This thesis is an examination of how white women in interracial relationships and/or white mothers of biracial children understand race. Through interviews with six self-identified white women who have black-white biracial children, I seek to understand what role racism plays in their lives and whether these women have a heightened consciousness about race as a result of being in an interracial family. Using their narratives and a spatial framework, I explore the concept of white supremacy, whiteness and blackness, representations of white femininity and black masculinity in the media, and how white women in interracial relationships cross the colourline in their everyday lives. I suggest that white women learn about colourlined spaces in public, but that they also learn about blackness and teach their biracial children about antiracism in private spaces. Overall, white women need to negotiate rules and norms within racial hierarchies in order to navigate white supremacy.

This thesis focuses on the structural and behavioural factors that placed South Asian immigrant women living with HIV/AIDS in the Greater Toronto Area at risk. Informed by Connell's social theory of gender (1987), this study examined the role of hegemonic masculinity in legitimizing male power and contributing to the HIV risk of these women. By conducting one-on-one interviews with 12 HIV-positive immigrant women, meaningful constructions of the women's narratives and accounts of their experiences relative to HIV were created. This study examined the intersection of power ideologies such as gender, race and class in specific contexts as they generated particular experiences that affected women's risk for HIV. Following a community-based research approach, a collaborative relationship was established with the Alliance for South Asian AIDS Prevention where qualitative methods of analysis and an inductive approach with an iterative process were followed. Factors such as isolation, economic dependence on their husbands, discrimination, racism, investment in psychologically and emotionally abusive relationships, combined with the absence of support from their family of origin exacerbated the women's risk of HIV infection. The strong ties exhibited by most of the women to their religious/ethnic communities helped sustain a gender-based social hierarchy. To facilitate dialogue and social change for South Asian women, gender and culture need to be situated in social and historical contexts. As such, programs should be understood within a larger critical understanding of the social power relations and history of Canadian immigration patterns. Using anti-racist frameworks, initiatives should address violence against women, while tackling interrelated issues (i.e., housing, poverty, etc.). This work draws attention to oppressions through the experiences of a community of women who are rarely given a voice within the context of research on HIV/AIDS. It will be also helpful for Ontario’s HIV prevention strategy and the field of women's sexual health.

This thesis focuses on the structural and behavioural factors that placed South Asian immigrant women living with HIV/AIDS in the Greater Toronto Area at risk. Informed by Connell's social theory of gender (1987), this study examined the role of hegemonic masculinity in legitimizing male power and contributing to the HIV risk of these women. By conducting one-on-one interviews with 12 HIV-positive immigrant women, meaningful constructions of the women's narratives and accounts of their experiences relative to HIV were created. This study examined the intersection of power ideologies such as gender, race and class in specific contexts as they generated particular experiences that affected women's risk for HIV. Following a community-based research approach, a collaborative relationship was established with the Alliance for South Asian AIDS Prevention where qualitative methods of analysis and an inductive approach with an iterative process were followed. Factors such as isolation, economic dependence on their husbands, discrimination, racism, investment in psychologically and emotionally abusive relationships, combined with the absence of support from their family of origin exacerbated the women's risk of HIV infection. The strong ties exhibited by most of the women to their religious/ethnic communities helped sustain a gender-based social hierarchy. To facilitate dialogue and social change for South Asian women, gender and culture need to be situated in social and historical contexts. As such, programs should be understood within a larger critical understanding of the social power relations and history of Canadian immigration patterns. Using anti-racist frameworks, initiatives should address violence against women, while tackling interrelated issues (i.e., housing, poverty, etc.). This work draws attention to oppressions through the experiences of a community of women who are rarely given a voice within the context of research on HIV/AIDS. It will be also helpful for Ontario’s HIV prevention strategy and the field of women's sexual health.

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Agradecemos a compreensão. on 2017-08-25T14:45:36Z (GMT) / Submitted by PAULO EDSON LIMA DOS SANTOS null (slep_1@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-25T19:34:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - versão definitiva.pdf: 1974703 bytes, checksum: 0f55a8e93b1e949b45327ed17759b9d0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luiz Galeffi (luizgaleffi@gmail.com) on 2017-08-29T14:26:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_pel_me_arafcl.pdf: 1974703 bytes, checksum: 0f55a8e93b1e949b45327ed17759b9d0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-29T14:26:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_pel_me_arafcl.pdf: 1974703 bytes, checksum: 0f55a8e93b1e949b45327ed17759b9d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-21 / O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir a perspectiva social da população negra na representação política em instâncias decisórias e identificar um reflexo da agenda de luta antirracista. A partir do conceito de representação especial de grupo, de Iris Marion Young, este trabalho buscou identificar, em prerrogativas do agente político, o encaminhamento de demandas sociais. A perspectiva social dos grupos sub-representados pode ser reconhecida na ação e no exercício de representar. Além de reconhecer uma agenda de luta antirracista da população oprimida, foram identificadas diretrizes institucionais que remetem ao reconhecimento e à representação, mas que esbarram ainda na estrutura que edifica desigualdades socioestruturais na sociedade brasileira. Nesse sentido, a instituição política permanece em busca de mudanças significativas na dinâmica social da população. Os diversos indicadores de vulnerabilidade da população negra brasileira, no entanto, indicam uma marginalização social, econômica e, sobretudo, política. Para qualificar esta análise, tornou-se necessário conceber a perspectiva sócio-histórica do negro, a partir dos estudos de Florestan Fernandes e Carlos Hasenbalg, além de apresentar uma configuração geral do movimento negro organizado na construção da agenda antirracista. Fez-se indispensável também considerar as diretrizes jurídicas para espelhar o reconhecimento e qualificar a hipótese da sub-representação, ao passo que se verificam o exercício no Congresso Nacional e as diretrizes partidárias. A coleta de dados consistiu-se na pesquisa realizada no portal da Câmara dos Deputados, nas atividades legislativas, nos projetos de leis e em outras proposições com o intuito de buscar por um conjunto de termos que abrangesse a temática racial. A representação política negra foi evidenciada na atuação dos agentes políticos nos projetos de leis e em outras proposições na atividade parlamentar, entre 2011 e 2015, no Congresso Nacional, com intuito de verificar o reconhecimento da perspectiva social. Em síntese, comprova-se um cenário de sub-representação, mesmo diante de elementos e diretrizes que rementem a uma agenda de luta antirracista, tanto nas diretrizes constitucionais quanto nas diretrizes partidárias. Apesar disso, a ação dos agentes políticos está sendo responsiva conforme os princípios de representação democrática. / The objective of this work is to discuss the social perspective of the black population in political representation in decision-making bodies and to identify a reflection of the antiracist agenda. From the concept of special group representation, by Iris Marion Young, this work search for identify, in the prerogatives of the political agent, the referral of social demands. The social perspective of underrepresented groups can be recognized in action and in the exercise of representing. Besides acknowledging an agenda of antiracist struggle of the oppressed population, institutional guidelines were identified that refer to recognition and representation, but which still run into the structure that builds socio-structural inequalities in Brazilian society. In this sense, the political institution remains looking for significant changes in the social dynamics of the population. Several indicators of vulnerability of the Brazilian black population, however, indicate a social, economic and, above all, political marginalization. In order to qualify this analysis, it became necessary to conceive the socio-historical perspective of the black, from the studies of Florestan Fernandes and Carlos Hasenbalg, besides presenting a general configuration of the black movement organized in the construction of the anti-racist agenda. It was also necessary to consider the legal guidelines to mirror the recognition and qualify the hypothesis of under-representation, while the exercise in the National Congress and the party guidelines are verified. The data collection consisted of the research carried out on the portal of the House of representatives, in legislative activities, in draft bills and in other propositions with the intention of searching for a set of terms that covered the racial theme. The black political representation was evidenced in the performance of the political agents in the draft legislation and in other proposals in the parliamentary activity, between 2011 and 2015, in the National Congress, in order to verify the recognition of the social perspective. In summary, a scenario of under-representation is proven, even facing of elements and guidelines that refer to an anti-racist agenda, both in the constitutional guidelines and in the party guidelines. Nevertheless, the action of political agents is being responsive in accordance with the principles of democratic representation.

The school has an anti-racist mission where teachers, especially social studies teachers, have a central role. Previous research shows, however, that the school often lacks in counteracting racism, which raises questions about how teachers see racism as a phenomenon and school as an anti-racist place. There is a lack of knowledge about how social studies teachers perceive the anti-racist work and whether and, in such cases, how they implement anti-racism within the framework of social science teaching. The purpose of this study was therefore to investigate social studies teachers' perceptions of and implementation of an anti-racist mission in upper secondary school. This was done through five semi-structured interviews which were analyzed with Michael Lipsky's (2010) theory of grassroots bureaucracy which is supplemented by Gert Biesta and Sarah Robinson's (2015) theory of cultural and structural factors, Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill & Brian Turners (2006) definitions of individual and structural racism and Emma Arnebacks (2012) identified courses of action against racism. The results show that no teacher has an explicit anti-racist attitude, but they perceive the task as aimed at counteracting students 'tendencies to express "problematic" thoughts or opinions, which is a description of purpose that is influenced by teachers' understanding of racism as an individual phenomenon. The attitude to the assignment is positive, but it is perceived to be fraught with challenges that arise partly because of a perceived limited scope for action, and partly because of the teachers believing that there is a measure of anti-racism in the teaching. The teachers also perceive the social studies teacher's special role in an anti-racist assignment partly negatively as it is described as becoming a workload. Criticism is directed at a deficient teacher education that structurally limits the anti-racist work as they feel that it has to a low degree equipped them with competence in racism despite the subject's special relevance, and partly because the entire teacher education was not characterized by this which could even the workload. The teachers believe that they implement the anti-racist mission, and the courses of action are mediating, democratizing, and partly relationally characterized where concrete strategies in social studies are to provide knowledge and practice critical reflection in the students. Important knowledge is mainly about democracy and human rights, and an important skill is critical thinking. The study's conclusions are that social studies teachers do not perceive the school as an explicit anti-racist place, but rather in an implicit way. The fact that the mission is not explicitly carried out can mean that anti-racism is lacking when knowledge of racism is limited, especially when a structural reflexivity is lacking. Although teachers may neglect different expressions of racism in school, the implementation is still often consistent with the curricula's formulations of the anti-racist mission.

The purpose of this study is to explain the process of designing the architecture of StrangeSpaces, an itinerant festival for transcultural performing arts groups or artists which starts from the original idea and terminates with the description of a possible structure. The process of designing StrangeSpaces is based on an investigation on the transcultural performing art’s field and on conversations with experts, which together transformed the original general idea of a festival, into the specific architecture of the StrangeSpaces festival. The investigation resulted in a personal definition of ”transcultural performing arts”, that subsequently led to the identifications of three elements of transculturalism which define the festival’s goals as ”encounter with the other” in multiples and different yet equal levels. Another result of this investigation is the contextualization of StrangeSpaces in the contemporary international cultural politics. In fact, the transcultural encounter and exchange can be viewed as a possible response to the increasing need of sustainable international performing art in local, national and European cultural communities. The conversations with experts in the field of international performing arts complemented the investigation, contributing to the ideological principles of StrangeSpaces, such as anti-racism and anti-colonialism, as well as to a model of democratic and sustainable design, in which multilingualism and cosmopolitan aspects of the society are essential cues. The result of the study is a design of the architecture of three versions of StrangeSpaces, an itinerant transcultural performing arts festival that is born to be a space, a free place where people play, exchange roles, art, experience starting from their own culture, but reaching and reflecting into the other, mirroring a society of sustainable diversity.

In teacher education, critical civic education and anti-racist education are often disconnected in practice, despite increasing overlap in theorizing and goals: to resist and dismantle the settler colonial realities of education, to promote working for social justice, and to challenge racist and White supremacist structures. This comparative case study examined how White teacher candidates’ civic, social justice, and anti-racist knowledge development during Bachelor of Education foundations courses affected their pedagogical growth. Through surveys, co- researcher observations, and focus groups conducted at research sites in Saskatchewan and Ontario, the study examined how teacher candidates understood their positionalities within societal structures, and how their understandings of structural injustice affected their pedagogical choices. Building from a postcolonial global citizenship education conceptual framework, the study engaged with Critical Race Theory and Critical Whiteness Studies in order to situate the findings in White settler colonial contexts. Findings indicate that the degree to which teacher candidates were aware of their own positionality influenced their understandings of structural injustice, and their confidence (or not) with anti-racist pedagogy. In the areas of civic engagement, racism, and Whiteness, the re-inscription of individualistic discourses and rejection of structural discourses was pervasive, and teacher candidates resisted self-implication in historical and ongoing settler colonialism and White supremacy. However, access to alternative conceptual frameworks for understanding the social construction of identities and structural determinism were somewhat effective at tackling meritocratic discourses. The study affirms the need for scaffolded anti-racist/anti-oppressive education in teacher education programs and discusses the necessity for teacher candidates to understand their own positionalities in context.

No description available.

[pt] Esta pesquisa visou investigar as buscas e as inquietações de professores inscritos no curso de pós-graduação lato sensu em educação das relações étnico-raciais, de modo a contribuir para o debate da demanda de formação continuada de professores a partir de políticas curriculares antirracistas, como a lei 10.639/03. A pesquisa qualitativa realizou-se no curso de pós-graduação em Educação das Relações Étnico-raciais no Ensino Básico, o Ererebá, iniciativa do Núcleo de Estudos Afro-Brasileiros e Indígenas do Colégio Pedro II (NEABICP2). Com o objetivo de conhecer os docentes e suas motivações, utilizaram-se o questionário e a entrevista semiestruturada como instrumentos metodológicos. Considerando a história da educação do negro no Brasil e os sentidos da formação docente, o contato com o campo e com os sujeitos da pesquisa evidenciou a lacuna formativa em relação à temática das relações étnico-raciais, mas também a possibilidade de existência de um currículo outro, no Ererebá, pautado em uma visão pluriversal, decolonial e contra-hegemônica, que vai ao encontro das demandas acadêmicas e subjetivas desses profissionais. Concluiu-se que os docentes, em sua maioria negros, buscam, nesta especialização, nutrir-se de referências, experiências e conhecimentos construídos a partir de matrizes africanas, afrodiaspóricas e indígenas por si mesmos como sujeitos em formação e para que sejam capazes de modificar os contextos escolares em que atuam, impactando positivamente a vida de seus alunos. / [en] This research aimed to investigate the searches and concerns of teachers enrolled in the lato sensu postgraduate studies in the education of ethnic-racial relations, in order to contribute to the debate on the demand for continuing teacher education based on curricular policies anti-racists, like the law 10.639/03. The Qualitative research was realized in the post-graduation in Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations in Basic Education, the Ererebá, an initiative of Center for Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Studies at Colégio Pedro II (NEABICP2). With the objective to get to know the teachers and their motivations, the questionnaire and the interview semi-structured were used as methodological instruments. Considering the education history of black people in Brazil and the meanings of teacher education, the contact with the field and with subjects of the research highlighted the formative gap in relation to the theme of ethnic-racial relations, but also the possibility of the existence of a different curriculum, in Ererebá, based on pluriversal view, decolonial and counter-hegemonic vision, which meets the academic demands and subjective of these professionals. It was concluded that the theachers, in their majority black people, seek, in this specialization, to nourish themselves with references, experiences and knowledge constructed from African, aphrodiasporic and indigenous matrices to be able to modify the school contexts in which they operate and positively impact the lives of theirstudents.

<p>In this dissertation I examine the contemporary breakdown of critical feminist dialogues so ubiquitous in the 1990s between Israeli and Palestinian women. Building on interviews with Palestinian women that identify a “top-down approach” in dialogues with Israeli anti-occupation feminist activists, this dissertation examines the role of “power inequities,” Orientalism, and “white feminist authority” (Lâm) in forming the discursive environment for even the most critical feminist dialogues. Conducting various discursive analyses of dialogues between Israeli and Palestinian women, I argue that the mainstream exclusivist Israeli feminist movement as well as “critical,” self-titled anti-racist and “anti-occupation” Israeli feminists continue to function with “white feminist authority.” Palestinian women are often pressured to speak through narrow points of entry that prioritize the paradigms of Western feminism and academic theory, namely, anti-nationalism and unitary womanhood/motherhood. These assumptions constitute a feminist paternalism that is similar to Israeli hegemonic discourses that rationalize “exceptional” but necessary violence against the Palestinians. Palestinian women have initiated a comprehensive boycott of status quo dialogues in an effort to create <em>more </em>dialogue. In this way the “silences” of status quo “humaniz[ing]” feminist dialogues (Lorde) which operate through requests for “colonial mimicry” are troubled by the boycott and may ultimately produce future anti-racist and anti-colonial feminist dialogues. The shortcomings of contemporary Western feminism’s role in the Israeli-Palestinian “peace process” are brought to light in this dissertation while potentials for solidarity-activism across “power inequities” are simultaneously mapped out.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)