Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China and Africa's increased interaction over the past decade has received attention from the media, academics, economists and politicians alike. The rise of China as a potential world economic power has sparked both concern and suspicion. Concern over China's impact in African states has been voiced by Western and African leaders. The Chinese economy has experienced robust growth since embarking on ambitious reforms to open up its economy to outside investment and trade, as well as policies geared towards encouraging Chinese enterprises to go abroad. China's rise in importance in the international arena has led to increased scrutiny of its foreign policies and internal policies. In order to gain a balanced view of China's engagement in African states it is necessary to examine the various components of their involvement. This thesis has chosen to focus on CADFund as its main unit of analysis, and has illustrated that the Fund fulfils both a political and economic role in China's relations with Africa. This study will explore the political and economic motivations behind China's interest in Africa. Conclusions are drawn from the structural organisation, investment approaches and projects of CADFund. The way in which CADFund fits into China‟s Africa policy will be determined by looking at the Fund's activities and how they fit into the principles set out in China's Africa Policy. The main question posed by this study was regarding the role which CADFund plays in China’s Africa Policy. The mandate of the Fund is to provide funding and advisory and support services to Chinese enterprises wishing to invest in African states. With 60 completed projects to date, the Fund has arguably indeed helped to progress the Chinese government's goal of encouraging Chinese enterprises to invest in Africa. Recommendations for future research are encouraged in order to build on this specific field. For example, more extensive research could be pursued concerning CADFund linkages with the Chinese government. Together with this, questions regarding the perceived effectiveness of CADFund could also be addressed – specifically by investigating how projects are managed and monitored by CADFund. In these follow-up explorations, theoretical frameworks such as the “principle-agent theory” could also be incorporated as frameworks with which to view CADFund‟s relationship with the Chinese government. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China en Afrika se verhoogde interaksie oor die afgelope dekade het baie aandag van die media, akademici, ekonome en politici ontvang. Die opkoms van China as 'n potensiële wêreld ekonomiese mag, het gelei tot beide agterdog en kommer. Kommer oor China se invloed binne Afrika state is geopper deur Westerse sowel as Afrika leiers. Die Chinese ekonomie het ongekende groei beleef sedert hul vertek op ambisieuse hervormings, om hul ekonomie meer vry en oop te maak vir buitelandse belegging en handel, sowel as beleid hervormings wat daarop gemik is om Chinese ondernemings oorsee te bevorder. China se opkoms as 'n belangrike moondheid op internasionale gebied, het gelei to nadere ondersoek van sy buitelandse beleide. Om 'n gebalanseerde beeld van China se betrokkenheid in Afrikastate te kry, is dit noodsaaklik om verskeie komponente van hul betrokkenheid te ondersoek. Hierdie tesis kies om te fokus op China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds (CADFund) as die vernaamste eenheid van analise en beskryf beide die fonds se politieke sowel as 'n ekonomiese rol in China se betrekkinge met Afrika. Hierdie studie sal die politieke en ekonomiese beweegredes agter China se belange in Afrika verken. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak van strukturele organisasie, belegging benaderings en projekte van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. Die manier waarop China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds by China se Afrika-beleid inpas, sal vasgestel word deur te kyk na die fonds se aktiviteite en hoe hulle by die neergelegde beginsels van China se Afrika-beleid inpas. Die belangrikste vraag wat hierdie studie stel, is met betrekking tot die rol wat China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds in China se Afrika-beleid speel. Die mandaat van die fonds is om finasiering, raadgewende en ondersteunende dienste aan Chinese ondernemings te bied wat in Afrika-state wil belê. Met 60 voltooide projekte tot op datum, het die fonds inderdaad gehelp om by te dra tot die Chinese regering se doelwit om Chinese ondernemings aan te moedig om in Afrka te belê. Aanbevelinge vir toekomstige navorsing word aangemoedig om voort te bou op hierdie spesifieke gebied. Byvoorbeeld, meer uitgebreide navorsing oor China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se bande met die Chinese Regering. Samehangend hiermee,vrae in verband met die vermeende doeltreffendheid van China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds kan ook ondersoek word - spesifiek deur te ondersoek hoe projekte bestuur en gekontroleer word deur China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds. In hierdie opvolg ondersoeke, kan teoretiese raamwerke soos die ”principle-agent theory” ook ingesluit word as raamwerke waarna China-Afrika Ontwikkelingsfonds se verhoudinge met die Chinese Regering gekyk kan word.

「中國和平崛起」這個名詞於2003年的博鰲論壇上第一次被公開提出，引起全球熱烈討論。姑且不論中國的和平崛起本質上是否真為「和平」，本文中心意旨在討論中國崛起後，它最大也是最親密的鄰國－俄羅斯將如何看待這個亦敵亦友的大國在經濟、軍事等各方面的巨大轉變。而本文作者認為，看來正朝向親密戰略合作夥伴關係前進的中俄兩國間，其中仍存有許多可能阻礙其發展的重要因素。 / The term "China's peaceful rise" was first introduced at the 2003 annual session of the Boao Forum for Asia (BFA) and has become a hot topic drawing international attention. This thesis focuses on the changing relationship between Russia and China, especially in the period after the collapse of USSR. The new Russia and China have built their strategic partnership on diplomatic, military, and economic aspects during the period of China’s rise. During this period both countries also faced a transforming climate in their societies, with a different ideological environment, different forms of inner-party life and a different “style of work” being formed and changed rapidly at every decision-making moment. In the history of Sino-Soviet relations we can easily see that Mao Zedong won control of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and lead it to victory by repeatedly defying Stalin’s advice, which also contributed to the formation of a Chinese Communist leadership that is highly conscious of those differences. Since the beginning of the new Russia, the so-called “peaceful rise of China” theory as a matter of course has been highly doubted. This thesis shows that many of the factors currently improving Sino-Russian relations are unlikely to sustain the current positive relationship and instead are likely to cause a divergence in their relationship, which is understood by looking at hidden factors from apparent clues that might cause a divergence between the two countries in the near future. Keywords: China, Russia, International Relations, Sino-Soviet Relations, “China’s peaceful Rise”

“Contested Childhoods” links together three major areas of historical inquiry: war and criminality, law and social change, and the law as it relates to children, in the first half of twentieth-century China. The founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 has eclipsed the historical significance of Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government and the importance of its role during the wartime period. This study examines how the outbreak of China’s War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945) served as a crucial catalyst to the construction of ideas of criminality and its relation to children during the wartime period. It examines the different measures by which Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government (1928-1949) attempted to handle the rise in levels of criminality involving juveniles. The study analyses how an increase in criminality during the wartime period challenged how ideas on and about children and childhood were in understood within Chinese society. Moreover, it argues that wartime conditions served as a crucial catalyst prompted the construction of a new judicial and legal framework that was aimed at delineating the boundaries between childhood and adulthood during this period.

China's economic development has performed spectacularly during the period of China's economic transition as a result of radical economic reform in the all markets. The country has also gone through extensive fiscal reforms in the last three decades. However, a number of problems have been associated with such rapid economic growth. One of these has been raising inequality. In both Keynesian and neoclassical endogenous growth theories, public spending can play an important role for economic growth and inequality. The majority of previous studies have focused on the relationship between public spending and economic growth, or between public spending and inequality separately. There is no doubt that public spending has an effect on both economic growth and equity simultaneously. In this respect, this thesis attempts to address the problems that have emerged during the period of China's fiscal reforms, and seeks to examine the effects of public spending on economic growth and equality in the same model. This thesis investigates the dynamic relationships among these three variables in China. For aggregate national data, vector error correction model (VECM) has been used. Analysis at the provincial level is based on the panel vector auto-regression (PVAR) model. These methods help to solve the endogeneity in estimations. The national level analysis indicates that total public spending shows a long term Granger causality with GDP per capita, which supports the positive growth effect of public spending in the Keynesian and endogenous growth model. Social public spending has a negative effect on real output per capita in both the short term and long term, but it also has a negative impact on income inequality. Moreover, we find that a higher level of real GDP per capita will increase the level of inequality, but a higher level of inequality has a negative effect on real GDP per capita in the long term. Furthermore, total provincial public spending and provincial social spending have either a non-significant effect on economic growth. On the other hand, the SOEs' investment has a significant, positive growth effect at both the national and provincial level. As for the redistributive role of the public spending, the provincial total public spending and social spending have played an important role on income distribution. Furthermore, the Gini coefficient has a positive effect on the per capita growth rate at the provincial level, but the economic growth has no significant impact on the Gini coefficient.

一九八四年中共官方全面宣佈以"一國兩制"作為解決台灣問題的總政策以 來,"一國兩制"成為中共對台政策的統一用語,中共黨,政,軍各級領導人及 宣傳媒體,莫不口徑一致地對海內外宣揚"一國兩制","一國兩制"成為中共 對台政策的代名詞. "一國兩制"既然如此重要,那麼,"一國兩制"究係受何 因素影響形成;其具體內涵為何;在"一國兩制"總政策指導下,中共對台政 治,軍事,經濟,貿易,社會,文化等政策為何;台灣地區對中共政策的反應 ,在中共對台政策制定上的影響程度如何,這些問題都是本論文企圖進行瞭 解和分析的內容.本論文共計六章十九節,約十一萬餘字.首章為導論,旨在 說明本論文的研究動機和目的,以闡述本文寫作之旨趣;並說明本論文的研 究方法及研究途徑,以陳述本文研究之架構;最後,再提出本文利用系統理 論作為全文寫作架構後,本論文的基本架構.第二章為"一國兩制"--新時期 中共對台總政策,首先將中共對台政策分為兩大時期,對"一國兩制"提出前 之中共對台政策作歷史性的回顧;其次並將自國際,國家及個人等三個層次 來分析"一國兩制"的形成背景;最後將說明"一國兩制"的形成過程,理論根 據,具體內涵及其規劃下的統一架構,期望對這個新時期中共對台總政策, 作一個全盤的分析與全面的瞭解.第三章,第四章和第五章為本論文的研究 重點,分別由政治軍事,經濟貿易和社會文化等三方面來探究中共對台政 策,由中共各級領導人講話與官方發表的文件來研析中共對台的政策面;其 次再由實踐面來探究中共對台政治宣傳,外交封鎖,軍事恫嚇,經貿利誘,吸 引台資,社會統戰,文化交流等面向的實際作法;最後並提出台灣地區官方 與民間對中共對台政策與作法之反應,藉以論証台灣地區的反應與中共對 台政策之間的互動影響關係.第六章為結論,首先把中共對台政策的原則不 變與策略靈活運用的情勢作一總結分析;然後據此分析來推論在台灣地區 官方可能反應下,中共對台政策的幾種可能演變,以及在雙方彼此政策推行 下兩岸關係的可能發展;最後,作者將對中共及台灣地區官方與民間在面對 兩岸未來發展時的對策和作法,提出建議.

回顧中共海權及海軍的發展及21世紀現行海權發展目標、作為、法令依據等。其海軍力量的發展如同其經濟成長情形一樣快速起飛，很自然成為西方矚目焦點，特別是建立遠洋艦隊的企圖，更引起外界高度關注。依中共海軍規劃，希望在2050年具備並達到遂行遠洋作戰的能力和目標。 進入21世紀， 2003年至2011年，即便是在國際金融危機的衝擊下，中國經濟仍達到了10.7%的平均增速。2011年，中共經濟總量超越日本，成為世界第二大經濟體，也意味著中共海權的發展伴隨著經濟正高速的發展，期與世界大國站立於同一水平。1982年4月聯合國通過了「聯合國海洋法公約」，於1994年11月正式生效，此法的公佈使得海洋權再分配進入了新階段，不僅確立了12海浬領海制度、200海浬專屬經濟區制度、大陸架制度及國際海底區域與資源是全人類共同繼承的財產和公海管理制度等。「聯合國海洋法公約」的生效，對中共而言不僅是提供近300萬平方公里海洋國土的法律依據，使中共站在維護國家基本利益與主權的角度上有理有據的發展海權作為。在此時空環境下，中共積極地將海軍戰略調整為更具主動性的「近海防禦」之區域性戰略，逐步擴大到太平洋「第二島鏈」的遠洋海軍。藉由經濟發展支撐海權，透過海權的維護來牽引經濟發展加快實現國防現代化，尤其海上武裝力量的建設，使其能確保海上行動自由，保障海上交通運輸和海洋安全。 在中共挾其綜合國力快速增長的同時，可預見的中共逐漸發展的海權及海軍戰略，勢必影響區域間各國的緊張及美、日等國的約制與挑戰。一場軍備競賽正開始中，中共海軍已逐漸由區域性海軍向全球性遠洋海軍發展與布局，進而發展成為海陸複合的強國。 / The purpose of this study is to retrospect the development of China's Navy and maritime right as well as its goals, operations and related laws. Its maritime power improves rapidly in coordinate with its economic growth. Obviously, Beijing attempts to establish the deep waters fleet capability which is also so-called "Blue Sea", resulting in the attention of western powers. Therefore, PRC (People's Republic of China) is going to have the deep waters military capabilities in 2050 according to China's force building schedule. At first, China's economy growth rate reaches 10.7 percentages on average from 2003 to 2011. In 2011, its economic trade overpasses Japan to be the 2nd largest country all over the world, indicating that its economic achievement already reach the level of advanced nations. Secondly, the United Nations passed "United Nations Maritime Convention" in April, 1982 and took in effect in November, 1994. This pact not only redistribute the maritime right into new phase by clarifying 12 nautical miles of territorial waters, 200 nautical miles of economic waters and the continental shelf, but also state that all the maritime resources belong to all the human beings. Moreover, the Act facilitates China's gaining maritime territory for 3 million square meters and provides the judicial basis to maintain its national interests and sovereignty. Through this specific phenomenon, Beijing actively adjusts its naval strategy from coastal waters to deep waters reaching the field of 2nd Island Chain. The maritime right facilitates economic development and modernizes its national defense abilities, especially on setting up the armed maritime power to safeguard the maritime transportation and sea lane security. Lastly, with the combined power development, China's maritime right and naval strategy will cause unrest in the region as well as the constraints and challenges from US and Japan. As predicted, there will have an armament race when Beijing develops its naval strategy from coastal waters to deep waters. China will gradually transform into a super power.

Access to abstract permanently restricted to Ball State community only. / Access to thesis permanently restricted to Ball State community only. / Department of Telecommunications

xi, 108 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / Micro-level survey data are widely used in applied economic research. This dissertation, which consists of three empirical papers, demonstrates challenges in empirical research using micro-level survey data, as well as some methods to accommodate these problems. Chapter II examines the effect of China's recent public health insurance reform on health utilization and health status. Chinese policy makers have been eager to identify how this reform, characterized by a substantial increase in out-of-pocket costs, has affected health care demand and health status. However, due to self-selection of individuals into the publicly insured group, the impact of the reform remains an unresolved issue. I employ a Heckman selection model in the context of difference-in-difference regression to accommodate the selection problem, and provide the first solid empirical evidence that the recent public health insurance reforms in China adversely affected both health care access and health status for publicly insured individuals. Chapter III examines the construct validity of a stated preference (SP) survey concerning climate change policy. Due to the fact that the SP survey method remains a controversial tool for benefit-cost analysis, every part of the survey deserves thorough examination to ensure the quality of the data. Using a random utility approach, I establish that there is a great deal of logical consistency between people's professed attitudes toward different payment vehicles and their subsequent choices among policies which vary in the incidence of their costs. Chapter IV employs the same survey data used in Chapter III, but demonstrates the potential for order effects stemming from prior attitude-elicitation questions. In addition, it considers the potential impact of these order effects on Willingness to Pay (WTP) estimates for climate change mitigation. I find the orderings of prior elicitation questions may change people's opinions toward various attributes of the different policies, and thereby increase or decrease their WTP by a substantial amount. Thus, this chapter emphasizes the significance of order effects in prior elicitation questions, and supports a call for diligence in using randomly ordered prior elicitation questions in stated preference surveys, to minimize inadvertent effects from any single arbitrary ordering. / Adviser: Trudy Ann Cameron

中國經濟發展快速的情況下，人民對於汽車的需求也一直再提高，在基礎建設尚未追上汽車數量增加之下，道路擁擠與環境汙染成為了許多城市必須面對的問題。北京市政府於2010年12月23日實施汽車限購政策，希望透過此政策降低汽車增加的速度。另一方面，中國將發展汽車自主品牌作為重要政策之一，希望藉由外資的技術讓自主品牌的汽車打入國際。因此本文將使用差中差法進行估計，研究北京市在汽車限購政策之後，政策對於自主品牌銷售的影響。 研究中所使用的資料為中國「中國車輛登記管理所」之中的「全中國登錄各月新增車輛」，加上「易車網」的汽車特性資料整理而成。以北京市的自主品牌車系作為實驗組，非自主品牌車系作為對照組進行多次估計，其中包括加入時間趨勢及將極端樣本去除等。研究結果皆顯示，在汽車限購政策後，確實對於自主品牌汽車銷售有下降的影響，最後也加入了穩定性檢驗，證明自主品牌的銷售下降是否與政策有關。最後結果亦與預期相同，證實北京市的汽車限購政策對於自主品牌的銷售有負向的效果。 / With the rapid economic growth in China, people’s demand for automobiles has risen continuously during the past decades. Furthermore, because the infrastructure in China failed to sustain the increase in the quantity of automobiles, traffic congestion and environmental pollution are the problems many cities have to be confronted with. Therefore, Beijing government adopted Automobile Purchase Limit Policy in Dec. 23, 2010, hoping that through the policy it can decrease the growth rate of automobiles. On top of that, developing self-owned Brand for automobiles in China is its primary policy, China government hoped to take advantage of foreign technology to make its self-owned Brand step into the international market. Consequently, this article uses Difference-in-Difference method to analyze how the sales of self-owned brand automobiles would be affected after the Automobile Purchase Limit Policy was enacted. Data used in this article is from Monthly Increase in Registered Vehicles Across China, which is from Vehicle Registration and Managemet Bureau of Chian, and from Yiche Network. Setting the self-owned brand mobiles in Beijing city as an experimental group and non-self-owned brand mobiles as a control group, we are to estimate many times. We try to take time series effect into account and eliminate outlier samples. The result shows that after the Automobile Purchase Limit Policy, the sales of self-owned brand automobiles significantly decrease. Finally, we add stability test to observe whether the decrease in the sales of self-owned brand automobiles is related to the policy or not. The result reveals that the Automobile Purchase Limit Policy in Beijing has a negative impact on the sales of self-owned brand automobiles.

The diploma thesis analyses development and current position of China in the world economy. It focuses in detail on the economic reforms being implemented since the end of the 70s, on their course and impact on China's economy, on the economic situation of China at the beginning of 21st century and on the impact of the world crisis on China's economy and its role in international affairs as well. This thesis also deals with China's accession to the World Trade Organization, its commitments, benefits and impacts, and relations, especially economic, with the United States, the European Union and selected countries in the Asian region. The thesis identifies and characterizes some of the main problems which China is facing as a result of its development.