This dissertation identifies and investigates the characteristics of the early 21st-century social, economic, and political situation as intrinsically connected and grouped under the concept of corporatism. Starting from Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s schizoanalysis of capitalism, this thesis argues that corporatism or corporate capitalism is immanent: an interconnected, networked, rhizomatic system that has been successful at overtaking biopower – life in all its forms, human and otherwise – and managing it, or even making it its business. Methodologically, this dissertation aims to move beyond negative into creative critique, whose role is the uncovering of imagined or real alternatives to the problems of corporatism. Consequently, this dissertation is divided into four chapters that attempt to bring this methodology to life. Chapter 1 presents the theoretical basis of corporatism, modeled on the theories of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. Chapter 2 begins to exemplify corporatism by investigating three corporate examples. This chapter sheds light on the real-life functioning of three corporations, Hudson’s Bay Company, Walmart, and Unilever, while also connecting them to the theoretical genealogy of human social systems described by Deleuze and Guattari. Chapter 3 turns to literature as both a diagnostician of the contemporary corporatism, as well as an imaginative solution-provider. While not instrumentalizing literature, this chapter rather looks to three novels for both descriptions of the corporatist social machine and prescriptions on how to attempt to change it. The novels featured in this chapter are aligned with the creative critique methodology: from the negative and even reactionary critique of William Gibson’s Pattern Recognition, through the problems with the contemporary episteme illustrated by Margaret Atwood’s dystopic Oryx and Crake, to the alternative outlined by Scarlett Thomas in PopCo. Chapter 4 investigates real-life experiments in order to assess their viability in altering the present conditions of life. To this end, the last chapter couples theoretical Deleuze-Guattarian alternatives with two locavore books: Animal, Vegetable, Miracle: A Year of Food Life by Barbara Kingsolver, with Steven L. Hopp and Camille Kingsolver, and The 100-Mile Diet by Alisa Smith and J.B. MacKinnon. / English

The aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse the development of the sports movement at a local level during the 20th century, focusing on the relationship between the municipality, in a broad sense, and the sports clubs, as well as on the conditions that have affected this relationship and the effects this has had for the clubs’ structural and cultural configuration. The thesis put forward is that there is a link between the parliamentary and governmental description of sport as socially beneficial, the relative autonomy of the sports movement, the institutionalisation of the municipalities’ sports policy and their involvement in the local sports culture and the expansion of competitive sport within the sports movement led by the Swedish Sports Confederation. The thesis is advanced in the context of a description of the Swedish sports model at the local level, its rise and eventual fall, and through case studies of three municipalities/local communities as well as a total of six sports clubs, all located in what is today Norrtälje municipality some ninety kilometres north of Stockholm. The thesis is generally confirmed. From the perspective of the central state, within the framework of a corporate governance model, it has involved compromising with a strong sports movement and simultaneously gaining legitimacy and support for its sports policy. This has not caused any major problems as the Swedish Sports Confederation, the sports movement’s unitary organisation, has in all important respects developed organised sport in a desirable way, or at least one that the government authorities have been willing to accept in view of services in return. It appears to be the same at a local level. The municipality has rewarded that section of organised sport which has made, in its opinion, the best contribution to producing a both physically and mentally civic educational as well as integrating leisure activity. On the whole this has been applicable to the performance- and result-oriented sport. This type of competitive sport, or rather, the clubs which have run it, have also been expected to be able to assist in managing the range of facilities, in raising the municipality’s PR value, in creating new services and job opportunities and in uniting the inhabitants.

La presente tesis aborda la reconstrucción teórica e histórica del Corporativismo como una modalidad concreta de la Política Social contemporánea, en España y en Europa, dentro del paradigma de la tecnificación de la política. Para ello, en primer lugar, se estudian sus presupuestos histórico-teóricos como "doctrina social", y sus manifestaciones diversas en Europa; y en segundo lugar, se abordan las décadas del pensamiento corporativo español en sus más significados representantes, resaltando su pluralidad doctrinal, sus controversias ideológicas y sus manifestaciones político-sociales en la actualidad. / The present thesis approaches the theoretical and historical reconstruction of the Corporatism as a concrete modality of the contemporary Social Policy, in Spain and in Europe, inside the paradigm of the "technical Policy". For it, first, his historical - theoretical budgets are studied as "social doctrine ", and his diverse manifestations in Europe; and secondly, they are approached the decades of the corporate Spanish thought in his more important representatives authors, highlighting his doctrinal plurality, his ideological controversies and his political - social manifestations at present.

Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text]

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Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text] / Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

While the word 'critique' appeared frequently in Australian legal education texts between 1987 and 2003, the meaning and the emphasis accorded critique varied widely. Michel Foucault's ideas about the close relationship between knowledge and power provide a theoretical framework within which this inconsistency of meaning and emphasis can be described, analysed and explained. Rather than monolithic, the discipline of legal education was by 2003 a dynamic nexus of distinct and competing discourses: doctrinalism, vocationalism, corporatism, liberalism, pedagogicalism and radicalism. Each of these six discourses was simultaneously a form of knowledge and an expression of disciplinary power within the law school. As a form of knowledge, each discourse accorded critique a different meaning and a different emphasis as a consequence of a range of historical, social and political contingencies. As an expression of power, each discourse was an attempt to achieve a set of objectives including the universalisation of a particular approach to the teaching of law and the enhancement of the status of a particular role within the law school. Critique, in a variety of forms, was a strategy employed by each discourse in order to achieve these objectives and to dominate and displace competing discourses.

Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T23:31:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Correa_LarissaRosa_D.pdf: 2370150 bytes, checksum: 68062629b0c6bbd1d02d39659e9366a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Este estudo analisa o papel do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil durante o período da Ditadura Civil-Militar, por meio das atividades realizadas pelo Instituto Americano para o Desenvolvimento do Sindicalismo Livre (IADESIL) e do Instituto Cultural do Trabalho (ICT), entidades financiadas pelo governo estadunidense, pela AFL-CIO e grandes corporações norte-americanas. A pesquisa observa as ações dos sindicalistas norteamericanos voltadas para o desenvolvimento de projetos sociais e educativos na área do mundo do trabalho, incluindo os programas de intercâmbio para os Estados Unidos, interpretando-as como estratégias para implantação do chamado sindicalismo "livre e democrático" e a contenção do comunismo no Brasil. Uma das principais questões deste estudo é compreender os motivos que levaram o regime militar, mesmo no período de maior alinhamento com os interesses dos Estados Unidos, a não adotar o modelo contratualista de regulamentação trabalhista norte-americano. Para tanto, serão analisadas as relações entre os sindicalistas brasileiros e norte-americanos por meio das atividades educacionais conduzidas pelo IADESIL e o ICT, bem como a política trabalhista formulada pelos diferentes governos militares. Ao observar o desenvolvimento do programa Aliança para o Progresso na área sindical no Brasil, este estudo chama a atenção para a complexidade das relações transnacionais ocorridas durante a Guerra Fria. Nesse sentido, as ações dos sindicalistas e autoridades civis e militares brasileiras são consideradas fundamentais para compreender as relações sindicais entre Brasil e Estados Unidos entre os anos de 1964 e 1978. Não menos importante é compreender os motivos que levaram o IADESIL a diminuir suas ações no movimento sindical brasileiro a partir dos anos 1970. Por fim, deve-se enfatizar que a análise do sindicalismo norte-americano no Brasil, no apogeu da Guerra Fria, representa um importante estudo de caso que expõe as contradições, os limites e os desafios da política sindical internacional da AFL-CIO naquele período / Abstract: This study aims to analyze the role of the American trade unionism in Brazil under the Civil-Military Dictatorship. The dissertation focuses on the activities of the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), funded by the U.S. government, the AFLCIO, and U.S. employers. The analysis will point out how the Americans unionists created labor programs that I understand as a way to promote the so called "free and democratic" unionism and to combat Communism in Brazil. Accordingly, I question why the military regime, even during the high point of its alliance with the U.S. state, decided not to adopt the American contractualist labor relations system. To this end, I will analyze relations between Brazilian and American trade unions through the educational activities conduct by the AIFLD. Nevertheless, in observing the projects of the Alliance for Progress related to Brazilian unionism, I emphasize the complexity of transnational relations during the Cold War, focusing on the actions of the Brazilian government and local trade unionists which I consider to be essential in the implementation of American trade union programs in the country. Last but not least, the study seeks to understand the causes that made the AFL-CIO retreat its project in the country in the 1970s. The examination of the U.S. trade-unionism in Brazil during the heydays of the Cold War in Latin America seems to be an interesting case study of the contradictions of the AFL-CIO's international policy during that period / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutora em História

Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government. The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

L’entre-deux-guerres représente une période charnière dans l’évolution de la pensée économique au Canada. Le contexte économique et social des années 1920-1940 est des plus favorables au foisonnement de nouvelles idées et de nouvelles approches. Face à la crise et à l’urgence d’en sortir, les économistes, les intellectuels et les milieux politiques commencent à se questionner sérieusement sur les dysfonctions du capitalisme et de l’économie de marché. Pénétrée par des courants émergents, dont le keynésianisme et le corporatisme, et en parallèle avec une discipline économique en pleine formation, la pensée économique évolue considérablement durant ces années alors que les économistes s’interrogent sur les orientations des politiques gouvernementales. L’étude des deux grandes revues d’économie-politique, L’Actualité économique et le Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Sciences, ainsi que l’analyse des travaux des principaux économistes de l’époque, incarnés par Harold A. Innis, W. A. Mackintosh, Esdras Minville et Édouard Montpetit, révèlent les nouvelles orientations face aux problèmes qui confronte le Canada. / The interwar period represents a period of transition in the evolution of the economic thought in Canada. The economic and social context of the 1920-1940’s was highly favorable to the expansion of new ideas and new approaches. In the face of the crisis, economists and intellectuals began to question the fundamentals of capitalism and the market economy. Under the influence of Keynesianism and Corporatism in conjunction with the professionalization of the discipline, economists’ approach to issues of public policy changed considerably during the period. I study the two major political-economy journals, L’Actualité économique, and the Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, as well as the work of leading economists of the time, Harold A. Innis, W. A. Mackintosh, Esdras Minville and Édouard Montpetit, to showcase new economic approaches to the changing social and economic realities of Canada.