Nous chercherons à nous enquérir du statut de la relation à la fois délicate et complexe du conservateur avec la connaissance politique rendue possible par l’entremise de sa raison, théorique et pratique. Nous travaillerons d’abord à faire ressortir les dispositions épistémologiques du conservateur qui débouchent typiquement sur l’antirationalisme et le scepticisme. Nous procèderons ensuite à l’examen des conséquences, sur le plan de l’action politique, de la conception conservatrice de la connaissance, conséquences qui amènent souvent ses partisans à adopter une posture politique distinctement pessimiste. Nous parcourrons finalement la lecture conservatrice de l’histoire politique canadienne dans l’objectif d’éclairer notre étude subséquente d’un certain nombre d’attitudes épistémologiques et politiques conservatrices particulières, dont ont tour à tour fait preuve diverses figures de proue de la tradition conservatrice canadienne. Au terme de notre enquête, nous espérons proposer un nouvel angle d’étude du conservatisme, celui de l’épistémologie, capable d’améliorer notre compréhension, et notre évaluation, des entreprises politiques et morales du mouvement conservateur canadien. / By way of an analysis of sections of its oral and written discourse, this thesis aims at investigating Canadian and Western conservatism in order to shed light on the definition, role and limits that conservatives attach to political knowledge, political reason and thus, to the faculty of judgment in politics. We shall first inquire into the conservative universe to underline the epistemological dispositions its adherents distinctively exhibit and which, more often than not, determine their non-rationalism and epistemological agnosticism. We shall consequently explore the political consequences of the conservative conception of political knowledge, which often command their political pessimism. After we briefly explore the conservative reading of Canadian political history, we proceed to the illustration of conservative epistemology and politics in showing how certain Canadian conservatives have exemplified some of the principles we highlighted in previous sections of the study. As we shall show, this particular scholarly exercise is a key to a better understanding and evaluation of Canadian conservatism, as well as its political and moral enterprises.

L’inflation a diminué de façon importante dans les pays riches depuis le début des années 80. Cette baisse de l’inflation n’est pas un hasard et peut, en partie, être liée à la mise en place de nouvelles institutions et politiques monétaires. Ce mémoire examine la relation qui existe entre deux de ces institutions, l’indépendance politique et le conservatisme d’une banque centrale, et l’idéal d’égalité économique. Peut-on, demandons-nous, être égalitariste et défendre, à la fois, l’indépendance politique d’une banque centrale et la volonté «conservatrice» de faire de l’inflation une priorité relativement au chômage? Le mémoire se divise en trois grandes parties. Une version crédible de l’égalitarisme économique est d’abord présentée. La relation qui existe entre le phénomène d’inflation et l’égalitarisme est, ensuite, examinée. Une réflexion critique sur les fondements théoriques de l’indépendance politique et du conservatisme est, enfin, développée. Nous concluons que la théorie égalitariste ne permet pas, à elle seule, de déterminer si un modèle particulier de banque centrale est moralement désirable. Pour se porter à la défense d’une banque centrale indépendante et conservatrice, un égalitariste doit adhérer à des prémisses économiques contestées. / Inflation has been decreasing in rich countries since the beggining of the 80’s. The creation of new monetary institutions in the western world is, partly at least, responsible for this fall. This Master’s thesis examines the relation beetween the ideal of economic equality and two important monetary institutions: Central bank conservatism and political independance. Can egalitarians support, I ask, the conservatism and the political independance of a central bank? This work is divided in three parts. We, first, present a credible definition of what egalitarism is. We examine the relation that exists beetween inflation and egalitarianism. Finally, we analyse and criticize the theoretical foundation of political independance and monetary conservatism. We conclude that egalitarianism cannot determinate, by itself, the moral quality of monetary institutions. Egalitarians can defend central bank political independance and conservatism, but to do so they have to accept controversial economic premisses.

Cette thèse de doctorat est une biographie historique et politique de Martin Heidegger, comparé à d'autres intellectuels européens ; elle traite de l'amour de ce philosophe pour sa Heimat (pays natal) et pour l'Allemagne, articulé avec son appartenance à l'Europe et à l'Histoire de l'Être ; cette identité politique complexe va de pair avec une critique sévère du monde moderne en continuité avec ses origines catholiques conservatrices et avec une conception de la pensée « apolitique » bien qu'engagée, cela bien avant l'avènement du nazisme et le rectorat de Heidegger. De ce fait, cette thèse, qui n'évite pas la question de son engagement nazi, couvre un champ historique bien plus large et tente de mettre en lumière l'arrière-plan complexe et changeant, qui bien avant l'ascension de Hitler, permet de comparer le philosophe avec des intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire en Allemagne (Révolution conservatrice) aussi bien qu'en Europe : après la découverte du Mouvement de jeunesse et l'expérience de la guerre en 1918, Heidegger abandonna son conservatisme catholique et se convertit à l'idée d'une révolution philosophique inspirée par les idéaux de responsabilité et d'authenticité de ce mouvement de réforme de la vie. Durant les années 1920, il conçut la philosophie de plus en plus avec les idées de combat et de racines ; l'importance reconnue à la violence politique, y compris pour un but philosophique, fait clairement de Martin Heidegger un fils de ces sociétés européennes “brutalisées” par la Grande Guerre et le met nettement au milieu de ces intellectuels de droite révolutionnaire. / This Ph.D. dissertation is a historical political biography of Martin Heidegger, compared with other European intellectuals ; it deals with the philosopher's love for his Heimat (homeland) and for Germany, articulated with his belonging to Europe and to the history of being ; this complex political identity goes with a severe criticism of modern world in continuity with his conservative catholic origins, and with an apolitical though engaged conception of thought, that long before the coming of Nazism and Heidegger's rectorate. For that matter, this thesis, which does not avoid the question of his Nazi engagement, has a much larger scope and tries to bring into the light the complex and changing background, that even before Hitler's elevation, allows to compare the philosopher with revolutionary right-wing intellectuals in Germany (Conservative Revolution) as well as in Europe : after the discovery of the German Youth Movement and the experience of war in 1918, Heidegger left his catholic conservatism and converted to an idea of philosophical revolution inspired by the ideals of responsibility and authenticity of this life reform movement. During the 1920's, he conceived philosophy more and more with the ideas of fight and roots ; The importance recognized to fight and violence in politics, even for a philosophical goal, makes clearly Martin Heidegger a son of these “brutalized” European after-war societies and put him in the middle of these revolutionary right-wing intellectuals.

Neophobia and exploratory behaviour are two processes applied in great measure in birds' reactions towards novel stimuli. The specific demonstration of these two processes may differ between different species of birds as well as within them. We compared neophobia and exploratory behaviour in two species of tits (Paridae). Adult Great tits (Parus major) and Blue tits (Cyanistes caeruleus) did not differ neither in exploring novel environment and novel object nor in neophobia towards novel object near food. We have found great differences between juveniles of these two species. Juvenile Blue tits were more neophobic towards both novel objects. Age, sex and personality affected some differences within tested species. We tested whether there exist any differences in reactions towards novel food between and within species. We used red painted mealworm (larvae of Tenebrio molitor), house cricket (Acheta domestica) and aposematic bug (Pyrrhocoris apterus) as novel food. Adult wild-caught tits with plentiful experience with various feeds did not differ in reaction towards these types of novel food. In contrast hand-reared juvenile tits differed quite a lot. Juvenile Blue tits were more neophobic than juvenile Great tits towards all three types of novel food. We found dieraty conservatism, phenomenon...

Along with the right-left economical dimension of positioning of political parties and voters, there is also dimension of division along cultural and value items which is described as authoritarianism - libertarianism axis or sometimes conservatism - liberalism. In new democracies the division along clear support for liberal democracy on the one hand and support or toleration of non liberal use of power on the other hand is often very important. We distinguish between authoritarianism as orientation with tendency towards support for restrictive and hierarchical politics, which in some cases lead to non liberal variant of formally democratic order, and cultural conservatism, which has its roots mainly in higher level of religiosity. Authoritarian and conservative tendencies are to certain level associated with each other, nevertheless they do not create an integral complex. There is evidence of a group with authoritarian value orientation and culturally liberal position at the same time; in Slovak conditions it is the case of the electorate of left wing party Smer (Direction). Examining the opinion cleavage among Slovak public along cultural and value questions, we identify the biggest conflict potential of the authoritarian items as the mode of political rule and nationalism. Next significant...

Between 1830 and 1914 in Britain a dramatic modification of the reputation of Edmund Burke (1730-97) occurred. Burke, an Irishman and Whig politician, is now most commonly known as the 'founder of modern conservatism' – an intellectual tradition which is also deeply connected to the identity of the British Conservative party. Indeed, the idea of 'Burkean conservatism’ – a political philosophy which upholds ‘the authority of tradition', the organic, historic conception of society, and the necessity of order, religion, and property – has been incredibly influential both in international academic analysis and in the wider political world. This is an intellectual construct of high significance, but its origins have not hitherto been understood: insofar as it has been considered at all, it has been typically seen as the work of Cold War American conservatives. In contrast, this thesis demonstrates that the transformation of Burke into the 'founder of conservatism' was in fact part of wider developments in British political, intellectual, and cultural history in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing from a wide range of sources, including political texts, parliamentary speeches, histories, biographies, and educational curricula, this thesis provides a properly contextual history of political thought. It shows how and why Burke's reputation was transformed over a formative period of British history. In doing so, it bridges the significant gap between the history of political thought as conventionally understood and the history of the making of political traditions. The result is to show that, by 1914, Burke had been firmly established as a 'conservative' political philosopher and was admired and utilised by political Conservatives in Britain who identified themselves as his intellectual heirs. This was one essential component of a conscious re-working of 'C/conservatism', especially from the mid-1880s, which is still at work today.

Researchers have suggested that Blacks who express linked racial fate are ideologically liberal. Given the prominence of Black philosophical thought and salience of race, I suggest that linked racial fate results in conservative ideology, which exists on a separate ideological dimension than the traditional conservative ideological dimension. This new ideological dimension, referred to as conservatism among Blacks, is vital to understanding Black political thought in the 21st century. Using data from the 1996 National Black Election Study, 2008 National Annenberg Election Study, and focus group data I argue that the conservative ideas espoused by Blacks, specifically members of the Talented Tenth, actually support Black advancement in the same way that Blacks express support for Democratic candidates or ideals as a result of linked racial fate. Moreover, conservatism among Blacks does not result in a specific partisan identification or support for certain candidates; instead, conservatism results in explicit support for policies and ideas that align with the ideas and philosophies of Booker T. Washington, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Marcus M. Garvey. This dissertation fills the gap in the literature that does not utilize Black philosophers, Black political leaders, or college educated Blacks to explain Black political thought and behavior. The study of members of the Talented Tenth provides a framework for understanding how Blacks negotiate various political philosophies, challenging traditional Black American political thought while remaining racially linked to the Black community

Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters in History at the University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa 2017 / This dissertation examines and explains the underlying social, ideological and economic reasons why the white population of Ermelo gravitated to a politics of the extreme in the years 1960-1994. In contrast to commonly held views that the growth of ultraconservatism correlates neatly with economic trends this dissertation argues that ultraconservatism in Ermelo emerged due to varying complex and at times contradictory reasons. By examining white society at the time of conquest in the 1860s, it is argued that whites in this area formed racist views from the time of settlement as the commercial success of their newly acquired farmland was dependant on the exploitation of cheap black labour. The focus of this study is however, on the emergence of new ultraconservative political parties from the late 1960s to the early 1990s which formed in reaction to National Party and local political dynamics. It is argued that the bedrock of conservative views was moulded during the time of initial settlement, however, for various reasons throughout the years these views were held and propagated. This study is a local history of ultraconservatism in Ermelo and illuminates particularities in the town’s white politics within the context of profound changes in Afrikaner politics nationally. White working-class workers and farmers supported ultraconservatives while white business people supported the NP and their politics of reform. This dissertation made use of public and private archives as well as life history interviews with various long-time residents of the town. It is argued that although capitalism was the main motivator for ultraconservative views and politics in the mid 1800s, it was also capitalism that brought about reform and created a platform for negotiation in the 1990s when ultraconservative political parties threatened the peaceful transition into a democratic South Africa. / XL2018

Muito em função da dificuldade de se observar o dia-a-dia dos conselheiros nas empresas, acadêmicos e profissionais se questionam sobre a importância dessas estruturas de governança corporativa (GC) quando o assunto é propriedade dos números contábeis. Nesse sentido, esta tese, além de discutir extensivamente e traçar um panorama geral acerca da configuração desses conselhos no Brasil ao longo dos últimos cinco anos, estuda de que forma essas e outras estruturas de GC se associam com medidas de qualidade da informação contábil das firmas brasileiras. Diferentemente do que se encontra na literatura existente, a pesquisa em tela buscou compreender o ambiente dos conselhos de administração (CAs) e Fiscais (CFs) de modo mais amplo, avaliando de forma agregada 35 características estruturais, de remuneração e de composição desses órgãos, considerando suas inter-relações e implicações quando da associação destas com variáveis que medem as propriedades informacionais contidas no lucro. Para tanto, analisou-se, em média, cerca de 325 empresas por ano, compreendendo análise de 19.487 currículos de conselheiros de administração e fiscais efetivos no país, além da análise das outras variáveis de governança, tais como avaliação formal de conselheiros, frequência de reuniões, tipos de contrato de remuneração e outras. Posteriormente, utilizou-se a técnica de Análise Fatorial para estabelecer constructos subjacentes e não correlacionados entre si, de modo que os coeficientes estimados nas regressões posteriores fossem reportados de forma mais consistente do que se construídos com um número limitado de variáveis individuais. Cinco fatores representam mais de 80% da variância dos dados, sinalizando que características como idade, formação básica em administração, contabilidade e/ou economia, remuneração, board interlocking e tamanho do conselho formam um agregado parcimonioso de características que representam a maior parte da diversidade subjacente dos conselhos brasileiros. Destarte, após análise de simultaneidade dos modelos, testou-se as associações existentes entre as propriedades dos números contábeis e os fatores de GC por intermédio de modelos de regressão múltipla estimados pelo método OLS, e de modelos de regressão logística, controlados por setor, tamanho das empresas, adesão aos níveis diferenciados de governança, emissão de ADR, presença de CF permanente instalado, estrutura de propriedade e outros. Os resultados indicam uma associação inversa e significante entre a proporção dos membros que participam de outros CAs e os níveis de persistência, sinalizando que empresas com CAs formados por membros dedicados tendem a reportar, na média, lucros mais persistentes. A remuneração variável é positivamente relacionada com a persistência dos lucros reportados sugerindo que a remuneração dos conselheiros é influenciada pela substância econômica dos resultados divulgados e com o conservadorismo contido no lucro sinalizando para redução do conservadorismo contábil na medida em que a remuneração variável dos conselheiros aumenta. A idade também mostrou ser fator relevante para explicar os níveis de conservadorismo e de gerenciamento de resultados das firmas, sinalizando tendência de maior grau de conservadorismo e menor grau de gerenciamento de resultados por parte dos conselheiros mais velhos. Adicionalmente, não foi possível afirmar que o conselho fiscal afeta de forma positiva o monitoramento da qualidade dos lucros reportados no mercado de capitais brasileiro / In view of the difficulty of observing the day-to-day activities of members of oversight board and board of directors, academics and professionals wonder about the importance of corporate governance (CG) structures when the subject is the propiety of accounting numbers. In this sense, besides discussing extensively and tracing an overview of the configuration of these boards in Brazil over the past five years, I also study how these and other CG structures are associated with proxies of accounting information of Brazilian firms. Contrary to what has been found in the existing literature, I seek to understand the environment of the board of directors (BoD) and oversight board (OB) more broadly, evaluating in an aggregate way 35 variables of structural, remuneration and composition characteristics of these boards, considering their interrelations and implications when associated with variables that measure the informational properties contained in earnings. For that, I analyze, on average, 325 companies per year and 19,487 résumés of the members of these boards, in addition to analyzing other variables such as their attendance at meetings, compensation contracts, board interlocking and others. Later, I use factor analysis to establish underlying constructs not correlated with each other, so that the estimated coefficients in subsequent regressions are reported more consistently than if built with a limited number of individual variables. Five factors represent more than 80% of the variance of the data, signaling that characteristics such as age, basic training in business administration, accounting and/or economics, board compensation, board size and interlocking form a thrifty aggregate of characteristics that represent most of the underlying diversity of Brazilian boards. Thus, after analysis of simultaneity, I test the existing associations between the earnings quality and factors of CG through multiple regression models estimated by OLS and logistic regression models, controlled by sector, firm size, adherence to the different levels of corporate governance, issuance of ADRs, presence of a permanent OB, ownership structure and others. The results indicate a significant inverse association between the proportion of members who participate in other BoDs and persistence levels of earnings, signaling that companies with BoDs formed by dedicated members tend to report, on average, more persistent earnings. The variable pay for board members is positively related to earnings persistense suggesting that the board members compensation is influenced by the economic substance of the disclosed results and with accounting conservatism signaling a decrease in accounting conservatism when the remuneration of these members increases. The age of members also proved to be a relevant factor to explain the levels of conservatism and earnings management of firms, signaling a trend toward greater levels of conservatism and a lesser levels of earnings management of when these boards are formed of older members. Additionally, it was not possible to affirm that the oversight board has a positive effect on the quality of monitoring accounting information reported in the Brazilian capital market.

La philosophie politique de Leo Strauss a inspiré aux États-Unis des disciples bien au-delà des départements de philosophie. En créant une communauté de conversation, les « straussiens » ont insufflé à l’étude et à l’activité politique un style de pensée irréductible aux sensibilités libérale et conservatrice contemporaines, bien qu'ils aient principalement choisi de dialoguer avec le conservatisme politique naissant. Le conservatisme lincolnien qu’ils ont adopté en est une version modérée par le rationalisme du premier constitutionalisme américain et trouve son origine dans la réhabilitation polémique de la science politique aristotélicienne. En effet, cette science politique les a conduit à interpréter le constitutionalisme à la lumière des principes des pères fondateurs de la République américaine. / The Political Philosophy of Leo Strauss has a far wider sphere of influence in America than the departments of Philosophy. By creating their own community of conversation, the “straussians” inflected to study and political activity a style of thought beyond contemporary liberalism and conservatism, even if Straussians mainly chose to converse with new born political conservatism. The lincolnian conservatism they embraced is one moderated by the rationalism of the first American constitutionalism, and has foundings in the reenforcement of the aristotelician political science. This Political Science led them to read the constitutionalism thanks to the principles of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic.