A pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender a relação entre cultura e direitos humanos estabelecida na produção normativa relativa ao Sistema Nacional de Cultura (SNC), de modo específico entre as 52ª e 54ª legislaturas do Congresso Nacional, bem como entender os impactos dessa produção na concretização dos direitos culturais por meio das políticas públicas de cultura. Desse modo, foi realizado um levantamento das propostas legislativas aprovadas ou ainda em tramitação que tratam da institucionalização e regulamentação do Sistema Nacional de Cultura e de seus componentes principais. A análise desses marcos legais é guiada pela concepção de cultura adotada nos mesmos e pelo tratamento que dão aos direitos culturais, em especial à promoção da diversidade cultural. O sentido abrangente de cultura adotado na legislação do Sistema Nacional de Cultura é analisado de maneira relacional ao conceito proposto por Raymond Williams no âmbito dos Estudos Culturais. Com efeito, as duas perspectivas buscam construir uma ampliação democrática no conceito de cultura para reconhecê-la como direito de todos. A ampliação do conceito de cultura operada pela legislação do Sistema Nacional de Cultura potencialmente oferece mais condições para a promoção da diversidade cultural e dos direitos cultuais como um todo. / This research aims at comprehending the relation between culture and human rights established by the regulatory production of the National Culture System (CNS), specifically between the 52rd and 54rh legislatures in the Brazilian National Congress, as well as understanding the impacts of this production in the achievement of cultural rights through public cultural policies. Thus, we conducted a gathering of legislative proposals which have been approved or are still in progress referring to the institutionalization and regulation of the National Culture System and its main components. The analysis of these legal frameworks was guided by the concept of culture adopted in the System and the treatment of cultural rights, particularly for promotion of cultural diversity. The comprehensive sense of culture adopted in the National Culture System legislation is analyzed by establishing relations with the concept proposed by Raymond Williams in Cultural Studies. Both perspectives aim at democratically expanding the concept of culture in order to recognize it as a right for all. The expansion of the concept of culture operated by the National Culture System legislation adds more potential to the promotion of cultural diversity and cultural rights as a whole.

This paper has concluded that the Diaspora contribute to the development of social, economic and political fields, which also means a high level of poverty reduction. This has been largely possible not least because of developments in computing and telecommunications, but also through the Diaspora's grassroots involvement. By being the only player who can get access to specific locations, and through their local knowledge the Diaspora can easily be seen as legitimate actors and therefore also play a unique role in peace processes. They are also not tied to bureaucratic structures on which they can act with direct effect. For example, they can assist quickly to different kinds of crisis situations, such as environmental disasters. Many governments and organizations are interested in cooperating with the Diaspora, but they also see many challenges with it. Further on, Diaspora can feel that their voices are not always heard. The essay has also reached a conclusion that a balance between the UN's two main conventions International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights increasingly may arise. This is thanks to the co-operations between liberal organizations and the Diaspora whose efforts may be in the private markets to create jobs and development, and their contributions in construction of social infrastructure. Other impacts on the organizational level may be towards more complex models of organization and partnerships, where not least the private sector may be included to a greater extent, which also demonstrates the enhanced globalization trends, where the private market is seen to be the answer to the solution of poverty. As regards to States and the role of various actors in these somewhat newer landscapes, they can also be a result from the processes of globalization and shifts in power from the state to the different levels at which non-state actors gets a stronger role. These processes may also have contributed to greater regionalization; forces which this paper found over time may be a competitor to a weak UN (and the EU) and therefore attract the Diaspora who also may find themselves to be better received there.

The liberal conception of the state is marked by an insistence upon the equal civil and political rights of each inhabitant. Recently, though, a number of writers have argued that this emphasis on uniform rights ignores the fact that the populations of most states are culturally diverse, and that their inhabitants have significant interests qua members of particular cultures. They argue that liberals should recognize special, group-based cultural rights as a necessary part of a theory of justice in multicultural societies. In this thesis I examine the idea of special cultural rights. In the first part (Chapters 1 to 4), I begin by setting out some of the different conceptions of culture and multiculturalism that are involved in the debate over cultural rights. I then discuss three claims made by supporters of special cultural rights: (1) that having culture is an essential part of individual autonomy; (2) that people have morally significant interests qua members of particular cultures; and (3) that these interests are inadequately protected by existing liberal conceptions of human rights. Although I conclude that (1) is correct, I argue that both (2) and (3) are mistaken. Among other things, I suggest that the version of culture relied upon by supporters of special cultural rights is an implausible one and I outline what I take to be a more plausible, cosmopolitan conception of culture. In the second part (Chapters 5 to 9), I begin by looking at specific instances of cultural rights-claims, and analyzing the concept of cultural rights qua rights. I consider the practical and conceptual difficulties with special cultural rights at great length. But the core of my thesis is that our interest in culture lies in its contribution of worthwhile goals and options, and that this interest lies in culture generally rather than in particular cultures. Hence, adopting a special or group-based distribution of any right to culture would seem to be inconsistent with liberal egalitarian principles. If there are such things as cultural rights, I argue, they are general rather than special rights. I conclude by offering a very preliminary account of what a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights might involve in the case of the right to free association and language rights.

Le patrimoine culturel des minorités comprend l’ensemble des œuvres matérielles et non matérielles de ses artistes et de ses savants, ainsi que les créations anonymes du groupe, comme la langue, les rites, les croyances, et les modes de vies, qui marquent l’identité culturelle du groupe et qui donnent un sens à la vie de ses membres.Comment protéger le patrimoine culturel de ces groupes et assurer leur contribution au patrimoine commun de l’humanité ?La première difficulté est le présupposé selon lequel la reconnaissance de l’identité culturelle collective de ces groupes dépend de leur reconnaissance juridique dans l’ordre juridique international. De ce point de vue, le droit international est un système constitué par et pour des personnes juridiques comme les États et les organisations internationales. La personne humaine ne trouve sa place dans cet ordre qu’en tant qu’individu sujet des droits de l’homme. Mais les entités comme les peuples, les minorités et les peuples autochtones ont besoin d’une reconnaissance juridique. La généralité du concept même de patrimoine culturel des minorités constitue un second obstacle. En l’absence de conventions explicites, le patrimoine culturel de ces groupes recouvre une réalité vaste et complexe, difficile à appréhender en droit. Dans cette thèse nous étudierons comment le droit international protège le patrimoine culturel des minorités. En effet, nous considérons que, bien qu’il n’existe toujours pas de définition précise et unifiée du patrimoine culturel, les développements juridiques récents démontrent bel et bien l’émergence d’une coutume internationale protégeant le patrimoine culturel des minorités. / The cultural heritage of minorities comprises the works of its artists, its intellectuals, as well as all the creations arisen from its memory and the collective knowledge, such as the languages, the shared rituals, beliefs, and ways of life, those mark the cultural identity of the group and give the sense to the lives of its members. How to protect the cultural heritage of these groups and ensure their contribution to the common heritage of mankind? The first difficulty in this regard is the presumption that the cultural heritage of these groups is linked to their collective identity. Thus, the protection of the identity depends to the recognition of the group as the subject of international law. From this point of view, international law is a system made by and for the legal entities such as States and the international organizations. The individual finds its place in this order as subject of human rights. Nevertheless, collective entities like peoples, minorities and indigenous peoples need a legal recognition. On the other hand, the generality of the concept of cultural heritage it self is a second obstacle before its legal recognition. In the absence of explicit conventions defining it, the cultural heritage of these groups covers a vast and complex reality hard to recognize in legal terms. In this thesis we analyze how does international law protects the cultural heritage of minorities. We consider, although there is not still any clear and unified legal definition of cultural heritage, recent developments demonstrate the emergence of a customary international law protecting the cultural heritage of these groups.

Depuis la création de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), plusieurs incompatibilités ont été détectées à propos des droits économiques, sociaux et culturels (DESC), les plus affectés par le commerce international. Bien que des recherches et des analyses ont été menées à propos de la relation entre les droits de l’homme et le droit de l’OMC, en raison du fait que le droit de l’OMC ne fasse pas de référence expresse aux droits de l’homme dans ses textes juridiques, faute de compétence matérielle pour ce faire, et que le mécanisme de règlement des différends n’ait jamais connu une affaire entre les membres portant sur l’invocation directe des droits de l’homme, ces études n’ont pas connu de réel progrès. Face à la nécessité de cohérence dans l’ordre juridique international et à la liaison inévitable entre les droits économiques, sociaux et culturels et les règles commerciales de l’OMC, il convient d’assurer une coordination adéquate entre les deux régimes par le biais d’outils juridiques permettant d’atteindre cet objectif. Pour ce faire, il est utile d’analyser, premièrement, la complexité des rapports entre les obligations issues de chacun de ces régimes spéciaux et les entraves à la conciliation entre elles, et, deuxièmement, évaluer les mécanismes existants dans le droit de l’OMC à même de contribuer à éviter les conflits avec les droits économiques, sociaux et culturels / Since the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO), several incompatibilities have been found, particularly with regard to economic, social and cultural rights (ESCR), which are the most affected by international trade. Research and analysis has been conducted on the relationship between human rights and WTO law, however, due to the fact that the WTO does not make explicit reference to human rights in its legal texts, by lack of substantive competence in the matter, and the dispute settlement mechanism has never a case between members on the direct invocation of human rights, these studies have not progressed. Given the need for coherence in the international legal order and the undeniable link between economic, social and cultural rights and the WTO trade rules, which implies normative conflicts, adequate coordination between the two regimes through is necessary by legal tools to achieve this objective. In order to do so, it is useful to analyze, firstly, the complexity of the relationship between the obligations arising from each of these special regimes and the obstacles to conciliation between them, and then to evaluate existing mechanisms in WTO law, which help to avoid conflicts with the economic, social and cultural rights

O presente estudo se propõe a desvelar o espaço legítimo de controle de políticas públicas destinadas à concretização de direitos fundamentais pelo Poder Judiciário. Para tanto, inicialmente é apresentada uma teoria das políticas públicas, que compreende a busca de um conceito para a categoria e a apresentação de suas características e elementos mais relevantes. O estudo não prescinde da análise da teoria dos direitos fundamentais, em especial das questões atinentes à eficácia dos direitos ditos prestacionais, e também da chamada análise institucional, um campo de estudos recentemente reavivado nos Estados Unidos. Na segunda parte do trabalho, de natureza marcadamente propositiva, as políticas públicas são divididas segundo a sua natureza, e em seguida sugeridos diferentes níveis de controle jurídico. Para as políticas ligadas ao mínimo existencial, sustenta-se o controle por meio dos princípios da proibição da proteção insuficiente e vedação do retrocesso. Para as demais políticas públicas, o controle é analisado sob o prisma dos princípios da isonomia, eficiência e transparência. Após o estudo de questões incidentais, o trabalho segue para as modalidades de controle de políticas públicas, distinguindo-se entre o controle forte, em que a discricionariedade dos órgãos políticos é reduzida a zero, e o controle fraco, onde o Poder Judiciário apenas comprime o espaço de liberdade decisória. / This paper aims to reveal the legitimate space given to the Judiciary to materialize public policies. Therefore, it is initially presented a theory of public policy, which includes the search for a concept for the category and the presentation of its features and its most relevant elements. The study does not obviate the analysis of the theory of fundamental rights, especially issues concerning the effectiveness of the so-called positive rights, and also the designated institutional analysis, a field of study recently brought to life in the United States. In the second part of the text, which has a distinctly purposeful feature, public policies are divided according to their nature, and then it is suggested different levels of legal control. For policies related to the minimum existential claims, we defend a control through the principles of the prohibition of insufficient protection and impediment of the fundamental rights retrocession. For other public policies, the control is analyzed under the influence of the principles of equality, efficiency and transparency. After the analysis of incidental issues, the paper leans to the study of the procedures for control of public policies, distinguishing between strong control, where the leeway of the political bodies is reduced to zero, and poor control, where the Judiciary only compresses the area of decision-making freedom.

O presente estudo se propõe a desvelar o espaço legítimo de controle de políticas públicas destinadas à concretização de direitos fundamentais pelo Poder Judiciário. Para tanto, inicialmente é apresentada uma teoria das políticas públicas, que compreende a busca de um conceito para a categoria e a apresentação de suas características e elementos mais relevantes. O estudo não prescinde da análise da teoria dos direitos fundamentais, em especial das questões atinentes à eficácia dos direitos ditos prestacionais, e também da chamada análise institucional, um campo de estudos recentemente reavivado nos Estados Unidos. Na segunda parte do trabalho, de natureza marcadamente propositiva, as políticas públicas são divididas segundo a sua natureza, e em seguida sugeridos diferentes níveis de controle jurídico. Para as políticas ligadas ao mínimo existencial, sustenta-se o controle por meio dos princípios da proibição da proteção insuficiente e vedação do retrocesso. Para as demais políticas públicas, o controle é analisado sob o prisma dos princípios da isonomia, eficiência e transparência. Após o estudo de questões incidentais, o trabalho segue para as modalidades de controle de políticas públicas, distinguindo-se entre o controle forte, em que a discricionariedade dos órgãos políticos é reduzida a zero, e o controle fraco, onde o Poder Judiciário apenas comprime o espaço de liberdade decisória. / This paper aims to reveal the legitimate space given to the Judiciary to materialize public policies. Therefore, it is initially presented a theory of public policy, which includes the search for a concept for the category and the presentation of its features and its most relevant elements. The study does not obviate the analysis of the theory of fundamental rights, especially issues concerning the effectiveness of the so-called positive rights, and also the designated institutional analysis, a field of study recently brought to life in the United States. In the second part of the text, which has a distinctly purposeful feature, public policies are divided according to their nature, and then it is suggested different levels of legal control. For policies related to the minimum existential claims, we defend a control through the principles of the prohibition of insufficient protection and impediment of the fundamental rights retrocession. For other public policies, the control is analyzed under the influence of the principles of equality, efficiency and transparency. After the analysis of incidental issues, the paper leans to the study of the procedures for control of public policies, distinguishing between strong control, where the leeway of the political bodies is reduced to zero, and poor control, where the Judiciary only compresses the area of decision-making freedom.

Are social, economic and cultural rights really enforceable rights? Is their nature different from those of the civil and political rights? What does our Constitution   state on the matter? What is the posture that national and international jurisprudence have adopted regarding the issue?In the article at hand, the  authors challenge the common conception about those rights, and analyze the work done by the Peruvian Constitutional Court on the matter. / ¿Son los derechos económicos, sociales y culturalesexigibles realmente? ¿Su naturaleza es distinta a lade los derechos civiles y políticos? ¿Qué establece nuestra Constitución al respecto? ¿Cuál ha sido lapostura de la jurisprudencia nacional e internacional sobre la materia?En el presente artículo, los autores cuestionan la concepción que normalmente se tiene de dichos derechos, y analizan la labor que ha desarrollado el Tribunal Constitucional peruano al respecto.

O presente trabalho analisa a criação e a gestão de áreas protegidas ambientalmente sobrepostas a territórios de \"povos e comunidades tradicionais\" (PCT) no Brasil. A caracterização das políticas públicas responsáveis pela criação das chamadas \"unidades de conservação\" (UCs) pode ser dividida em dois momentos históricos distintos: o primeiro inicia-se na década de 1960 e é marcado pela criação de UCs de forma arbitrária e autoritária ao conceber as áreas protegidas como \"ilhas de biodiversidade\" que objetivam, primordialmente, proteger a vida selvagem ignorando a ocupação humana nestas áreas geográficas; o segundo momento teve início a partir de 1988, com a reabertura política através da nova Constituição Federal, e foi evidenciado, sobretudo, após o ano de 2000 com a criação do Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação - SNUC, que prevê a obrigatoriedade de consultas públicas garantindo a participação popular na instituição de novas UCs e a formalização de categorias de áreas protegidas de uso sustentável. Soma-se a estes dois momentos históricos referentes ao ordenamento das áreas protegidas o aumento do prestígio dos denominados povos e comunidades tradicionais determinando-se a proteção da diversidade cultural que representam e de seus territórios. Em muitos casos, há uma franca sobreposição entre territórios étnico-culturais por áreas protegidas. Frente à forma paradoxal com que é vista a ocorrência simultânea de interesses de proteção de recursos naturais e da cultura desses povos nestas mesmas áreas geográficas e das disputas relacionadas à proteção de ambos os interesses, a presente pesquisa foi concebida tendo em vista analisar os conflitos subjacentes à criação e à gestão das UCs no contexto das recém-criadas políticas de afirmação étnica e cultural no Brasil, pautando-se em contribuições das ciências sociais, do direito e do multiculturalismo. / This research explores the creation and management of environmentally protected areas overlap the territories of \"indigenous and traditional communities\" in Brazil. The characterization of public policies responsible for the creation of so-called \"conservation units\" can be divided into two distinct historical moments: the first begins in the 1960 and is marked by the creation of protected areas in an arbitrary and authoritarian approach when designing protected areas as \"islands of biodiversity\" that aim, primarily, to protect wildlife ignoring human occupation in these geographic areas; the second started since 1988, within the re-democratization process marked by the new Federal Constitution (1988), more evident especially after the year 2000, with the creation of the National System of Conservation Units policy (locally called SNUC), which provides for the mandatory public consultations ensuring popular participation in the establishment of new protected areas and the formalization of categories of protected areas for sustainable use. Added to these two historical moments for the planning of protected areas the increased prestige of indigenous and traditional communities determining the protection of cultural diversity they represent and their territories. In many cases, there is a straightforward overlap between ethno-cultural territories and protected areas. Paradoxically, opposite view is that the simultaneous occurrence of interests of protection of natural resources and the culture of those people in these same geographic areas and disputes related to protecting the interests of both, the present study was designed in order to analyze the underlying conflicts the establishment and management of protected areas in the context of the newly created politicies to protect cultural diversity in Brazil, basing on contributions from the social sciences, law and multiculturalism.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-05-11T12:49:36Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) versão final-1.pdf: 1880980 bytes, checksum: 7a737a04cff6d3cbcef3b45db1d06d6d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-11T12:49:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) versão final-1.pdf: 1880980 bytes, checksum: 7a737a04cff6d3cbcef3b45db1d06d6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-09 / CNPq / O leitmotiv deste trabalho é a formação de uma agenda de políticas públicas de cultura no Brasil direcionada aos povos indígenas. Partindo da ideia da politização da cultura como marca maior do nosso tempo e da institucionalização das políticas dirigidas à diversidade étnica e cultural brasileira, sobremaneira, desde os anos 2000, pretende-se demonstrar como Estado e povos indígenas podem se reinventar no âmbito de avanços democráticos que incluem a criação de espaços de participação e controle social destas políticas. Em tais espaços, as ideias de autonomia ou autodeterminação, protagonismo e empoderamento são tornadas moeda corrente nas relações estabelecidas entre povos indígenas, agentes e agências do Estado e da Sociedade Civil (atores sociais de advocacy). Na busca pela legitimação da imagem de garantidor de direitos, o Estado fomenta a produção de demandas culturais através de um “mercado de editais” fazendo surgir os “atravessadores burocráticos da cultura” que atuam na mediação entre povos indígenas e políticas e recursos do Estado. Povos indígenas, por sua vez, percebem nos ganhos sociais obtidos no campo cultural canais para o agenciamento de direitos como os territoriais, utilizando-se, para tanto, de diferentes políticas culturais (patrimoniais, museais e de valorização das expressões culturais da diversidade). Toma-se como exemplos para pensar estas questões programas e ações do Ministério da Cultura (MinC) como os programas Brasil Plural e Cultura Viva, baseando-se, em certa medida, nas experiências pataxó com seus Pontos de Cultura. Estas experiências apontam para algumas das fragilidades principais da política relacionadas aos entraves burocráticos da máquina administrativa do Estado dificultando o acesso aos seus recursos. Por fim, apesar dos avanços no que se refere ao reconhecimento dos direitos coletivos diferenciados dos povos indígenas e de sua inserção positiva na agenda pública de ações do Estado, repercutindo em suas mobilizações de reivindicação de direitos, desigualdades persistem entre eles e os maiores beneficiários dos recursos públicos no campo cultural. / The leitmotiv of this work is the formation of a public policy agenda of culture in Brazil directed to the indigenous peoples. Starting from the idea of the politicization of culture as a major brand of our time and the institutionalization of policies aimed at Brazilian ethnic and cultural diversity, greatly since the 2000s, is intended to demonstrate how State and indigenous people can reinvent themselves within democratic advances including the creation of spaces for participation and social control of these policies. In such spaces, the ideas of autonomy or self-determination, leadership and empowerment are rendered currency in relations between indigenous peoples, agents and agencies of the State and Civil Society (social actors of advocacy). In the quest for legitimacy image as guarantor of rights, the State encourages the production of cultural demands through an ‘edicts market’ giving rise to the ‘bureaucratic middlemen of culture’ that act in mediating between indigenous peoples and policies and funds State. Indigenous peoples, in turn, realize, social gains in the cultural field, channels for the rights agency as the territorial, using, therefore, of different cultural policies (heritage, museological and recovery of cultural expressions of diversity). Take as examples to think about these issues programs and actions of the Ministry of Culture (MinC) as “Brasil Plural” and “Cultura Viva” programs, based to some extent, in pataxó experiences with your Culture Points. These experiences point to some of the main weaknesses of the policy related to red tape of State administrative machinery hindering access to its resources. Finally, despite the progress made as regards the recognition of differentiated collective rights of indigenous peoples and their positive integration into the public agenda of State actions, reflecting on his right claims mobilizations, inequalities persist between them and the biggest beneficiaries of public resources in the cultural field.