed on females from a Canton-S population of D. melanogaster who, by genetic manipulation through CRISPR Cas9, carried one of the 2 alleles of the CG3598. 6 excision lines of females had allele 1 and 5 excision lines had allele 2. The females were mated with "wild type" males from a Canton-S population in mediums prepared with about 6 mg of live dry yeast, after which the females were moved to separate mediums to lay their eggs. After 12 days, the adult offspring were counted and statistical calculations were performed on the average number of offspring per female for each line and allele. An Independent sample t-test showed that the females’ average fecundity did not differ between alleles (p = 0.059) and a Nested ANOVA analysis indicated that the average fecundity for each line within each allele differed (p = 0.023). Due to the fact that similar studies have found the same result, it may be necessary to investigate and possibly change the experimental design of the method to enable competition between females with different genetic conditions in order to observe a difference in fertility based on the females' ability to compete. / Sexuella konflikter uppstår när det finns en skillnad i hur honor och hanar i en art eller population uppnår sin maximala reproduktiva fitness. Vid intralocus sexuella konflikter utsätts alleler vid ett givet locus för motstridiga, eller antagonistiska, selektionstryck. Baserat på en Genome-wide association study om sexuellt antagonistiska gener hos Drosophila melanogaster (bananflugor) syftade denna studie till att undersöka huruvida genkandidaten CG3598 uppvisar sexuellt antagonistiska effekter på fitness mellan de 2 identifierade allelerna av genen. Undersökningen utfördes på honor från en CantonS-population av D. melanogaster som genom genmodifiering av CRISPR Cas9 bar en av de olika alleler av genen CG3598. 6 linjer av honor bar allel 1 och 5 linjer bar allel 2. Honorna parades med ”wild type”-hanar från en CantonS-population i rör preparerade med ca 6 mg levande torrjäst, varpå honorna förflyttades till separata rör för att lägga sina ägg. Efter 12 dagar räknades de vuxna avkommorna och statistiska beräkningar utfördes på det genomsnittliga antalet avkommor per hona för respektive linje och allel. Ett oberoende t-test visade att honornas genomsnittliga fekunditet inte skiljde sig mellan alleler (p=0,059) och en Nested ANOVA-analys indikerade att genomsnittlig fekunditet för varje linje inom respektive allel skiljde sig (p=0,023). Då även liknande studier funnit samma resultat kan det vara nödvändig att studera och eventuellt förändra den experimentella designen av metoden för att möjliggöra konkurrens mellan honor med olika genetiska förutsättningar för att kunna observera en skillnad i fekunditet baserat på honornas förmåga att konkurrera.