This study sought to examine those factors that make voluntary enlistment feasible among most advanced industrial countries nowadays. Also aims to find out actors that lead Taiwan to follow the global trend to change from conscription to voluntary enlistment, the intention behind such a policy, challenges or problems has occurred or might emerge in the future, and how to deal with them. In order to answer the questions, this study used literature analysis and comparative method to collect related materials to analyze global trend and development of military service, make comparison of different types of military service systems and study policies of Taiwanese military service and reform in detail. Analysis of this study shows that on the way of changing from conscription to voluntary enlistment, Taiwan faces several limitations such as low recruitment rates of professional soldiers, poor military discipline, a lack of public interests, rigid legal regulations, threats to national security, insufficient supporting programs, uneven distribution of military spending and workloads. This study comes up with some policy suggestions such as the government should raise social status of the military and public trust in the military,prolong service length of four-months military training, improve supporting programs and welfare of voluntary enlistment, improve balanced allocation of national defense spending on military personnel and weapons, adjust patterns of military training to improve specialization in the military, and evenly distribute the number of soldiers supply (according to college calendar) to smoothly realize military service reform in Taiwan.

This dissertation investigates how personal military service, which during the immensely popular Crimean War of 1854-6 was regarded as the business only of an abstract and lowly soldier-class, had by the eve of the Great War taken on the aspect of a clear and universal citizenly duty in London press discourse. It utilises text-searchable digitised newspaper archives to exhaustively review the whole body of relevant press debate in thirteen key London periodicals, identifying key shifts and trends in press conceptions of civilian military obligation over the six decades between the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 and the eve of the Great War in 1914. The analytical narrative that emerges highlights the importance of key events, including the Crimean War, Indian Mutiny, wars of Prussian expansionism, and Boer War, in promoting and shaping the coherent conception of citizenly duty towards military service that would go on to underpin not only the mass enlistments of 1914 but also the acceptance of conscription in 1916. It suggests also the important role of broader cultural and political trends – in particular, the advent of militarist Imperialism, the growing legitimacy of the state, the shift towards a more collectivist ‘social democratic’ liberalism, and the emergence of ‘contractual’ theories of citizenship – in facilitating a reconciliation between the military imperative towards mass civilian military participation and existing liberal values and ideologies. This dissertation reveals that the societal consensus on the duty to enlist in 1914 was by no means a foregone cultural conclusion, nor indeed the relic of an earlier heroic age, but rather the dynamic product of evolution and contestation over six decades. The present study not only provides vital context to our understanding of the ‘rush to the colours’ of 1914, but also represents the first historical investigation of an important and much-neglected aspect of the relationship between war and society.

Ce travail étudie une catégorie socio-professionnelle méconnue de l'époque moderne : les commissaires aux classes et ceux qui en faisaient fonction de 1668 à 1795. Il retrace l'évolution de cet office au cours de la période, en mettant au jour les modifications apportées par les différents secrétaires d'État : ceux-ci cherchent à mieux circonscrire les charges dévolues aux commissaires, s'appuyant sur les nombreux rapports, correspondances et mémoires rédigés dans les ports, en temps de guerre comme en temps de paix. Mais au-delà de la fonction, souvent protéiforme (de la levée des classes aux inspections de bâtiments), il y a les hommes mêmes, des hommes de terrain, souvent commissaires de père en fils, qui tissent auprès des gens de mer de véritables réseaux (familiaux, professionnels) qui compensent leur image ambivalente. Critiqués, ils jouent pourtant dans les quartiers qu'ils ont en charge un rôle de modérateur social jusqu’ici largement ignoré. L'étude se propose de montrer comment au fil des ans ces hommes de plume se sont mués en agents d’administration. Elle met également en évidence la naissance de dynasties constituant et s’intégrant à des clientèles plus vastes, conscientes tout autant de leurs devoirs que de leurs prérogatives vis-à-vis de l'épée. Deux études de cas, l’une présentant l’émergence d’une de ces dynasties et l’autre analysant un procès en prévarication, illustrent les thèses avancées. Le volume II présente un dictionnaire biographique de 440 responsables des classes, permettant de mieux se représenter la réalité tant numérique que sociologique de ces cadres de l'administration maritime. / This study analyses a widely unknown 18th century socio-professional category: the commissaires des classes. The French government's system of naval conscription created by Colbert in 1668 divided the realm into several districts, each one directed by an officier des classes. Although they are a reliable source on the French seamen, no one ever wondered who they were, what their social background was and how they managed to fulfill the government's requests concerning naval conscription. The Secretaries of State for the Navy tried to turn them from simple clerks to officers of administration. Thus emerged many unofficial functions, such as: social appeasement, financial help for seamen and closer relations with the littoral authorities (municipalities, merchants, ship-owners) than ever suspected. Their image proved to be ambivalent: they were loathed because they embodied the Royal Law but also praised for their social work. Difficulties in wartime forced them to rise to the occasion. The study of their work through their letters and reports to the Ministry, their administrative production (registration rolls) and the up to now widely unused personal files kept in the National Archives also revealed that they built dynasties of administrators intimately linked with clientelist networks within the maritime districts and at the Court. Acting as a lobby group, these families were keen on keeping their privileges and on preserving their interests in spite of the numerous reforms held by the Ministers throughout the 18th century. A biographical dictionary of 440 officers of classes completes this study, revealing the sociological reality of this administrative key group.

Cette étude vise à déterminer dans quelle mesure des causes antérieures à la Révolution tranquille expliquent la nouvelle organisation sociale du Canada français, contrairement à l’idée selon laquelle les années soixante inaugurent une rupture identitaire amenant les Canadiens français à l’extérieur du Québec à ne plus se considérer comme issus d’une nation canadienne-française commune. Durant le première moitié du XXe siècle, plusieurs événements perturbateurs complexifient l’histoire des relations entre ces groupes minoritaires et ceux qu’elle perçoit comme les Autres : la majorité anglo-canadienne et les Canadiens français du Québec en situation majoritaire. Les crises scolaires en Ontario (1912), au Manitoba (1916) et en Saskatchewan (1931), ainsi que les crises de la conscription (1917 et 1944), ont chacune une incidence non seulement sur les rapports réels entre les minorités et les groupes majoritaires concernés, mais aussi sur les représentations qu’ils en ont dans la presse canadienne. Le dépouillement de quelques journaux des minorités canadiennes-françaises (Le Droit, Le Patriote de l’Ouest, La Liberté, La Survivance) publiés durant les crises provinciales ou nationales envisagées nous permettra de vérifier l’hypothèse selon laquelle elles contribuent, sous les formes qu’elles prennent dans la presse en tant que « moments discursifs » (Moirand), à préparer la rupture du Canada français de 1912 à 1944. Après avoir mis en évidence le contenu et les différentes formes du discours journalistique sur les relations entre les minorités canadiennes-françaises et les autres Canadiens, nous analyserons les discours relatifs à l’enfance (discours sur le parentage, les conditions d’hygiène, les mauvaises fréquentations, etc.) et ceux spécialement écrits à l’intention de la jeunesse canadienne-française. Ils nous aideront à suivre l’évolution de la littérature pour la jeunesse dans la presse, d’observer ce qu’elle tire des autres discours qui y circulent, comment elle conçoit sa fonction, souvent idéologique, dans la société, et la manière dont elle contribue au glissement identitaire qui s’opère graduellement jusqu’aux années soixante.

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Cette étude vise à déterminer dans quelle mesure des causes antérieures à la Révolution tranquille expliquent la nouvelle organisation sociale du Canada français, contrairement à l’idée selon laquelle les années soixante inaugurent une rupture identitaire amenant les Canadiens français à l’extérieur du Québec à ne plus se considérer comme issus d’une nation canadienne-française commune. Durant le première moitié du XXe siècle, plusieurs événements perturbateurs complexifient l’histoire des relations entre ces groupes minoritaires et ceux qu’elle perçoit comme les Autres : la majorité anglo-canadienne et les Canadiens français du Québec en situation majoritaire. Les crises scolaires en Ontario (1912), au Manitoba (1916) et en Saskatchewan (1931), ainsi que les crises de la conscription (1917 et 1944), ont chacune une incidence non seulement sur les rapports réels entre les minorités et les groupes majoritaires concernés, mais aussi sur les représentations qu’ils en ont dans la presse canadienne. Le dépouillement de quelques journaux des minorités canadiennes-françaises (Le Droit, Le Patriote de l’Ouest, La Liberté, La Survivance) publiés durant les crises provinciales ou nationales envisagées nous permettra de vérifier l’hypothèse selon laquelle elles contribuent, sous les formes qu’elles prennent dans la presse en tant que « moments discursifs » (Moirand), à préparer la rupture du Canada français de 1912 à 1944. Après avoir mis en évidence le contenu et les différentes formes du discours journalistique sur les relations entre les minorités canadiennes-françaises et les autres Canadiens, nous analyserons les discours relatifs à l’enfance (discours sur le parentage, les conditions d’hygiène, les mauvaises fréquentations, etc.) et ceux spécialement écrits à l’intention de la jeunesse canadienne-française. Ils nous aideront à suivre l’évolution de la littérature pour la jeunesse dans la presse, d’observer ce qu’elle tire des autres discours qui y circulent, comment elle conçoit sa fonction, souvent idéologique, dans la société, et la manière dont elle contribue au glissement identitaire qui s’opère graduellement jusqu’aux années soixante.

A política, no sistema internacional do século XXI, será impactada pelas mudanças na base demográfica dos países. Ao mesmo tempo, aumenta a necessidade de Estados com acesso a tecnologias de ponta, ou seja, de grande polaridade, de utilizarem os recursos humanos de países em crescimento para a maximização de poder. O processo impacta a polarização com novas alianças de países. O uso da força necessita de pessoas para a defesa e a garantia da sobrevivência do Estado na Anarquia. Principalmente, em um cenário de guerra sistêmica com a utilização de armas nucleares que constituem as fiadoras das operações convencionais. Concomitantemente, a quantidade de pessoas na força de trabalho é a base das políticas de dissuasão nuclear dos Estados devido a capacidade de sobrevivência a um segundo ataque. / The policy in the twenty-first century international system, will be impacted by changes in the demographic base of countries. At the same time, increases the need for States with access to advanced technologies, ie, high polarity, use of human resources for countries to maximize growth of power. The polarization process impacts of new alliances with countries. The use of force requires people to defend and guarantee the survival of the state in Anarchy. Especially in a war scenario with the systemic use of nuclear weapons which are the guarantors of conventional operations. Concomitantly, the number of people in the workforce is the cornerstone of nuclear deterrence policies of the states over the survivability of a second attack.

A política, no sistema internacional do século XXI, será impactada pelas mudanças na base demográfica dos países. Ao mesmo tempo, aumenta a necessidade de Estados com acesso a tecnologias de ponta, ou seja, de grande polaridade, de utilizarem os recursos humanos de países em crescimento para a maximização de poder. O processo impacta a polarização com novas alianças de países. O uso da força necessita de pessoas para a defesa e a garantia da sobrevivência do Estado na Anarquia. Principalmente, em um cenário de guerra sistêmica com a utilização de armas nucleares que constituem as fiadoras das operações convencionais. Concomitantemente, a quantidade de pessoas na força de trabalho é a base das políticas de dissuasão nuclear dos Estados devido a capacidade de sobrevivência a um segundo ataque. / The policy in the twenty-first century international system, will be impacted by changes in the demographic base of countries. At the same time, increases the need for States with access to advanced technologies, ie, high polarity, use of human resources for countries to maximize growth of power. The polarization process impacts of new alliances with countries. The use of force requires people to defend and guarantee the survival of the state in Anarchy. Especially in a war scenario with the systemic use of nuclear weapons which are the guarantors of conventional operations. Concomitantly, the number of people in the workforce is the cornerstone of nuclear deterrence policies of the states over the survivability of a second attack.

A política, no sistema internacional do século XXI, será impactada pelas mudanças na base demográfica dos países. Ao mesmo tempo, aumenta a necessidade de Estados com acesso a tecnologias de ponta, ou seja, de grande polaridade, de utilizarem os recursos humanos de países em crescimento para a maximização de poder. O processo impacta a polarização com novas alianças de países. O uso da força necessita de pessoas para a defesa e a garantia da sobrevivência do Estado na Anarquia. Principalmente, em um cenário de guerra sistêmica com a utilização de armas nucleares que constituem as fiadoras das operações convencionais. Concomitantemente, a quantidade de pessoas na força de trabalho é a base das políticas de dissuasão nuclear dos Estados devido a capacidade de sobrevivência a um segundo ataque. / The policy in the twenty-first century international system, will be impacted by changes in the demographic base of countries. At the same time, increases the need for States with access to advanced technologies, ie, high polarity, use of human resources for countries to maximize growth of power. The polarization process impacts of new alliances with countries. The use of force requires people to defend and guarantee the survival of the state in Anarchy. Especially in a war scenario with the systemic use of nuclear weapons which are the guarantors of conventional operations. Concomitantly, the number of people in the workforce is the cornerstone of nuclear deterrence policies of the states over the survivability of a second attack.

It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.