A criminal modality that is becoming increasingly important nowadays and has many victims is the contract killing or the use of hitmen. The situation is aggravated by the presence of a process of crime institutionalization. The Peruvian government has responded to this problem typifying the aforementioned crime in the Criminal Code under condemns with are becoming longer. Was this the best solution?In the present article, the author answers this question by analyzing the penal types of contract killing while making a critic of the national criminal policy, taking into account the existence of other criminal types and other possible solutions, to finally prove its futility. / Una modalidad criminal que en el presente está cobrando importancia y muchas víctimas es el asesinato a sueldo o sicariato; situación que se agrava por la presencia de un proceso de institucionalización del crimen. El gobierno peruano ha respondido a este hecho tipificando dicho delito en el Código Penal bajo penas cada vez mayores. ¿Ha sido esta la mejor solución?En el presente artículo, el autor responde a dicha cuestión analizando los tipos penales del sicariato mientras realiza una crítica a la política criminal nacional, teniendo en cuenta la existencia de otras figuras penales y otras posibles soluciones, para finalmente demostrar su inutilidad.

This paper does a profound description of the legal framework and its recent modifications related to the State’s use of force in socio-environmental conflicts. This analysis emphasizes in law’s violent nature as a theoretic approach that intends on showing the way that the legal system, instead of defending rights, violates them. The methodology is dogmatic when analyzing law and other legal documents, and interdisciplinary when comparing laws with evidence gathered in interviews, participant observation, documents and databases. The objective its to characterize critically the complex legal framework that articulates the politics that leads to the criminalization of social protests against extractive industries in Peru. / El artículo hace una descripción profunda del marco normativo y sus modificaciones recientes con relación al uso de la fuerza estatal en conflictos socioambientales. Pone énfasis en la naturaleza violenta del derecho como enfoque teórico e intenta mostrar de qué manera el sistema jurídico, antes que garante, es productor de violaciones a los derechos humanos. La metodología empleada es, por un lado, dogmática cuando analiza normas y otros documentos legales y, por otro, interdisciplinaria cuando compara leyes con evidencia recogida en entrevistas, observación participante, documentos y bases de datos. El objetivo es caracterizar críticamente el complejo entramado legal que articula la política de criminalización de las protestas sociales contra industrias extractivas en el Perú.

Submitted by Geyciane Santos (geyciane_thamires@hotmail.com) on 2015-07-02T13:22:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Orlando de Lira Carneiro.pdf: 9313494 bytes, checksum: 6f6b7167c0aebc536d606eb444d2cc57 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-07-09T19:04:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Orlando de Lira Carneiro.pdf: 9313494 bytes, checksum: 6f6b7167c0aebc536d606eb444d2cc57 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-07-09T19:08:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Orlando de Lira Carneiro.pdf: 9313494 bytes, checksum: 6f6b7167c0aebc536d606eb444d2cc57 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-09T19:08:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Orlando de Lira Carneiro.pdf: 9313494 bytes, checksum: 6f6b7167c0aebc536d606eb444d2cc57 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-03 / Não Informada / This paper analyzes the discourse on indigenous criminalization in printed newspaper Folha de Boa Vista, from the interpretation of written texts (headlines, call, editorials, Photo Reports, materials and news) and imagery (cartoons) disclosed in its pages from 2000 (context of Bra-zil Celebration of 500) to 2005 (time of intense indigenous struggle for ratification of the Raposa / Serra do Sol). The construction of a scientific debate orbited among theorists as Bakhtin, Foucault, and Pêcheux, Orlandi and reports printed newspaper Folha de Boa Vista, documentary basis for the analysis of speech through the use of linguistic and semiotic ele-ments, sought to criminalize indigenous Roraima. In the six years analyzed, we found that the print media through the journalistic discourse contributed to the process of criminalization of indigenous Roraima. Finally, we identified strategies for building a discourse that criminalizes those same Indians. The analysis takes as a reference the mass of documents that match the selected issues of the newspaper Folha de Boa Vista, where we identified the discursive forms of criminalization of indigenous Roraima, and aims to reveal how it produces the silence of theindigenous in the newspaper pages in reference. / O presente trabalho analisa o discurso sobre criminalização indígena no jornal impresso Folha de Boa Vista, a partir da interpretação dos textos escritos (Manchetes, chamadas, editorias, fotorreportagens, matérias e notícias) e imagéticos (charges), divulgados em suas páginas no período de 2000 (contexto das Comemorações do Brasil 500) a 2005 (época de intensa luta indígena pela homologação da Terra Indígena Raposa Serra do Sol). A construção de um debate científico orbitou entre teóricos como Bakhtin, Foucault, Pêcheux e Orlandi e as reportagens do jornal impresso Folha de Boa Vista, base documental para a análise do discurso que, por meio do uso de textos escritos e imagéticos, procuraram criminalizar o indígena roraimense. Nos seis anos analisados, constatou-se que a mídia impressa contribuiu pelo discurso jornalístico, para o processo de criminalização do indígena roraimense.Enfim, identificou-se as estratégias de construção de um discurso que criminaliza esses mesmos indígenas. A análise tomou como referência a massa documental que corresponde às edições selecionadas do Jornal Folha de Boa Vista, onde foram identificadas as formas discursivas de criminalização do indígena roraimense, e revelaram a forma como se produz o silêncio do indígena nas páginas do jornal em referência.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2017-12-21T12:54:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 barbarasouzaoliveira.pdf: 778902 bytes, checksum: 25f20c591aa8677ab3d65738db488d9d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-12-22T12:06:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 barbarasouzaoliveira.pdf: 778902 bytes, checksum: 25f20c591aa8677ab3d65738db488d9d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-12-22T12:06:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 barbarasouzaoliveira.pdf: 778902 bytes, checksum: 25f20c591aa8677ab3d65738db488d9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-22T12:06:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 barbarasouzaoliveira.pdf: 778902 bytes, checksum: 25f20c591aa8677ab3d65738db488d9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-28 / No presente trabalho analisou-se como os argumentos dos participantes da dinâmica do Tribunal do Júri de Juiz de Fora interferem no cenário da ascensão do encarceramento de populações historicamente marginalizadas nesta cidade, uma vez que o Brasil adota uma política criminal de expansão do encarceramento como forma de reduzir a criminalidade. Em caráter ainda exploratório, a pesquisa indicou que os discursos jurídicos apresentados por juízes, promotores e autoridades policiais apresentam um caráter seletivo que se manifesta de maneiras distintas a depender das circunstâncias do crime e perfil étnico-racial e social dos supostos autores. Investigou-se a hipótese de que tais argumentos possuem fundamentações vagas e imprecisas como periculosidade do agente, garantia da ordem pública e efetiva aplicação da lei penal para o fim de justificar um tratamento mais rígido com relação a uma parcela da população já há muito tempo tratada como inimiga da sociedade. A pesquisa partiu do estudo de Löic Wacquant quanto à ascensão do encarceramento no cenário neoliberal, este que considera o poder punitivo do Estado como uma tarefa conjunta de forçar as classes pobres para fora da assistência social e empurrá-las para o trabalho precário flexibilizado que passará por políticas de desqualificação e criminalização. Metodologicamente, empreendeu-se a análise do conteúdo das manifestações dos intérpretes do direito nos processos cujos julgamentos tenham sido realizados no ano de 2016 perante o Tribunal do Júri de Juiz de Fora. Conclui-se que o discurso jurídico adotado no âmbito de Juiz de Fora não somente possui um caráter seletivo, como também mantém determinado segmento da sociedade sob constante vigilância e passíveis de medidas cautelares e punições mais severas, o que já ficou demonstrado, através de pesquisas realizadas, que não contribui para a redução da criminalidade, realidade também observada em Juiz de Fora que apresenta, a cada ano, o aumento de crimes dolosos contra a vida. / In the present study, was analyzed how the arguments of the participants in Jury Court of Juiz de Fora interfere in the scenario of the incarceration’s rise of the historically marginalized populations in this city, considering that Brazil adopts a criminal policy of expansion of incarceration as a form to reduce crime. In a still exploratory stage, the research has indicated that the legal discourses presented by judges, prosecutors and police authorities have a selective character that manifests itself in different ways depending on the circumstances of the crime and the ethnic-racial and social profile of the alleged perpetrators. It was hypothesized that such arguments have vague and inaccurate grounds such as agent danger, public order guarantee and effective enforcement of criminal law in order to justify a more rigid treatment in relation to a portion of the population that has been treated for a long time as enemy of society. The research was based on Löic Wacquant's study of the rise of incarceration in the neoliberal scenario, which considers the punitive power of the state as a joint task of forcing the poor classes out of social assistance and pushing them into the precarious and flexible work that will pass by policies of disqualification and criminalization. Methodologically, it undertook to content analysis of the demonstrations by law’s interpreters in the processes whose judgment was carried out in the year of 2016 in the Jury Court of Juiz de Fora was undertaken. It was concluded that the legal discourse adopted within the scope of Juiz de Fora not only has a selective character, but also maintains a certain segment of society under constant vigilance and subject to precautionary measures and more severe punishments, which has already been demonstrated, through research carried out, which does not contribute to the reduction of crime, a fact also observed in Juiz de Fora, which presents, every year, an increase in intentional crimes against life.

Utilizada para reprimir movimentos sociais e manter a ordem, a polícia é tradicionalmente identificada com os interesses da direita. No Brasil, a criação da Polícia Militar no contexto político da ditadura civil-militar instaurada no país em 1964 facilita essa associação. No entanto, se por um lado policiais militares tendem a se aliar politicamente a setores da população que se opõem a instrumentos de responsabilização da polícia, encarados como fatores que dificultam o trabalho policial, por outro, são servidores públicos que reivindicam melhores condições de trabalho, o que abre a possibilidade para que se aproximem da esquerda ou pelo menos se distanciem da direita neoliberal. Alguns dos candidatos a deputado estadual mais votados em São Paulo são oriundos da Polícia Militar. O presente trabalho almeja investigar se os deputados da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de São Paulo oriundos da Polícia Militar, das 14ª, 15ª e 16ª legislaturas (1999-2011), são responsivos ao eleitorado de direita; se adotam pontos de vista homogêneos sobre diversos temas (militarização da polícia, corrupção policial, missão da Polícia Militar, policiamento comunitário, ditadura, política criminal, movimentos sociais etc.); e como exercem a defesa dos interesses da Polícia Militar, uma corporação marcada por inúmeros conflitos internos, principalmente entre praças e oficiais. Para tanto, pesquisou-se em que zonas eleitorais esses deputados são proporcionalmente mais votados; problematizou-se a associação entre sensação de insegurança, defesa de bandeiras repressivas, percepção da corrupção e o voto em candidatos e partidos de direita; identificaram-se seus projetos de lei; compararam-se suas votações em plenário na 16ª legislatura (2007-2011); analisaram-se seus discursos na tribuna da ALESP, que foram contrastados com pesquisas de opinião pública, pesquisas de opinião de policiais militares e literatura sobre subculturas policiais. Da mesma forma, o trabalho discute as possíveis razões que levam policiais militares a se candidatarem a uma vaga no Poder Legislativo estadual. / The police are used to repress social movements and to keep the order, and are traditionally identified with the right wing interests. In Brazil, the Military Police was created within the political context of the civil/military dictatorship established in 1964 and eases such association; however, if on one hand military policemen tend to politically ally themselves with the population sectors contrary to instruments that hold the police liable, faced as factors making police work more difficult, on the other hand, military policemen are public servants claiming for better work conditions, and there is the possibility of they getting nearer to the left wing, or at least distancing themselves from the neoliberal right wing. Some candidates for deputies of the House of São Paulo State Legislative derive from the Military Police. The aim of this work is to investigate whether the deputies of the House of Representatives of the State of São Paulo from the Military Police, in the 14th, 15th and 16th legislatures (1999-2011), are responsive to the right wing electors, if they adopt similar viewpoints on several themes (police militarization, police corruption, Military Polices mission, community policing, dictatorship, criminal policy, social movements, etc.), and how they defend the Military Polices interests, a corporation marked by uncountable internal conflicts, mainly among police force and officers. For such purpose, the following issues were addressed: research about in which electoral zones those deputies are proportionally more voted; where one can see the connection among feeling of insecurity, defense of repressive flags, perception of corruption and voting in right wing candidates and parties; identification of their bills of law; their votes in plenary sessions in the 16th legislature (2007-2011) are compared; their speeches at ALESPs tribune are analyzed and contrasted with public opinion polls, opinion polls with military policemen and the literature on police subcultures. Likewise, the work discusses the possible reasons for military policemen running for an office in the State Legislative.

Social movements demonstrate a clear popular resistance mechanism, and it´s possible to see them in the course of history. To understand its many facets, it was necessary to establish a dichotomy between old and new social movements, inquiring, from this, the characteristics of the brand new social movements in order to interpret the June Conference and its aspects, especially with regard to the emergence of the internet and their imbrications. Thus, it´s essential to understand that this view is only feasible by verifying that the alluded movements materialized a constitutional principle and all normative force deriving from it. In this sense, it fell to assert that the criminalization of these social movements violates the constitutional principle of free expression of thought. So, to answer the posted research problem, it was chosen the deductive method of approach, and, as to the basis theory, was elected the Manuel Castells s Informational Society Communication Theory and Alessandro Baratta s Critical Criminology. Regarding the procedure methods it was adopted the historical, the monographic and the comparative. In order to organize the study, it was necessary to divide the work into three chapters. The first one started from the constitutional right of free expression of thought, studying the deontological importance of a democratically adopted principle being established, after this, the division between "old and new social movements to the brand new social movements. In the second chapter, the study was guided strictly in the social movements that have invaded the network and the streets in 2013 in Brazil. Finally, in the third chapter, researched from the critical criminology, interpretation of the state's attitude towards these movements and the criminalization perpetrated. Based on these analyzes, it was found the presence of stiffening criminal ideologies and the consolidation of a delinquent State, opposite the undeniable violation of a constitutional provision. So it was guided to understand that the criminalization of social movements is a legal contradiction that undermines the Constitution and mitigates democracy that intends to consolidate. / Os movimentos sociais demonstram um nítido mecanismo de resistência popular, sendo possível vislumbrá-los no decorrer da história. Para compreender suas inúmeras facetas, foi preciso estabelecer uma dicotomia entre os antigos e os novos movimentos sociais, perquirindo, a partir disso, as características dos novíssimos movimentos sociais, a fim de interpretar as Jornadas de junho e seus aspectos, principalmente no que tange ao surgimento da internet e suas imbricações. Dessa forma, imprescindível compreender que esse olhar somente é viável ao verificar que os aludidos movimentos materializam um princípio constitucional e toda força normativa decorrente disso. Nesse sentido, coube perquirir se a criminalização desses movimentos sociais viola o princípio constitucional da livre manifestação do pensamento. Assim, para responder ao problema de pesquisa posto, optou-se por utilizar o método de abordagem dedutivo, e, quanto à teoria de base, elegeu-se a Teoria da Comunicação da Sociedade Informacional de Manuel Castells e a Criminologia Crítica de Alessandro Baratta. Já em relação aos métodos de procedimento adotaram-se o histórico, o monográfico e o comparativo. Como forma organizar o estudo, foi preciso dividir o trabalho em três capítulos. No primeiro, partiu-se do direito constitucional da livre manifestação do pensamento, estudando a importância deontológica de um princípio democraticamente adotado, sendo estabelecida, após isso, a divisão entre antigos e novos movimentos sociais até os novíssimos movimentos sociais. No segundo capítulo, o estudo pautou-se estritamente nos movimentos sociais que invadiram as redes e as ruas no ano de 2013 no Brasil. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, pesquisou-se, a partir da criminologia crítica, a interpretação da postura do Estado para com os referidos movimentos e a criminalização perpetrada. Feita essa análise, verificou-se a presença de ideologias de enrijecimento penal e a consolidação de um Estado delinquente, frente à inegável violação de uma norma constitucional. Sendo assim, pautou-se por compreender que a criminalização dos movimentos sociais é uma contradição jurídica, que enfraquece a Constituição e mitiga a democracia que se pretende consolidar.

In 2007, one current and two former sex workers, Amy Lebovitch, Terri-Jean Bedford and Valerie Scott launched a charter challenge, Bedford v Canada, arguing that the prostitution provisions criminalizing bawdy houses (section 210), living on the avails (section 212 (1)(j)) and communicating for the purposes of prostitution (section 213.1 (c)) violated their section 7 rights under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Six years later, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled unanimously to strike down all three challenged laws, leaving a one-year period to construct a new regime on prostitution. On December 6, 2014, the Protection of Communities and Exploited Persons Act (PCEPA) came into effect, criminalizing, for the first time, prostitution in Canada and introducing a law that replicates many of the provisions of the previous regime. This thesis uses semi-structured interviews and qualitative analysis to examine the experiences of nine street-based sex workers in Ottawa, paying particular attention to experiences after the introduction of the new law. Drawing on the work of Mead & Blumer’s symbolic interactionism theory and Goffman’s concept of stigma the thesis examines how embedded stereotypes in legislation ‘play out’ in the lives of sex workers. I argue that the interactions of sex workers in Ottawa are conditioned by stereotypical assumptions which in turn lead to their broader discrimination and marginalization. This study concludes by finding that the first objective of PCEPA, to protect those who sell their own sexual services, has not been met; instead, PCEPA has resulted in street-based sex workers in Ottawa assuming more risk, and in turn, facing more danger while on the job.

Cross-sector collaborations in the form of self-organized interorganizational networks are key mechanisms to address complex social sustainability problems in a systematic manner with accelerated and effective results. Self-organized interorganizational networks allow for collaborations through low degrees of hierarchy and bureaucracy while achieving high levels of ownership and commitment among member organizations. These type of networks have proven useful to achieve policy reforms to tackle societal problems related to rapid evolving and internet related crimes affecting children. This study analyses the initial conditions and emergence of self-organized interorganizational networks, as well as the structuralarrangements and governance structures that facilitate the network organization. To do so, the authors used as case study the criminalization of online sexual grooming in Malaysia that resulted in the Sexual Offences Against Children Act 2017. The analysis of the case was conducted through a qualitative thematic analysis based on semi-structured interviews to 11 leaders of some of the organizations that collaborated by producing public awareness, educating about the implications of this type of crime, and simultaneously, drafting and passing the new law. The results of the study showed that the network in Malaysia was formed and organized organically through a combination of informal and formal methods and structures guided by a high sense of shared purpose and shared leadership.

No description available.

No description available.