Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciene Soares Herculano.pdf: 1078410 bytes, checksum: 4d4ee415548424294f2eb9613b102825 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work examines the institutional role and the activities carried out by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Senate, carried out during the 52nd and 53rd legislative sessions (from February 2003 to January 2011), in the process of formulating, implementing and overseeing the guidelines that oriented brazilian foreign policy. During the period of 2003 and 2010, which comprised the two-term presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers Party (PT), several issues became controversial in the Brazilian foreign relations arena. Beginning with a review of the Political Science and International Relations bibliography about the behavior of the National Congress and the dynamics involved in Brazilian foreign relations, the scope of this work is focused on the activities of the two permanent legislative committees. Composed by a wide range of technical and partisan profiles, these legislative niches are formed based on the appointments made by the congressional leadership and carry out a specific role within Congress: to address the country s international agenda. This dissertation aims to go beyond the account of activities related in the Annual Reports issued by each of the houses by including analyses of the constitutional, legal, informational and political aspects. More than recounting the results of eight years of work by these two nuclei of National Congress, this work seeks to observe these committees from the partisan, ideological and electoral perspectives. The examination of all the evidence supports the conclusion that legislators have been considerably proactive, participant and influential in Brazilian foreign policy decision-making. Differently from what previous studies have indicated, despite legal, constitutional and institutional limitations, the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate have not relinquished or delegated to the Executive Branch their roles in this regard. By highlighting this productivity, the current survey shows that these committees have been able to maintain, by their own activities, their autonomy in regard to external factors, such as pressure from the Executive and the aspirations of the constituency / Este trabalho analisa o papel institucional e a atuação da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados (CREDN) e da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal (CRE), em atividade durante as 52ª (2003-2006) e 53ª (2003-2006) legislaturas, no processo de formulação, implementação e fiscalização das diretrizes que conduziram a política externa brasileira. Entre os anos de 2003 e 2010, período que coincidiu com os dois mandatos do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), foram diversas as pautas e polêmicas que marcaram o campo das relações internacionais do Brasil. A partir da revisão bibliográfica nos campos da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais sobre o comportamento do Congresso Nacional e a dinâmica que envolve as relações exteriores do País, delimita-se o objeto desta pesquisa às duas Comissões Permanentes. Compostas por perfis técnicos e partidários dos mais variados, esses nichos legislativos são constituídos a partir das indicações do Colégio de Líderes e desempenham uma função específica no parlamento: tratar da agenda internacional brasileira. Esta dissertação propõe avançar além do balanço das atividades relatadas pelos respectivos Relatórios Anuais das duas Casas, incluindo análises dos aspectos constitucional, jurídico, informacional e político. Mais do que averiguar o resultado de oito anos de trabalho destes dois núcleos parlamentares, este levantamento dedicou-se à observação dessas comissões sob os pontos de vista partidário, ideológico e eleitoral. A soma de todas as evidências reunidas respalda a conclusão que aponta a proatividade, a participação e a influência dos legisladores em parte considerável da tomada de decisões sobre a política internacional do Brasil. Diferentemente do apontado em estudos anteriores, apesar das limitações jurídicas, constitucionais e institucionais, a Câmara dos Deputados e o Senado Federal não abdicam ou delegam ao Executivo as funções relativas a essa agenda. Ao realçar essa produtividade, a presente pesquisa revela que a CREDN e a CRE conseguem manter, com atividades próprias, autonomia em relação a fatores externos como a pressão do Executivo e as aspirações do eleitorado

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciene Soares Herculano.pdf: 1078410 bytes, checksum: 4d4ee415548424294f2eb9613b102825 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work examines the institutional role and the activities carried out by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Senate, carried out during the 52nd and 53rd legislative sessions (from February 2003 to January 2011), in the process of formulating, implementing and overseeing the guidelines that oriented brazilian foreign policy. During the period of 2003 and 2010, which comprised the two-term presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers Party (PT), several issues became controversial in the Brazilian foreign relations arena. Beginning with a review of the Political Science and International Relations bibliography about the behavior of the National Congress and the dynamics involved in Brazilian foreign relations, the scope of this work is focused on the activities of the two permanent legislative committees. Composed by a wide range of technical and partisan profiles, these legislative niches are formed based on the appointments made by the congressional leadership and carry out a specific role within Congress: to address the country s international agenda. This dissertation aims to go beyond the account of activities related in the Annual Reports issued by each of the houses by including analyses of the constitutional, legal, informational and political aspects. More than recounting the results of eight years of work by these two nuclei of National Congress, this work seeks to observe these committees from the partisan, ideological and electoral perspectives. The examination of all the evidence supports the conclusion that legislators have been considerably proactive, participant and influential in Brazilian foreign policy decision-making. Differently from what previous studies have indicated, despite legal, constitutional and institutional limitations, the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate have not relinquished or delegated to the Executive Branch their roles in this regard. By highlighting this productivity, the current survey shows that these committees have been able to maintain, by their own activities, their autonomy in regard to external factors, such as pressure from the Executive and the aspirations of the constituency / Este trabalho analisa o papel institucional e a atuação da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados (CREDN) e da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal (CRE), em atividade durante as 52ª (2003-2006) e 53ª (2003-2006) legislaturas, no processo de formulação, implementação e fiscalização das diretrizes que conduziram a política externa brasileira. Entre os anos de 2003 e 2010, período que coincidiu com os dois mandatos do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), foram diversas as pautas e polêmicas que marcaram o campo das relações internacionais do Brasil. A partir da revisão bibliográfica nos campos da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais sobre o comportamento do Congresso Nacional e a dinâmica que envolve as relações exteriores do País, delimita-se o objeto desta pesquisa às duas Comissões Permanentes. Compostas por perfis técnicos e partidários dos mais variados, esses nichos legislativos são constituídos a partir das indicações do Colégio de Líderes e desempenham uma função específica no parlamento: tratar da agenda internacional brasileira. Esta dissertação propõe avançar além do balanço das atividades relatadas pelos respectivos Relatórios Anuais das duas Casas, incluindo análises dos aspectos constitucional, jurídico, informacional e político. Mais do que averiguar o resultado de oito anos de trabalho destes dois núcleos parlamentares, este levantamento dedicou-se à observação dessas comissões sob os pontos de vista partidário, ideológico e eleitoral. A soma de todas as evidências reunidas respalda a conclusão que aponta a proatividade, a participação e a influência dos legisladores em parte considerável da tomada de decisões sobre a política internacional do Brasil. Diferentemente do apontado em estudos anteriores, apesar das limitações jurídicas, constitucionais e institucionais, a Câmara dos Deputados e o Senado Federal não abdicam ou delegam ao Executivo as funções relativas a essa agenda. Ao realçar essa produtividade, a presente pesquisa revela que a CREDN e a CRE conseguem manter, com atividades próprias, autonomia em relação a fatores externos como a pressão do Executivo e as aspirações do eleitorado

2000年政黨輪替，台灣政局進入一個政治新紀元，台灣政府體制呈現「分裂政府」的狀態，行政、立法兩院的衝突與對立，導致政策推動受到嚴重的影響；在2004年第六屆立法委員選舉後，民進黨在立法院因席次未過半而無法控制國會，因此行政機關所面對的是更為複雜的互動環境，其結果必須動用更多的人力、資源來處理與國會之間的關係，也就是說當立法權膨漲或行政、立法互動不夠順暢時，國會聯絡機制受到高度的重視與強化。 縱觀民主國家政治發展可發現，國會聯絡就是引導行政與立法機關合作的重要途徑，此種聯繫管道如能通暢，無疑是維繫行政、立法有效溝通與合作的重要憑藉，並且能有效降低行政與立法機關在互動過程中所造成的衝突，而國會聯絡人就是此機制中的關鍵性角色，而本研究主要探討我國文建會國會聯絡組織運作之策略與互動過程中的角色及所發揮的功能。 基於以上的認知，本論文的發現如下： 一、當行政權與立法權分屬不同政黨所掌控，呈現分立政府狀態時，國會聯絡機制之策略運用，在互動過程中發揮重大的功能。 二、首長對國會運作之影響，可能是正面，也可能是負面，其差異乃在於首長是否願意將所握有的資源，運作於國會關係上，及加強國會行動的能力。 三、文建會國會聯絡工作以「服務案件」份量最多，且困難度最高。 四、國會聯絡人為國會與行政單位第一線接觸的尖兵，負責訊息傳達、意見溝通及議題協調。 五、好的國會聯絡人有助於國會運作，聯絡人必須具備的特質包括專業與熱誠、溝通與協調能力、熟悉政治運作與技巧、良好的國會人脈、長官授權與肯定。 / The aftermath of the 2000 Presidential election left the ROC fragmented among several political parties. The increasing political conflict between the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan has aggravated the administration process of government policies. The legislative elections in year 2004 created an even difficult situation when the Pan-Blue Coalition has gained the absolute majority over the Pan-Green Coalition, resulting in much of govenment-sponsored bills being deadlocked. Executive divisions are faced with increasingly complicated political environment, which requires greater manpower and resources to reconcile with the legislative branch. This situation, occurring when legislative branch overpowers or when inter-branch relations hampered, then calls for a strengthening of congressional liaison functions. In contemporary democratic systems, the congressional liaison is an important strategic intermediary between executive and legislative branches. A successful practice of the liaison function is expected to improve the communications and collaborations and to mitigate potential conflicts between executive and legislative branches. Congressional liaisons become the keys to the success of the function. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the role of congressional liaison at the Council for Cultural Affairs (CCA) in inter-branch politics. Major conclusions of this thesis are summarized as follows: 1.In a divided party government, strategic operations of congressional liaison provide great contributions to the interactions between executive and legislative branches. 2.Strengthened public relations with the congress improves the administrative efficiency and helps achieving policy goals of executive divisions. 3.Service-type tasks have become the major load of congressional liaison offices at the CCA and have shown to suffer the greatest complications. 4.The congressional liaison office, being on the front line of executive-legislative branch relations, is responsible for information delivery, opinion exchanges and reconciliation of issues with the legislative institution. 5.A competent congressional liaison will successfully assist the congressional operations and is expected to have the following characteristics: being professional and enthusiastic, having great communication and coordination skills, being familiar with political operations, having extensive connections in congress, and being authorized and endorsed by superiors.

一國之國會運作可謂民主進步的原動力，其運作之良善更有賴社會大眾有力之監督，利益團體在遊說時出現盲點，甚至抓不到遊說程序的重點，就會陷入「事倍功半」的窘境，很難期待行政官員或立法委員能夠支持，甚至願意挺身而出為政策執行或立法盡一份心力。 本研究自文獻參考中整理出一「台灣利益團體遊說」研究模型，然後自1993年-2005年十三年間，從中挑選了二十個案例，以具體交叉分析該等利益團體在遊說過程時所須注意或引用之各項因素，透過質化分析，探討利益團體其策略運作情形及優缺點；並且套用策略管理學上所常用的SWOT分析模式，試圖找出利益團體遊說之台灣經驗模式。 研究發現，遊說不管是公益性組織或私利性組織，清楚知道本身的遊說目的、遊說的方法固然重要，亦必須考慮遊說的外在環境以及遊說主體本身的性質問題，若太過偏重於遊說行動策略的單向思考，而忽視外在環境的現實問題以及操作主體實力的優劣勢分析，易於產生僵化式的遊說策略模式。 所以有心進行遊說之組織均應洞悉和操作方式，但操作之前亦必須先充分掌握遊說之外在環境和操作主體的優劣勢後，再視輕重緩急、量力而為，並適時做調整，以達到截長補短、前景預測的最佳狀態，以利遊說目的圓滿成功。 關鍵詞：利益團體、遊說、倡議、國會運作、策略、SWOT / The Congress operation functions as the driving force for a country to progress towards democracy. The operational performance of the Congress depends upon powerful supervision by the general public. Sometimes the interest groups may fall into the “fruitlessness” dilemma in the event that they run into a blind spot, or even when they fail to hit the nail on the head. In turn, they can hardly win support from government officers or congressmen. They will come forward to defend the executive or legislative performance. Through literature review, this research designs a model and applies it to analyze the performance of 20 interest groups in Taiwan selected between 1993 and 2005. In particular, this model analyzes the pros and cons of different strategies employed by these interest groups. In addition, this model also uses the SWOT analysis developed from strategic management to generalize the behavior patterns of selected interest groups. This research finds out that the external environment and the nature of issues are also important factors affecting the lobbying results. If an interest group focuses only on the lobbying strategies but ignores the external environment or relative strength between the subject and others, it may generalize rigid lobbying strategies. Therefore, the success of lobbying depends on an interest group’s assessment of external environment and relative strength before operation, as well as the lobbying strategies and adjustments during operation. Key words: Interest groups, Lobby, Advocacy, Congressional operation, strategies, SWOT

我國之政治文化從早期之臣屬型轉變為參與型，政治體制由威權體制轉型為民主體制，在民主化的過程中，立法院之結構與功能產生極大的變化，從以前「行政院之立法局」，成為今日全國政治運作的中心，復經六次修憲之結果，立法院集所有職權於一身，為民主國家實質的國會。 立法委員係在眾多優秀之候選人之中，經過選舉之洗禮產生，其專業素養、品德修養理應有超於常人之標準。惟揆諸今日之立法院，立法委員之表現似乎違背了多數選民之期待。有鑑於此，立法院於民國八十八年一月十二日，三讀通過了國會改革五大法案，之後復經歷次修正，期能改善目前議事效率與品質低落之窘境。 國會議事運作之失調，並非一朝一夕所造成，而是有其歷史性結構的因素。然時至今日，立法院的生態與以前大不相同，民國八十九年的總統大選亦首度出現政黨輪替的情形，惟國會的議事運作並未隨著民主政治的進步而改變過去非體制內之抗爭，反而有過之而無不及。 議事運作的過程中所產生之諸多問題，大多繫於利益之糾葛，近年來雖已陸續通過國會改革五大法案、公職人員財產申報法、公職人員利益衝突迴避法等規範公職人員倫理的法律，惟拘束力並不彰顯。因此，本研究經深度訪談、參與觀察及蒐集國內、外相關文獻，探討立法院議事運作失調之原因，並提出擬提昇立法品質與效率之方式，應從強化立法院內部之自律機制、公權力制衡與社會之監督三個面向，型塑國會倫理，始能為國會改革帶來新契機。同時，亦能建立我國立法問政之優良典範。 / The political culture of our country transformed from feudalism to participation, and the political system from autocracy to democracy. In the process of getting democratic, the structure and function of Legislative Yuan has altered dramatically. It used to be Legislative Bureau under the Executive Yuan, but now, it has become headquarter of national political operation. After the six constitutional amendments, Legislative Yuan has been literally the all-in-one congress in a democratic state. Legislators are elites with outstanding professional knowledge and morality, chosen out of a number of brilliant participants. On the other hand, though, the incumbent ones in the Legislative Yuan seem to let the voters down. To pull up this declination, the Legislative Yuan passed 5 major acts on congressional innovation after 3rd reading on January 12th, 1999, and several amendments following that, hoping to improve the inefficiency and low quality. The malfunction of Legislative Yuan didn’t start from yesterday but with historical background. Till now, the environment in it has been so different from before. The first rotation of ruling party took place in 2000, but this improvement in democracy made the working of congressional agenda have even more conflicts inside the framework. Most problems derived from the process of agenda processing can find its root in the tangle of benefit. Though the major acts on congressional innovation, the law of official’s property exposure, and the law to prevent official’s benefit conflict, that help regulate the virtues of officials, had been passed respectively, the binding force is not strong enough and obvious. Therefore, on the basis of interview, observation, and collection of the domestic and foreign document, this research will discuss the reasons leading to the malfunction of Legislative Yuan and come up with the quality and efficiency resolution, which is strengthen the self-control inside the structure, the balance of public power, and the monitor of the whole society. To bring a new opportunity for revolution in our congress, we have to mold the congressional ethics, and then a terrific well-function Legislative system can be built as well.

The United States has the highest incarceration rate of any country. The causes for the large number of prisoners can be traced, in part, to a politicized war on crime that resulted in harsh sentencing and high recidivism rates. Prisoner education provides the potential for slowing the revolving door of prison by helping to create engaged citizens, who are committed to bettering themselves and their communities. However, there is a paucity of support for programs such as Pell Grants, which could facilitate emancipatory education in prisons. The purpose of this work is to examine why prisoners are provided few meaningful educational opportunities while incarcerated. This study seeks to understand the genealogy of prisoner education policy through an examination of the debate surrounding the 1994 Omnibus Crime Bill and its prohibition of Pell Grants for prisoners, as well as the 2008 Second Chance Act and its reentry programs. The study analyzes the ideological underpinnings of key decision makers and how their values are often embedded in the narratives of neoliberalism. In addition, the work examines elite stakeholders’ discursive attempts, both manifest and subtle, to influence and maintain social policy through the creation of legitimizing myths, including the viewpoints that prisoners are hopelessly flawed or that they have potential only as human capital. Counter-hegemonic discourse is also described. The study methods are critical discourse analysis which looks at the ways text and talk maintain inequities in society and critical policy analysis. Utilizing transcripts from legislative debates, the study analyzes the discourses of members of Congress to expose the tropes that often lie beneath the surface of the debate over prisoner education. Their rhetoric appears to generate and maintain widespread support for legislation that is frequently deleterious to marginalized out-groups. The study should add to the literature examining the role of legitimizing myths that maintain inequities in educational access.

No description available.

Trust in information systems stem from two key properties of responses to queries regarding the state of the system, viz., i) authoritativeness, and ii) unbiasedness. That the response is authoritative implies that i) the provider (source) of the response, and ii) the chain of delegations through which the provider obtained the authority to respond, can be verified. The property of unbiasedness implies that no system data relevant to the query is deliberately or accidentally suppressed. The need for guaranteeing these two important properties stem from the impracticality for the verifier to exhaustively verify the correctness of every system process, and the integrity of the platform on which system processes are executed. For instance, the integrity of a process may be jeopardized by i) bugs (attacks) in computing hardware like Random Access Memory (RAM), input/output channels (I/O), and Central Processing Unit( CPU), ii) exploitable defects in an operating system, iii) logical bugs in program implementation, and iv) a wide range of other embedded malfunctions, among others. A first step in ensuing AU properties of geographic queries is the need to ensure AU responses to a specific type of geographic query, viz., point-location. The focus of this dissertation is on strategies to leverage assured point-location, for i) ensuring authoritativeness and unbiasedness (AU) of responses to a wide range of geographic queries; and ii) useful applications like Secure Queryable Dynamic Maps (SQDM) and trustworthy redistricting protocol. The specific strategies used for guaranteeing AU properties of geographic services include i) use of novel Merkle-hash tree- based data structures, and ii) blockchain networks to guarantee the integrity of the processes.

No description available.

Studies on Presidential-Executive relations fails to empirically analyze whether or not modern presidential scandal can impact presidential-congressional relations. Meinke and Anderson (2001) find that presidential scandal impacts House of Representatives voting behavior on key votes cited by Congressional Quarterly. A slight revision and replication of Meinke and Anderson's research finds presidential scandal impacts Senate aggregate key votes reported by Congressional Quarterly. In addition, political party plays a more important role than scandal in determining the logged odds of Senate key votes and presidential agreement. / Master of Arts