The intent of this thesis is to research the anti-terror legislation of 15 countries and the history of terrorist incidents within those countries. Both the anti-terror legislation and the history of terrorist incidents will be researched within the time period of 1980 to 2009, a 30 year span. This thesis will seek to establish a relationship between the occurrence of terrorist events and when states change their anti-terror legislation. Legislation enacted can vary greatly. Common changes in legislation seek to undercut the financing of terrorist organizations, criminalize behaviors, or empower state surveillance capabilities. A quantitative analysis will be performed to establish a relationship between terrorist attacks and legislative changes. A qualitative discussion will follow to analyze specific anti-terror legislation passed by states in response to terrorist events.

Over the last few decades, Asian migrants who work in the sex industry have become the frequent target of police, government, and social service investigations. Indeed, a range of state and nongovernmental organizations have promoted punitive investigations and carceral policies, claiming to act to protect migrants from being trafficked. However, sex workers, sex workers’ rights activists, and critical antitrafficking scholars argue that rather than providing protection, this increased focus on Asian migrants actively produces myriad harms and has negatively impacted these workers’ lives by endangering their health and safety, increasing stigma and vulnerability to abuse and exploitation, and violating their human rights. To date, there is limited research on how the investigations claiming to protect migrant sex workers often turn into criminal, immigration, or bylaw investigations against them. This doctoral study aims to contribute to this small but growing body of knowledge. Informed by critical social work, institutional ethnography, and participatory action research, this project maps how the illegality of Asian migrant sex workers, particularly those who work in massage parlours, is constructed and produced. First-person narratives of Asian women have provided the threads (including the texts, actions, and institutions) for further investigation of how their experiences are shaped and how investigations against them are organized. This study shows how racism, whorephobia, and xenophobia have been embedded in both the laws and policies that coordinate sex and massage work and the way investigations into regulated and unregulated massage parlours have been organized in Toronto, Ontario. This finding helps us understand the ruling relations between law enforcement and the workers, and how the laws, policies, and practices that are intended to protect women who are purportedly “trafficked” instead criminalize and harm Asian migrant workers. This research also shows the autonomy and resiliency of Asian migrant massage and sex workers, revealing how they organize against and resist this injustice. The knowledge developed from this project has been used by sex worker communities in their ongoing efforts to challenge the dominant ideologies and discourses about sex workers and human trafficking. Further, it has contributed to their capacity to investigate institutional processes and, in turn, foster and create progressive institutional and policy change. This dissertation also offers important contributions to critical scholarship, including critical human trafficking studies, abolitionism, and activist scholarship. / Thesis / Candidate in Philosophy / This research examines how the laws and policies, particularly municipal bylaws, that claim to protect Asian and migrant massage and sex workers are actually harming them and putting them in danger. The experiences of Asian migrant sex workers, particularly those who worked in massage parlours, in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, provided the threads (including the texts, actions, and institutions) for further investigation of how their experiences are shaped and how investigations against them are organized. This study examines how the workers’ illegality is constructed and produced to coordinate the ruling relationship between the workers and law enforcement. With a focus on antitrafficking organizations (particularly those related to carceral feminism and social work), this study maps out how whorephobic, xenophobic, and racist antitrafficking discourses have become embedded in institutional discourses and into the laws and policies that regulate investigations into sex work and massage parlours. However, Asian migrant workers are not simply victims of these laws. This study also reveals the autonomy and resiliency of Asian women and how they are organizing to challenge the dominant discourse about massage work, sex workers, and human trafficking to create progressive institutional and policy change. This dissertation makes important contributions to critical human trafficking studies, abolitionism, and activist scholarship.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Everton Luiz Zanella.pdf: 738576 bytes, checksum: cb65e315a47b20be7656d15b7afbfe6a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-30 / The purpose of the present essay is to produce a critical analysis of the criminal system for transgressions against tax laws, reputed as lenient and deficient, and to demonstrate the need of a readjustment, in order to adapt it to the current constitutional order, indications the appropriate changes. Beginning with a review on the origins, evolution and features of the Democratic Rule of Law, adopted on the Federal Constitution of 1988 and rooted on values of democracy and human dignity, this essay will demonstrate the obsolescence of the Criminal Law and the inconsistency between it and the Federal Constitution, considering its inefficiency on fighting felonies against the rights of the society, as tax crimes. After such prior conjecture, I propose a restructuration of the criminal system by electing the most relevant legal goods, whose materiality derives from the Constitution, and the bestowed criminalization powers, i.e. the mandatory punishment of those human actions that harms collective goods of social importance, in the light of fundamental rights declared by the Federal Constitution. Within this scope, while selecting what should or shouldn t be penalized and how such penalization should be performed, it s presented a study about the proportionality principle and its twofold availability: the prevention against excesses, as a way to guarantee individual freedoms (negative actions of the State), and prevention against defective protection, in order to assure the proper State guardianship on restraining and punishing harmful actions against important legal goods (whose protection comes from criminalization powers). After that, comes a specific assessment of crimes against the economy (genre) and, in more details, of tax crimes (specie), which harm legal goods of utmost importance for society and hinder the achievement of the social justice aimed by the Democratic Rule of Law, which is characterized by the implementing of individual, social and collective rights. Finally, I prove that the current protection system against tax crimes is far from being efficient, mostly because of unjustifiable legal benefits granted to offenders, which are expanded by jurisprudence. This can be exemplified, for instance, by the extinction of punishableness for tax evaders, although unrepentant, after the enforced payment; as well as by the indulgence of the State, when refuses to file criminal charges against the tax evader, provided that a settlement is signed, or even by allowing the administrative discussion of the debt. These facts lead to the conclusion that the punishment system for such felonies contradicts the guidelines of the Constitution and need to be reconsidered, in order to allow an effective establishment of the Democratic Rule of the Law / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo realizar uma análise crítica do sistema punitivo nos crimes contra a ordem tributária, extremamente brando e deficiente, e demonstrar a necessidade de adequá-lo à ordem constitucional hoje vigente, indicando as mudanças cabíveis. Partindo de um estudo sobre a origem, a evolução e as características do Estado Democrático de Direito, adotado na Constituição Federal de 1988, radicado nos valores da democracia e da dignidade da pessoa humana, demonstra-se que o Direito Penal pátrio é ultrapassado e incompatível com a Constituição, por não combater de forma eficiente condutas criminosas de grande gravidade que afrontam direitos de toda a sociedade, como os crimes contra a ordem tributária. Dado este pressuposto, é feita uma proposta de relegitimação do sistema punitivo, através da abordagem da eleição dos bens jurídicos penalmente relevantes, os quais possuem carga valorativa constitucional, e dos mandados de criminalização, ou seja, da obrigatória penalização daquelas ações humanas que atentem contra os bens de maior relevância social, à luz dos direitos fundamentais previstos na Constituição Federal. Nesta seara, na busca da seleção sobre o que deve ou não ser penalizado e de que forma e intensidade deve ser concretizada esta penalização, é feito um estudo sobre o princípio da proporcionalidade e sua dupla face: proibição do excesso, como forma de garantir as liberdades individuais (atuação negativa do Estado), e proibição da proteção deficiente, com o objetivo de garantir a adequada prestação de tutela estatal para repressão e punição dos comportamentos lesivos aos bens jurídicos de maior importância (cuja proteção advém dos mandados de criminalização). Em continuidade, é feita uma análise específica sobre os delitos econômicos (gênero) e mais detidamente sobre os crimes contra a ordem tributária (espécie), que atingem bens jurídicos de extrema importância para toda a coletividade e impedem o alcance da almejada justiça social mirada pelo Estado Democrático de Direito, caracterizada pela efetivação dos direitos individuais, sociais, difusos e coletivos. Constata-se, afinal, que o sistema atual de proteção contra delitos tributários é bastante deficiente para combatê-los, em decorrência, sobretudo, de injustificáveis benesses previstas em lei e ampliadas pela jurisprudência, como a causa de extinção da punibilidade para os sonegadores, ainda que habituais, pelo simples pagamento, ainda que não espontâneo, do tributo sonegado, e o óbice à responsabilização penal do agente em decorrência do parcelamento do débito ou até mesmo da mera discussão do lançamento tributário na esfera administrativa, chegando-se à conclusão de que o mecanismo punitivo no tocante aos delitos estudados contraria o escopo constitucional e necessita ser alterado para permitir a real implementação do Estado Democrático de Direito

Submitted by Luanna Matias (lua_matias@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-02-06T11:55:41Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Guilherme Martins Teixeira Borges - 2014.pdf: 3642605 bytes, checksum: daab13868d7272e84e616f7f49ffec97 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-02-19T12:54:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Guilherme Martins Teixeira Borges - 2014.pdf: 3642605 bytes, checksum: daab13868d7272e84e616f7f49ffec97 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-19T12:54:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Guilherme Martins Teixeira Borges - 2014.pdf: 3642605 bytes, checksum: daab13868d7272e84e616f7f49ffec97 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation aims to analyze the relationship between the action of landless rural workers, especially the activities of members of the Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST), and the criminalization process of his conducts by Criminal Law. Therefore, this study aims to verify scientifically know as the criminal knowledge can be a legitimate instrument to promote the criminalization and stigmatization of these landless workers. Thus, the work takes as its starting point the characterization of their research subject, namely, the landless rural workers in its meaning of agrarian social movement, why it held an approach to the construction of social inequality and its correlation with the emergence and structuring of social movements, for, in the end, weave important considerations about what is meant by social Movement and Agrarian MST. Following aimed to explain how the criminal know contemporary Brazilian still shows a strong influence of the positivist criminological thought inaugurated by the Italian school centuries ago. It is shown how positivist criminology was responsible for creating a conception of social dangerousness and embrace a segregationist and selective criminological project, such that those individuals who were "classified" as a threat, should be removed from social interaction. We report how this discourse entered " the back door " of the criminal laws homelands and enabled the creation of an ideology of social defense and the criminalization of minorities (poor, landless ruais, black and so on). Finally, aiming to demonstrate the hypothesis elected, held a review of the work conducted by the Joint Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry ( CPMI ) and Urban Land Reform, known as "CPMI of Land ", specially her Final Report , highlighting Project Senate n . 264/2006 ( PLS No. 264 /06 ) and Project of House of Representatives n . 7485/2006 ( PL No. 7485 / 06 ), whose proposals are, appropriately, intended to spearhead a process of criminalization of landless legitimized by criminal law. / A presente dissertação objetiva analisar a relação entre a atuação dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra, em especial a atuação dos integrantes do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), e o processo de criminalização de suas condutas por parte dos operadores do direito. Para tanto, este estudo se propõe a verificar cientificamente como o saber penal pode ser um instrumento legítimo para promover a criminalização e estigmatização penal destes trabalhadores. Desta forma, o trabalho toma como ponto de partida a caracterização do seu sujeito de pesquisa, qual seja, os trabalhadores rurais sem terra em sua acepção de movimento social agrário, razão por que se realizou uma abordagem da construção das desigualdades sociais e a sua correlação com o surgimento e estruturação dos movimentos sociais, para, ao final, tecer importantes considerações sobre o que se entende por Movimento Social Agrário e MST. Na sequência, objetivou-se explanar como o saber penal brasileiro contemporâneo ainda ilustra uma forte influência do pensamento criminológico positivista inaugurado pela Escola Italiana séculos atrás. Demonstra-se como a criminologia positivista foi responsável por criar uma concepção de periculosidade social e abraçar um projeto criminológico segregacionista e seletivo, de tal forma que aqueles indivíduos os quais fossem “classificados” como uma ameaça, deviam ser afastados do convívio social. Relata-se como esse discurso adentrou “pelas portas dos fundos” das legislações penais pátrias e possibilitou a criação de uma ideologia da defesa social e da criminalização das minorias (pobres, trabalhadores ruais sem terra, negros e etc.). Ao final, objetivando demonstrar factivelmente a hipótese de trabalho eleita, realizou-se uma análise dos trabalhos realizados pela Comissão Parlamentar Mista de Inquérito (CPMI) da Reforma Agrária e Urbana, conhecida como “CPMI da Terra”, em especial os encaminhamentos por ela declarados em seu Relatório Final, com destaque para o Projeto de Lei do Senado n. 264, de 2006 (PLS N. 264/06) e o Projeto de Lei da Câmara dos Deputados n. 7485/2006 (PL N. 7485/06), cujas propostas revelam, com propriedade, a intenção de encabeçar um processo de criminalização dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra legitimado pelo próprio Direito Penal.

<p>I attempt to analyze South Africa&rsquo / s legal position pertaining to torture, in relation to the international legal framework. Since it has been established that torture and cruel inhuman and degrading treatment (CIDT) usually occur in situations where persons are deprived of personal liberty, I examine legislation, policies and practices applicable to specific places of detention, such as correctional centres, police custody, repatriation centers, mental health care facilities and child and youth care centers. I establish that although South Africa has ratified the UNCAT and is a signatory to the OPCAT, our legal system greatly lacks in structure and in mechanisms of enforcement, as far as the absolute prohibition and the prevention of torture and other forms of cruel and degrading treatment or punishment are concerned. I submit that South Africa has a special duty to eradicate torture, since many of its citizens and several of its political leaders are actually victims of torture, who suffered severe ill treatment under the apartheid regime. I argue that the South African legal system is sufficiently capable of adopting a zero-tolerance policy toward torture and to incorporate this with the general stance against crime. In many respects, South Africa is an example to other African countries and should strongly condemn all forms of human rights violations, especially torture, since acts of torture are often perpetrated by public officials who abuse their positions of authority. I conclude by making submissions and recommendations for law reform, in light of the obstacles encountered within a South African context.</p>

<p>I attempt to analyze South Africa&rsquo / s legal position pertaining to torture, in relation to the international legal framework. Since it has been established that torture and cruel inhuman and degrading treatment (CIDT) usually occur in situations where persons are deprived of personal liberty, I examine legislation, policies and practices applicable to specific places of detention, such as correctional centres, police custody, repatriation centers, mental health care facilities and child and youth care centers. I establish that although South Africa has ratified the UNCAT and is a signatory to the OPCAT, our legal system greatly lacks in structure and in mechanisms of enforcement, as far as the absolute prohibition and the prevention of torture and other forms of cruel and degrading treatment or punishment are concerned. I submit that South Africa has a special duty to eradicate torture, since many of its citizens and several of its political leaders are actually victims of torture, who suffered severe ill treatment under the apartheid regime. I argue that the South African legal system is sufficiently capable of adopting a zero-tolerance policy toward torture and to incorporate this with the general stance against crime. In many respects, South Africa is an example to other African countries and should strongly condemn all forms of human rights violations, especially torture, since acts of torture are often perpetrated by public officials who abuse their positions of authority. I conclude by making submissions and recommendations for law reform, in light of the obstacles encountered within a South African context.</p>

HIV/AIDS continues to pose some of the most significant social, political and legislative challenges globally. This project explicates the text-mediated processes by which many HIV-related laws are becoming created transnationally though the use of omnibus HIV model laws. A model law is a particular kind of regulatory text with a set of relations of use. Model laws are designed to be taken, modified and used by stakeholders in the creation of state laws. Because they are already framed in legislative language, model laws are worded in ways that can be expeditiously activated and translated into state law. The problematic of this inquiry arises from the activities of a constellation of legislative actors including human rights lawyers, policy analysts, academics and activists who have worked to critique aspects of the United States Agency for International Development/Action for West Africa Region (USAID/AWARE) Model Law (2004) and subsequent state laws this text has inspired across West and Central Africa. I argue that mapping the origin and uptake of this omnibus guidance text is optimally achieved through a sustained analytic commentary on the institutional genre of “best practice”. Explicating the coordinating function of this textual genre is central to understanding the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS laws across at least 15 countries in West and Central African between 2005-2010. The work processes of legislative creation, challenge and reform under investigation demand an interrogation of complex ruling apparatuses regulated by text, talk and capital relations. The USAID/AWARE Model Law is rife with contestation: from its name, scope, funding source and process of development, dissemination and domestication to its legislative content and role in protecting or violating women’s rights and public health objectives. Many of the policy actors critiquing this USAID-funded initiative have been engaged in the development of alternative HIV-related model laws and the shaping of a global anti-criminalization discourse to respond to the increasing use of criminal law governance strategies to prosecute HIV-related sexual offenses and the rise in new HIV-specific criminal laws in and beyond sub-Saharan Africa. This study maps relations that rule, and makes processes of power understandable in terms of everyday transnational work activities organized by the language of law. My research method is informed by the critical research strategy of institutional ethnography. This complex legislative process was made visible through participant observation, archival research, textual analysis and informant interviews with national and international stakeholders. This has involved research in Canada, the United States, Switzerland, Austria, South Africa and Senegal (2010-2011). / Graduate

La presente investigación pretende estudiar la criminalización de dos grupos marginalizados en la sociedad chilena de hoy. El movimiento Mapuche y los anarquistas, ambos acusados pos actos terroristas bajo la Ley Antiterrorista, ley promulgada durante la dictadura militar en Chile. La acción social y protesta política de los movimientos populares, sociales y políticos ha resultado en una de las estrategias más efectivas que los pueblos pueden utilizar para luchar contra su pobreza y contra las injusticias en la sociedad. El objetivo de este trabajo es investigar por qué se criminaliza la lucha y la resistencia social que está contra el establecimiento del control estatal en Chile, hoy en tiempos de “democracia” y averiguar de dónde viene la emergencia de un enemigo interno contra el Estado y de ahí también ver las razones subyacentes de por qué se tilda a ese enemigo como una amenaza contra el Estado y la seguridad de la nación. Una de las preguntas de investigación es la siguiente, ¿Es posible decir que el Estado, a través de doctrinas como la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional y la ley antiterrorista,  mantiene el control y la soberanía del Estado?Basando el estudio, principalmente desde distintos puntos de vista diferentes,  se encuentra que el motivo de esta criminalización es asegurar la mantención de una política económica neoliberal que tiene como objetivo el libre comercio y la privatización del sector público y de la tierra. La respuesta de los sectores sociales, víctimas directas de estos atropellos es la movilización social. La respuesta del sistema, la criminalización de estos. / This research aims to study the criminalization of two marginalized groups in the Chilean society of today. The Mapuche movement and the anarchists, both charged for terrorist acts under the anti-terrorism law, a law enacted during the military dictatorship in Chile.The social action and the political protest carried by popular, social and political movements has resulted in one of the most effective strategies that people can use to fight against their poverty and injustice in the society.The aim of this study is to investigate why this social struggle and resistance against the establishment of state control in Chile is criminalized now in times of "democracy". Further it also aims to find out the underlying reasons for the emergence of an internal enemy against the state and hence also see the underlying reasons for why this enemy is often labeled as a threat against the state and the Security of the Nation.One of the research questions is: Can we say that the state, through doctrines such as the Doctrine of National Security and the anti-terrorism law, maintains control and state sovereignty in Chile?Basing the study from different points of view it’s clear that the reason for this criminalization is to ensure the maintenance of a neoliberal economic policy which aims to strengthen free trade and privatization of the public sector and of the land. The response of the social sectors, who are direct victims of these abuses, is social mobilization. The systems response is the criminalization of these.

La seule évocation du corps humain éveille l’attention. Pourtant, le droit pénal ne s’en saisit qu’à travers la personne humaine et aux fins de protection de cette dernière. Le corps humain apparaît au travers des valeurs sociales protégées consubstantielles à la personne, ou plus généralement à l’humain, mais rarement en tant que tel. Dissimulé derrière ces valeurs, le corps interroge quant à la place que lui accorde le droit pénal. Cette étude se propose de renverser la perspective classique en appréhendant le corps non pas au travers des valeurs qu’il véhicule, mais pour ce qu’il est. L’analyse de la place du corps en droit pénal révèle sa dissimulation fréquente derrière la personne. Lorsqu’il est appréhendé comme un objet autonome, le législateur semble l’assimiler à une valeur sociale protégée. Or, cette première impression est trompeuse car il n’en constitue que le substrat. La vie, l’intégrité physique ou encore la dignité lui sont certes inhérentes, mais le corps n’est que le support concret qui véhicule ces notions abstraites. Il en découle un régime peu satisfaisant, d’une part parce que le traitement réservé aux valeurs sociales protégées ne lui est pas adapté et, d’autre part, car lorsqu’il est traité en dehors du prisme de la personne, il fait l’objet d’une appréhension lacunaire.Face à ces incohérences, cette étude se propose de renouveler le régime octroyé au corps humain en lui appliquant les règles relatives aux catégories juridiques préexistantes – les choses et les personnes. Tirant profit du droit pénal de la personne et du droit pénal des biens, une conception renouvelée du corps émerge en droit pénal. / The mere mention of the body captures the attention. However, criminal law considers it only through the human person and the protection purposes of the latter. The human body is reflected through protected social values which are part and parcel of the person, or more generally of the human being, but it is rarely considered as such. The body, being concealed behind these values, questions its position under criminal law. This study is intented to reverse the traditional approach by addressing the body for what it is and not through the values it conveys.The analysis of the position of the body under criminal law reveals its frequent concealment behind the person. When the body is tackled as an individual object, then the legislator seems to associate it with a protected social value. Yet, this first impression is misleading since it forms only the substratum. Life, physical integrity or dignity are certainly inherent to the body but the latter being only the solid support to convey those abstract notions. All this leads to an unsatisfactory legal regime, firstly because the treatment accorded to protected social values is not suitable to the body and secondly, because when treated outside the person lens, the body is the subject of a flawed apprehension. Faced with these inconsistencies, this study aims to renew the legal regime granted to the human body by applying the rules on the pre-existing legal categories- things and people. By taking advantage of the criminal law regarding people and of criminal law regarding property, a renewed understanding of the body emerges in criminal law.

Magister Legum - LLM / I attempt to analyze South Africa's legal position pertaining to torture, in relation to the international legal framework. Since it has been established that torture and cruel inhuman and degrading treatment (CIDT) usually occur in situations where persons are deprived of personal liberty, I examine legislation, policies and practices applicable to specific places of detention, such as correctional centres, police custody, repatriation centers, mental health care facilities and child and youth care centers. I establish that although South Africa has ratified the UNCAT and is a signatory to the OPCAT, our legal system greatly lacks in structure and in mechanisms of enforcement, as far as the absolute prohibition and the prevention of torture and other forms of cruel and degrading treatment or punishment are concerned. I submit that South Africa has a special duty to eradicate torture, since many of its citizens and several of its political leaders are actually victims of torture, who suffered severe ill treatment under the apartheid regime. I argue that the South African legal system is sufficiently capable of adopting a zero-tolerance policy toward torture and to incorporate this with the general stance against crime. In many respects, South Africa is an example to other African countries and should strongly condemn all forms of human rights violations, especially torture, since acts of torture are often perpetrated by public officials who abuse their positions of authority. I conclude by making submissions and recommendations for law reform, in light of the obstacles encountered within a South African context. / South Africa