Global ETD Search

1	British policy towards Russian refugees in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution Multanen, Elina Hannele January 2000 (has links) This thesis examines British government policy towards Russian refugees in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution and the Civil War in Russia. As a consequence of these two events, approximately one million Russians opposing the Bolshevik rule escaped from Russia. The Russian refugee problem was one of the major political and humanitarian problems of inter-war Europe, affecting both individual countries of refuge, as well as the international community as a whole. The League of Nations had been formed in 1919 in order to promote international peace and security. The huge numbers of refugees from the former Russian Empire, on the other hand, were seen as a threat to the international stability. Consequently, the member states of the League for the first time recognised the need for international co-operative efforts to assist refugees, and the post of High Commissioner for Russian Refugees was established under the auspices of the League. Significantly, this action marked the beginning of the international refugee regime; the active co-operation of states in the field of refugee assistance. European countries, in addition to international co-operative efforts on behalf of Russian refugees, also took individual actions for their assistance by offering them asylum in their countries. However, there were big differences in the policies of various European countries. Britain had long enjoyed a reputation of being a country of liberal refuge, where political refugees and immigrants could find asylum. This liberalism, however, started to be undermined at the beginning of the 20th century, particularly since the First World War. Although a principle that political refugees should be considered separately remained, my thesis will argue that this rule was not followed in the case of Russian refugees. From the very beginning the British government took a rigid attitude against the admission of Russian refugees to Britain, and strict provisions were set for the entry of individual refugees. Because of this, the number of Russian refugees in Britain was much smaller than in many other European countries, for example France or Germany. The policy of the British government towards Russian refugees thus offers a good example of the general decline of liberalism in Britain. 900 Bolshevik; Civil war
2	Bolshevik wives: a study of soviet elite society Young, James January 2008 (has links) PhD / This thesis explores the lives of key female members of the Bolshevik elite from the revolutionary movement’s beginnings to the time of Stalin’s death. Through analysing the attitudes and contributions of Bolshevik elite women – most particularly the wives of Lenin, Molotov, Voroshilov and Bukharin – it not only provides for a descriptive account of these individual lives, their changing attitudes and activities, but also a more broad-ranging, social handle on the evolution of elite society in the Soviet Union and the changing nature of the Bolshevik elite both physically and ideationally. Chapters one and two focus on the physical and ideological foundations of the Bolshevik marriage. Chapter one traces the ideological approach of the Bolsheviks towards marriage and the family, examining pre-revolutionary socialist positions in relation to women and the family and establishing a benchmark for how the Bolsheviks wished to approach the ‘woman question’. Chapter two examines the nature of the Bolshevik elite marriage from its inception to the coming of the revolution, dwelling particularly on the different pre-revolutionary experiences of Yekaterina Voroshilova and Nadezhda Krupskaya. Chapters three and four then analyse two key areas of wives’ everyday lives during the interwar years. Chapter three looks at the work that Bolshevik wives undertook and how the nature of their employment changed from the 1920s to the 1930s. Chapter four, through examining the writings of wives such as Voroshilova, Larina and Ordzhonikidze, focuses upon how wives viewed themselves, their responsibilities as members of the Bolshevik elite and the position of women in Soviet society. The final two chapters of this thesis explore the changing nature of elite society in this period and its relationship to Soviet society at large. Chapter five investigates the changing composition of the elite and the specific and general effects of the purges upon its nature. Directly, the chapter examines the lives of Zhemchuzhina, Larina and Pyatnitskaya as wives that were repressed during this period, while more broadly it considers the occupation of the House on the Embankment in the 1930s and the changing structure of Bolshevik elite society. Chapter six focuses on the evolution of Soviet society in the interwar period and how the experiences of Bolshevik elite wives differed from those of ‘mainstream’ Russian women. While previous studies of the Bolshevik elite have focussed upon men’s political lives and investigations of Soviet women’s policy and its shifts under Stalin have mainly concentrated upon describing changes in realist terms, this thesis demonstrates that not only is an evaluation of wives’ lives crucial to a fuller understanding of the Bolshevik elite, but that by comprehending the personal attitudes and values of members of the Bolshevik elite society, particularly with regards to women and the family, a more informed perspective on the reasons for changes in Soviet women’s policy during the interwar period may be arrived at. Soviet elite women history ethnography Bolshevik wives
3	Bolshevik wives: a study of soviet elite society Young, James January 2008 (has links) PhD / This thesis explores the lives of key female members of the Bolshevik elite from the revolutionary movement’s beginnings to the time of Stalin’s death. Through analysing the attitudes and contributions of Bolshevik elite women – most particularly the wives of Lenin, Molotov, Voroshilov and Bukharin – it not only provides for a descriptive account of these individual lives, their changing attitudes and activities, but also a more broad-ranging, social handle on the evolution of elite society in the Soviet Union and the changing nature of the Bolshevik elite both physically and ideationally. Chapters one and two focus on the physical and ideological foundations of the Bolshevik marriage. Chapter one traces the ideological approach of the Bolsheviks towards marriage and the family, examining pre-revolutionary socialist positions in relation to women and the family and establishing a benchmark for how the Bolsheviks wished to approach the ‘woman question’. Chapter two examines the nature of the Bolshevik elite marriage from its inception to the coming of the revolution, dwelling particularly on the different pre-revolutionary experiences of Yekaterina Voroshilova and Nadezhda Krupskaya. Chapters three and four then analyse two key areas of wives’ everyday lives during the interwar years. Chapter three looks at the work that Bolshevik wives undertook and how the nature of their employment changed from the 1920s to the 1930s. Chapter four, through examining the writings of wives such as Voroshilova, Larina and Ordzhonikidze, focuses upon how wives viewed themselves, their responsibilities as members of the Bolshevik elite and the position of women in Soviet society. The final two chapters of this thesis explore the changing nature of elite society in this period and its relationship to Soviet society at large. Chapter five investigates the changing composition of the elite and the specific and general effects of the purges upon its nature. Directly, the chapter examines the lives of Zhemchuzhina, Larina and Pyatnitskaya as wives that were repressed during this period, while more broadly it considers the occupation of the House on the Embankment in the 1930s and the changing structure of Bolshevik elite society. Chapter six focuses on the evolution of Soviet society in the interwar period and how the experiences of Bolshevik elite wives differed from those of ‘mainstream’ Russian women. While previous studies of the Bolshevik elite have focussed upon men’s political lives and investigations of Soviet women’s policy and its shifts under Stalin have mainly concentrated upon describing changes in realist terms, this thesis demonstrates that not only is an evaluation of wives’ lives crucial to a fuller understanding of the Bolshevik elite, but that by comprehending the personal attitudes and values of members of the Bolshevik elite society, particularly with regards to women and the family, a more informed perspective on the reasons for changes in Soviet women’s policy during the interwar period may be arrived at. Soviet elite women history ethnography Bolshevik wives
4	Lev Trotsky and the Red Army in the Russian Civil War, 1917-1921 Kelsey, John M 01 January 2011 (has links) A study of Lev Trotsky's leadership role in constructing the Red Army during the Russian Civil War. Beginning with his appointment in March 1918, Trotsky transformed the Bolsheviks' military policy to adopt more conventional fighting techniques. Russia Bolshevik Polish-Soviet War Communism European History Military History
5	Teaching the Narod to Listen: Nadezhda Briusova and Mass Music Education in Revolutionary Russia Krafcik, Annika K. 05 June 2020 (has links) No description available. History Music Russian History music revolutionary divide continuity Soviet music folk song folk music Bolshevik music and politics late-Imperial Russia
6	俄羅斯極端民族主義團體與國族認同之研究 / A Study of Ultra-Nationalist Groups and National Identity in Russia 蘇郁雯, Su, Yu Wen Unknown Date (has links) 蘇聯解體之後的俄羅斯，雖然得到主權上的獨立，但卻因為土地及人口的減少和經濟問題的浮現，導致以前能與美國抗衡的強權地位喪失，面對蘇聯的瓦解和國內動盪的社會局勢，俄羅斯民族主義開始強烈反彈。本論文研究方法採用個案分析法及文獻分析法，首先以歷史的發展進程以及政治文化背景的角度檢視為何當代俄羅斯極端民族主義會興起，接著藉由回顧俄羅斯極端民族主義與國族認同的文獻，充分了解俄羅斯極端民族主義的意涵，最後針對「光頭黨」、「民族布爾什維克黨」兩個影響最大的極端民族主義團體的歷史緣起、理念與行為來探討與俄羅斯國族認同的關係。綜合本論文的文獻可得知「俄羅斯極端民族主義是保守式的極端民族主義」，懷疑多元種族、多元文化的社會信仰能夠穩定；「俄羅斯極端民族主義團體不利於國族認同的發展」，無論是光頭黨或民族布爾什維克黨都不利於俄羅斯社會的凝聚力還有多元社會的發展；俄羅斯政府把打擊極端民族主義團體視為重要目標，因此「政府對極端民族主義的打擊影響極端民族主義團體日後的發展」。關鍵字：俄羅斯、極端民族主義、國族認同、光頭黨、民族布爾什維克黨 / Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia assumed independent sovereignty. However, Russia lost its previous power status, which had enabled competition with the United States, because of its diminishing land area and population, as well as increasing economic problems. In response to the collapse of the Soviet Union and rising social unrest, Russian nationalism began to emerge. For this research, case study and literature analysis methods were adopted. This study first examined the reasons for the emergence of contemporary Russian ultranationalism from the perspectives of historical development and political and cultural backgrounds. Subsequently, this study conducted a literature review regarding Russian ultranationalism and national identity to fully understand the content of Russian ultranationalism. Finally, this study examined the relationship between Russian national identity and the historical origins, ideology, and behavior of the 2 most influential ultranationalist groups, specifically, the “skinheads” and “National Bolshevik Party”. Summarizing related literature, this study determines that Russian ultranationalism can be classified as conservative ultranationalism, and the stability of multiethnic and multicultural social beliefs was doubtful. In addition, Russian ultranationalism is detrimental to the development of national identity; specifically, neither the skinheads nor the National Bolshevik Party contributed to the cohesiveness and multifaceted development of Russian society. The quelling of ultranationalist groups has become a significant objective for the Russian government, and the efforts implemented by the Russian government to suppress ultranationalist groups have affected the subsequent development of ultranationalist groups. Keywords: Russia, ultranationalism, national identity, skinhead, National Bolshevik Party 俄羅斯極端民族主義國族認同光頭黨民族布爾什維克黨 Russia ultranationalism national identity skinhead National Bolshevik Party
7	俄國內戰(1918-1921)與蘇維埃政權之鞏固田文豪 Unknown Date (has links) 俄國內戰包含了許多面向，其過程不是官方紀錄所登載的表象，蘇維埃政權的因應之道是依循既定步驟計畫，抑或是只是蘇維埃政權順應時勢且戰且走的結果，對日後蘇維埃國家的產生有何種催化作用是本文的研究動機。本文的中心旨在探究俄國革命初成在奪權成功後，內戰對蘇維埃政權鞏固的挑戰，戰爭期間俄國社會經歷的變遷，以及因應戰爭的進行蘇維埃政權的回應之道。 / Unlike the single-dimensioned description by the Soviet government, the Russian civil war includes many dimensions.What is the response of the Soviet government to the civil war and how it enables the creation of the Soviet Union is the motive of the dissertation.The main purpose of the dissertation focuses on how the soviet regime faces the challenges of power consolidation, the social changes during the war and the response of the soviet government after the Bolshevik party seizes the power. 十月革命俄國內戰布爾什維克白軍運動新經濟政策 October Revolution Russian Civil War Bolshevik White Movement New Economic Policy
8	Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918 / Ukraine’s independence 1917 in swedish press 1917–1918 Bergman, Leo January 2017 (has links) This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale. / Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning. Ukraine Peace Ukraїna Ukraine independence 1917 1918 independence movement peace treaty invasion invasion war independence war freedom war freedom struggle Dagens Nyheter Svenska Dagbladet holodomor 1921 1923 Norrskensflamman Moskali Dalpilen Kalmar tidning Göteborgs Aftonblad Aftonbladet Kyiv Odesa Charkiv Dnipro Crimea revolution UNR Ukraine’s National Republic press swedish press press survey press study communism leninism Moksel genocide Petrograd coup d'état CHEKA nkvd Moskau GPU KGB lenin Red Army Soviet Soviet Union bolsheviks socialists Moscovia red terror communist terror SSU socialdemocrats red guardian red guard white guardian black guard Finland Sweden Finnish independence movement terrorist organization commission civil war invasion genocide proletarian bolshevik terror cadets moscovian threat russian threat muscovites Pultava Poltava Tauria Katerynoslaw Chernihiv Ottokar Czernin Weimar republic Deutsches Reich interim government national hero mensheviks maximalists minimalists provisional government Rada supremacy central powers Germany Deutschland German Empire Kaiser Wilhelm Treaty of Brest-Litovsk Belarus communist propaganda Mohilev peace negotiation Caucasus Cuban Don Ukrajina UkrajinaFreden Ukraїna Ukraina självständighet 1917 1918 självständighetsrörelse Tidningsuppsats presstudie pressundersökning tidningsstudie dagspress rikspress Dagens Nyheter Svenska Dagbladet Norrskensflamman Moskali Dalpilen Holodomor 1921 1923 Kalmar tidning Göteborgs Aftonblad Aftonbladet Kommunism Sovjet bolsjeviker Petrograd Krim Charkiv Odesa Dnipro Kyjiv Revolution Leninism statskupp TJEKA nkvd GPU KGB lenin invasionskrig invasion fredsavtal socialister kommunister röda armén röd terror kommunistisk terror SSU socialdemokrater rödgardister vitgardister svarta gardet Finland Sverige finska självständighetsrörelsen terrororganisation kommission inbördeskrig folkmord självständighetskrig proletär bolsjevikiska terrorismen kadetterna ryssar rysshotet Moskovitien Poltava Pultava Taurien Katerynoslaw Tjernihiv Czernin nationalhjälte mensjeviker maximalisterna minimalisterna interimregering provisorisk regering rada suprematien centralmakterna Tyskland Weimar republic Deutsches Reich Tyska riket Kaiser Wilhelm Treaty of Brest-Litovsk Belarus kommunistpropaganda Mohilev fredsförhandling Kaukasus Kuban Don History Historia

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