A pesquisa tem como objetivo compreender a relação entre cultura e direitos humanos estabelecida na produção normativa relativa ao Sistema Nacional de Cultura (SNC), de modo específico entre as 52ª e 54ª legislaturas do Congresso Nacional, bem como entender os impactos dessa produção na concretização dos direitos culturais por meio das políticas públicas de cultura. Desse modo, foi realizado um levantamento das propostas legislativas aprovadas ou ainda em tramitação que tratam da institucionalização e regulamentação do Sistema Nacional de Cultura e de seus componentes principais. A análise desses marcos legais é guiada pela concepção de cultura adotada nos mesmos e pelo tratamento que dão aos direitos culturais, em especial à promoção da diversidade cultural. O sentido abrangente de cultura adotado na legislação do Sistema Nacional de Cultura é analisado de maneira relacional ao conceito proposto por Raymond Williams no âmbito dos Estudos Culturais. Com efeito, as duas perspectivas buscam construir uma ampliação democrática no conceito de cultura para reconhecê-la como direito de todos. A ampliação do conceito de cultura operada pela legislação do Sistema Nacional de Cultura potencialmente oferece mais condições para a promoção da diversidade cultural e dos direitos cultuais como um todo. / This research aims at comprehending the relation between culture and human rights established by the regulatory production of the National Culture System (CNS), specifically between the 52rd and 54rh legislatures in the Brazilian National Congress, as well as understanding the impacts of this production in the achievement of cultural rights through public cultural policies. Thus, we conducted a gathering of legislative proposals which have been approved or are still in progress referring to the institutionalization and regulation of the National Culture System and its main components. The analysis of these legal frameworks was guided by the concept of culture adopted in the System and the treatment of cultural rights, particularly for promotion of cultural diversity. The comprehensive sense of culture adopted in the National Culture System legislation is analyzed by establishing relations with the concept proposed by Raymond Williams in Cultural Studies. Both perspectives aim at democratically expanding the concept of culture in order to recognize it as a right for all. The expansion of the concept of culture operated by the National Culture System legislation adds more potential to the promotion of cultural diversity and cultural rights as a whole.

Trata do processo de criação e desenvolvimento do Centro Cultural da Juventude Ruth Cardoso (CCJ) e do impacto causado por suas ações junto à comunidade, particularmente junto ao seu público-alvo, utilizando para esta reflexão os conceitos de desenvolvimento cultural e de direitos culturais. O CCJ foi criado em 2006 com objetivo de atender as demandas dos jovens moradores das regiões de Brasilândia, Cachoeirinha, Freguesia do Ó e de toda a cidade de São Paulo. Partiu da criação de um equipamento cultural que tem como público-alvo os jovens entre 18 a 29 anos, que em geral não são o foco principal dos outros equipamentos mantidos pela prefeitura da cidade de São Paulo. Foi analisada a relação entre a cultura e a cidade, a partir da presença e distribuição dos equipamentos culturais no âmbito da Secretaria de Cultura da cidade de São Paulo, descritos aqui como pano de fundo. Apresenta o histórico do CCJ, sua criação, suas redes, objetivos, propostas e funcionamento, tendo como fonte de informação depoimentos colhidos junto aos gestores do CCJ, documentos e observação. Para analisar o público-alvo do CCJ, aborda-se o conceito de juventude, seus valores e suas expectativas. Traz uma pesquisa de usuários do CCJ que ajuda a traçar seu perfil, analisar o uso que fazem do equipamento e avaliar sua satisfação com as atividades e os acessos oferecidos. Os resultados obtidos demonstraram mudanças no perfil cultural destes jovens, a partir da freqüência ao CCJ, podendo-se admitir que espaços culturais próximos à comunidade contribuem de forma eficaz para o desenvolvimento cultural de seu público e para a democratização do acesso aos bens culturais. / This dissertation aims to analyze the process of creation and development of the Cultural Center for Youth Ruth Cardoso (Centro Cultural para a Juventude Ruth Cardoso, CCJ) and the impact caused by the actions of the CCJ in the community, particularly among its target audience, using in this reflection the concepts of \"cultural development\" and \"cultural rights\". The CCJ was established in 2006 in order to meet the demands of the young residents of the regions of Brasilândia, Cachoeirinha, Freguesia do Ó and of the city of São Paulo as a whole. The CCJ involved the creation of differentiated cultural facilities, focusing on the population aged 18 to 29 years, the general public that is not the main focus of the other facilities maintained by the Municipal Government of São Paulo. We analyze initially the relationship between culture and cities, focusing specially on the presence and distribution of cultural facilities within the Department of Culture (Secretaria de Cultura) of São Paulo, in order to achieve an overview of the characteristics of each of them. Subsequently we present the history of the CCJ, its creation, its networks, objectives and operation. These information were obtained from testimonies collected from the managers of the CCJ, documents and observation. Afterwards we make a discussion on the concept of youth and its expectations, and finally we deal with the analysis of the interviews applied to users of the CCJ, checking its characteristics, the uses of the facilities, and the evaluation of satisfaction, which indicates changes in the cultural profile of these young people in relation to their attendance of the CCJ. The results showed that differentiated cultural spaces and decentralization contribute effectively to the cultural development of its public and to the democratization of the access to cultural goods.

A presente pesquisa trata de examinar uma política pública concebida no âmbito legislativo, na Câmara Municipal dos Vereadores do Município de São Paulo, entre 2001 e 2002, com expressiva participação juvenil e da sociedade civil. Originou a Lei 13.540/2003 e o Decreto 43.823/2003, que instituíram uma política pública por meio de um programa cultural batizado de Programa VAI, implantado a partir dos anos de 2004 na Secretaria Municipal de Cultura, na Gestão de Marta Suplicy. Em seus mais de dez anos de implantação, Programa VAI passou por tranformações importantes em seus métodos e execuções, em decorrência de seus gestores, metodologias compartilhadas entre eles e a comissão de seleção no decorrer da execução dos projetos. Dados estes que demonstram positivamente, um processo de implantação da política pública com efetiva participação dos contemplados e não contemplados no edital. O programa trouxe também outros aspectos externos ao curso de sua implantação, que são cruciais para compreender um arranjo possível da democracia cultural pelo viés do território, onde muitas populações das periferias paulistanas e cidades de fronteira das mesmas estão vivenciando processos da tão almejada cidadania cultural. A participação política dos jovens e também as ações intergeracionais são responsáveis pelas mobilizações e reivindicações relacionadas aos direitos culturais via pressões e diálogos com o Estado. Por fim, territórios complexos e reveladores se observados por meio do seu cotidiano, suas práticas culturais coletivas, em suas potências de deslocar a cartografia cultural da cidade, invertendo fluxos de poderes pelas ações afirmativas, artísticas, culturais e identitárias para garantirem o direito à cidade / This research examines a public policy conceived within the legislative body, at the Sao Paulo City Council, between 2001 and 2002, with significant participation of civil society, especially youth. This public policy originated the Law 13.540/2003 and the decree 43.823/2003, which instituted a cultural program named VAI, implemented in 2004 by the City Cultural Department during the mandate of Marta Suplicy. Over its ten years of implementation, the VAI program has undergone important transformations in its methods and executions, due to its different managers, and the methodologies theyve shared with the selection committee throughout the execution of selected projects. These transformations provide important information on management and monitoring of the program, revealing a qualitative and evolving process of this public policy. During the course of its implementation the program also brought up other external aspects that are crucial for understanding a possible arrangement of cultural democracy by the bias of the territory, where many populations from the peripheries of Sao Paulo\'s and its bordering cities are experiencing processes of this so desired cultural citizenship. The political participation of young people and also intergenerational actions are responsible for the mobilization and claims related to cultural rights via pressure and dialogues with the State. Finally, when observed from within their daily lives and own collective cultural practices, those are complex and revealing territories with power to displace the cultural cartography of the city, reversing power flows through affirmative artistic, cultural and identity actions to ensure the right to the city

A temática da formação da cidadania, conforme nossa legislação de ensino, mantém-se como um dos eixos básicos da finalidade da educação. Mas se a educação para a cidadania parece ser um imperativo social, o dilema é saber se a educação desenvolvida em instituições de ensino pública e privada da periferia da grande metrópole tem atingido seus objetivos. O presente trabalho estuda os resultados do processo de educação para o exercício da cidadania e prática da democracia em instituições escolares públicas e privadas dentro do contexto de violência da periferia de São Paulo. Para tanto, foi delimitada e caracterizada a região de Itaquera-Guaianases-Cidade Tiradentes, onde se buscou demonstrar o processo de exclusão social e carências históricas, bem como ausência de ação efetiva de determinados agentes do governo, no exercício de suas funções em prol da comunidade, com o seu descrédito junto à população. Neste quadro foram analisados e comparados o resultado de uma proposta escolar de educação com ênfase na preparação para o exercício da cidadania e a prática da democracia de uma instituição privada de ensino, com os resultados obtidos por uma escola pública, que desenvolve seu programa de educação para a cidadania dentro do contexto geral do Estado. As instituições que serviram de base para a realização do trabalho foram a Escola Estadual Aquilino Ribeiro e o Colégio Professor Augusto Alves Maia. A instituição pública atende o ensino fundamental, com ciclos I (1a a 4 ª séries) e II (5a à 8a séries); o ensino médio e além do ensino regular conta também com a modalidade Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA). Possui aproximadamente 1.100 alunos freqüentando regularmente seus cursos, que funcionam em três turnos: manhã, tarde e noite. A instituição particular de ensino mantém os cursos de educação infantil, fundamental, médio e técnico, tendo aproximadamente 1200 alunos, funcionando também em três turnos, manhã, tarde e noite. As fontes para a realização do presente trabalho foram as entrevistas com professores, alunos, coordenadores, diretores, pais de alunos e membros das escolas envolvidas. O trabalho abrangeu a ação desenvolvida no período de 1999 a 2006. O objetivo geral do trabalho foi a verificação da compreensão por parte dos alunos e dos membros da comunidade daquilo que foi trabalhado nas escolas sobre os direitos políticos, civis, sociais, econômicos e culturais que procuram assegurar ao indivíduo uma vida digna, com acesso a bens essenciais como moradia, educação, saúde, trabalho, lazer, previdência social, alimentação decente, acesso aos bens culturais e ao conjunto de bens de consumo que são oferecidos às sociedades modernas, identificando as dificuldades dentro de um quadro que sabe ser extremamente adverso. / The subject of the formation of citizenship, according to our legislation on education, remains one of the basic axes of the purpose of education. However, if education for citizenship seems to be a social imperative, the dilemma is to know if the education in public and private learning institutions in suburbs of the great metropolis has attained its objectives. This work studies the results of the education process for practice of citizenship and democracy in public and private learning institutions in the context of violence of the São Paulo suburbs. To this effect, the region of -Guaianases-Cidade Tiradentes was outlined and characterized, where it was sought to demonstrate the process of social exclusion and historical deficiency, as well as lack of effective action by certain government agents in carrying out their duties on behalf of the community, with their discredit by the population. In this setting, the result of an education proposal was analyzed and compared, with emphasis on preparing one for the practice of citizenship and democracy of a private learning institution, with results obtained by a public school, which developed its education program for citizenship in the general context of the State. The institutions that served as basis to conduct the work were Escola Estadual Aquilino Ribeiro and Colégio Professor Augusto Alves Maia. The public institution includes elementary education, with cycles I (2nd to 5th grades) and II (6th to 9th grades); high education and, besides regular education, it also has the modality Youth and Adult Education (EJA). It has approximately 1,100 students regularly attending its courses, which work in three shifts: morning, afternoon and night. The private learning institution maintains kindergarten, elementary school, high school and technical school, with approximately 1,200 students, also working in three shifts - morning, afternoon and night. The sources for this work were interviews with teachers, students, coordinators, directors, parents of students and members of the schools involved. The work covered activities in the period from 1999 to 2006. The overall goal of the work was to verify the understanding by the students and members of the community of what was taught in the schools on political, civil, social, economic and cultural rights that seek to assure the individual of a decent life, with access to essential assets like housing, education, health, work, leisure, social security, decent feeding, access to cultural assets and the set of consumer goods offered to modern society, identifying the difficulties within a setting one knows to be extremely adverse

This work critically examines the justiciability of the Sudan model of constitutionalising socio-economic rights (SER) and the legal implications of this model. Discusses the following questions: (1) What is the scope and extent of the Sudan Bill of Rights? (2) What is the effect of section 27(3) on section 22 of the Sudan Interim National Constitution? (3) Does the Constitution provide for justiciable SER, if yes, can the South African model of rendering SER justiciable and their standard of review provide a useful guide to the Sudan? / Mini Dissertation (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Professor Julia Sloth-Nielsen of the Community Law Centre, University of the Western Cape / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Bien que les Autochtones n’aient jamais cessé de résister au pouvoir colonial qui se perpétue encore aujourd’hui, les politiques d’assimilation canadiennes leur ont causé des conséquences aux complexités qui ne peuvent être facilement saisies. Depuis une cinquantaine d’années, la mobilisation des peuples autochtones pour la reconnaissance de leur droit à l’autodétermination dans le but de renouer avec leurs traditions culturelles et politiques ne cesse de prendre de l’ampleur. Toutefois, plusieurs groupes de femmes autochtones, craignant que ces projets reconduisent l’oppression patriarcale qui a été intériorisée dans les communautés en raison de la colonisation, défendent que le droit à l’autodétermination doive être reconnu en même temps que le droit à l’égalité des femmes. Étant donné que la lutte de ces femmes pour amender les clauses sexistes de Loi sur les Indiens a fait l’objet de vives représailles des leaders autochtones majoritairement masculins au nom de la souveraineté politique et culturelle des nations, une réelle opposition entre les droits autochtones à l’autodétermination et les droits des femmes s’est formée. Ce mémoire vise à présenter la complexité de cette opposition et à explorer différentes solutions pour la dépasser. Si, par le fruit de nos recherches, nous ne pouvons prétendre avoir pu trouver une solution qui fera l’unanimité, nous défendons cependant que tout projet visant l’autodétermination qui occulte une réflexion sur les interactions du colonialisme, du racisme et du patriarcat – soit, une réflexion féministe autochtone – ne saurait assurer une réelle décolonisation et un avenir sain pour l’ensemble des Autochtones. / Although Aboriginal peoples have always resisted their ongoing colonization by the Canadian state, the consequences caused by the politics of assimilation are disastrous and, given their complexity, difficult to fully grasp. In the past fifty years, Native peoples' mobilization towards the recognition of their right to self-determination, focused on the renewal of cultural and political traditions, has been increasingly rising. However, many Native women's groups have been claiming for their right to equality to also be recognized, due to a fear that internalized patriarchy in Native communities may perpetuate their marginalization. Since multiple leaders of Aboriginal organizations have been hostile to the opposition towards the sexist dispositions of the Indian Act by the women's movements, a conflict between self-determination and women’s rights is shown to exist. This paper seeks to present the complexities of this conflict between two fundamental human rights and to explore the options necessary to adjudicate them. We cannot pretend that we have been entirely successful in finding a solution that will solve all problems nor that will be unanimously embraced. However, this paper claims that any project towards self-determination that is not grounded on serious and honest reflections concerning the interactions of colonialism, racism, and patriarchy may not allow a truly decolonized and liberating future for all Aboriginals. In this sense, Aboriginal feminism is essential to this project.

The main topic of this thesis is the role of economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights in the Development Policy of the European Union (EU). The aim of the thesis is to find out through critical discourse analysis, whether the ESC rights are implemented as human rights or rather as goals. The theoretical framework consists of two approaches to the understanding of ESC rights. First, equal position of ESC rights and civil and political rights as human rights, all universal, indivisible and interconnected. This approach is represented by Amartya Sen. Second approach denying the ESC rights such an equal position because to their achievement, certain economic resources are needed, and those are not distributed equally in the world. Therefore, they are rather goals to be achieved than human rights. This approach is represented by Aryeh Neier. The outcome of this thesis is a different position of ESC rights and civil and political rights in the EU Development Policy, despite the EU being legally bound to equal promotion of all human rights by international law and its own official documents. Tools for human rights promotion under the policy are mainly focused on fulfilling civil and political rights. ESC rights are rather implemented as practical, complementary means to economic growth and poverty...

Le présent mémoire se consacre à la question des revendications normatives des peuples autochtones en droit international. On y constate que la reconnaissance de ces dernières représente un défi important autant pour les institutions internationales que pour la philosophie libérale qui en constitue le fondement. Cette reconnaissance sera graduellement admise par les institutions internationales majeures préoccupées par les droits humains. Un corpus normatif international spécifique et exclusif aux autochtones sera ainsi développé pour répondre à leurs aspirations et besoins. La définition de l’identité autochtone permet d’exposer cette particularité de traitement des autochtones en droit international. Elle se fonde sur deux axes. Le premier est culturel, suggérant une différence autochtone fondée sur une conception holistique du monde, laquelle est intimement liée au territoire. Le deuxième axe est historique; il fait appel à une longue présence sur un lieu, parfois qualifiée d’immémoriale, en tous les cas antérieure au contact avec un envahisseur qui mènera à leur situation actuelle de marginalisation. Ces fondements identitaires se trouvent à la source des justifications des revendications normatives autochtones. Cependant, ces fondements posent des problèmes de qualification difficiles à concilier avec la diversité des bénéficiaires des droits des autochtones. Ils entraînent également des difficultés importantes au regard de la théorie politique, laquelle s’efforce de réconcilier les revendications autochtones avec le libéralisme et les structures politiques actuelles. Une réconciliation entre les peuples autochtones et les États soulève en effet de délicates questions de légitimité et de justice. Afin d’éviter les pièges d’une autochtonie confinée dans un paradigme culturel et historique, S. J. Anaya propose le concept d’autodétermination comme fondement unique des revendications autochtones. Ce concept doit cependant lui-même faire face à un défi de conciliation avec les structures politiques existantes. Nous verrons que s’il permet de poser les jalons d’une nouvelle relation politique, le droit à l’autodétermination des peuples autochtones semble cependant incapable de dépasser les fondements de la culture et de l’histoire inhérents à l’identité autochtone. / This essay is dedicated to the issue of the normative claims of indigenous peoples in international law. It exposes the significant challenge that the recognition of these normative claims represent for both international institutions and the liberal philosophy which is at its foundation. This recognition will be gradually accepted by major international institutions concerned with human rights. An international body of standards specifically dedicated to aboriginal aspirations and needs will thus be developed. The definition of indigenous identity exposes the justifications for a particular treatment of indigenous peoples in international law. It is based on two axes. The first one is cultural, suggesting a difference based on a holistic view that aboriginals have of the world which is intimately linked to land. The second axis is historical, supposing a long territorial presence, sometimes referred to as immemorial, which is prior to a contact with an invader that will eventually lead to their marginalization. These foundations of indigenous identity are at the source of the justification of indigenous normative claims. However, these foundations pose problems of characterization which are difficult to reconcile with the diversity of indigenous rights beneficiaries. They also pose significant difficulties in terms of political theory, which seeks to reconcile aboriginal claims with liberalism and contemporary political structures. Undeniably, reconciliation between indigenous peoples and states raises difficult questions of legitimacy and justice. To avoid the risks of an «indigeneity» trapped in a cultural-historical paradigm, S. J. Anaya proposes the concept of self-determination as the sole basis of aboriginal claims. This concept, however, must itself meet a challenge of reconciliation with the existing political structures. We shall see that even if it does help to lay the basis for a new political relationship, the right to self-determination of indigenous peoples seems unable to overcome the foundations of culture and history associated with aboriginal identity.

Depuis la fin de la Guerre Froide, les conflits armés ont mis en exergue la multiplication d’un pratique, certes ancienne, mais qui a trouvé davantage de vigueur depuis : celle du pillage et de la destruction. Le pillage et la destruction de biens culturels ou des ressources naturelles, notamment, constituent désormais un véritable moteur du conflit. Moteur économique, le pillage des biens culturels ou des ressources naturelles permet de financer des groupes rebelles. Moteur de la guerre, le pillage des ressources naturelles implique le travail forcé de civils. De même, le pillage ou la destruction de biens culturels entre dans un objectif de destruction de l’identité d’un groupe ethnique, et par là-même du groupe en tant que tel. Ainsi, au-delà de la violation du droit international humanitaire, la violation de l’interdiction du pillage et de la destruction impliquent une violation des droits de l’Homme. Ce principe, à la croisée des droits, constitue en réalité l’épine dorsale d’un système juridique. / After the end of the Cold War, armed conflicts have witnessed the multiplication of an ancient practice, in a more vigorous manner: the practice of pillaging and destruction. Henceforth, the pillaging and destruction of cultural goods or natural resources, notably, constitutes the real driving force of a conflict. An economic driving force, as the pillaging of cultural goods or of natural resources embodies a medium to finance rebels. A war driving force, as the pillaging of natural resources implies the forced labour of civilians. Also, the pillaging or the destruction of cultural goods is part of an objective of destruction of the identity of an ethnic group. Farther the violation of humanitarian law, the violation of the prohibition of pillaging and destruction implies the violation of human rights. As a consequence, this prohibition, at the crossroads of laws, constitutes the backbone of a real legal system.

[pt] O presente trabalho dissertativo tem como objetivo traçar um panorama, sob o ponto de vista histórico e jurídico, do processo de elaboração dos direitos culturais na Constituição de 1988. Para tanto, o momento da transição política brasileira e o correspondente processo constituinte de um ordenamento constitucional cultural são considerados para além de seu marco institucional oficial, ou seja, por ocasião da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987/1988. O referencial metodológico de poder constituinte é empregado em sentido mais amplo, de sorte a orientar a investigação em direção aos principais elementos que a nível social, político e cultural contribuíram e participaram efetivamente para a construção dos artigos 215 e 216 da nova Constituição. Deste modo, e considerando a relevante participação popular na ANC, as discussões que tomaram lugar em suas Subcomissões e Comissões temáticas também são analisadas em relação às principais questões e problemáticas inseridas no contexto político e cultural daquele período. A finalidade de tal proposta investigativa é a produção de um significado próprio e particular ao conjunto normativo sobre cultura brasileira presente na Constituição de 1988 a partir da materialidade inscrita em sua gênese. / [en] This work aims to give an overview, from the point of legal and historical view of cultural rights in the process of writing the Constitution of 1988. Thus, the moment of Brazilian political transition and the corresponding constituent process of a constitutional order cultural are considered beyond its official institutional framework, in other words, on the occasion of the National Constituent Assembly of 1987/1988. The methodological framework of constituent power is used in the broadest sense, in order to develop research towards the main elements that social, political and cultural contributed and participated effectively for the construction of articles 215 and 216 of the new Constitution. Thereby, and considering the relevant public participation in the ANC, the discussions that took place in its subcommittees and thematic committees are also analyzed in relation to the main issues and problems embedded in the political and cultural context of that period. The intent of such investigative proposal is the production of a specific and particular meaning to the set of rules about Brazilian culture present in the Constitution of 1988 from the materiality entered in its genesis.