The presence of religious actors in the construction of public debate is, in Brazil, undisguised. Thus, we highlight the evangelical churches. Some denominations are relatively able to mobilize its members around specific demands or to broader political projects. However, religious filiations do not define political memberships. Affinity relationships between the two spheres are usually partial, and very complex. It is true that a faithful engaged in order to justify their political positions, will tend to evoke religious views available in the group to which it belongs. But this fact does not necessarily produce very stable identity convergences in the group, since the religious or political ideas are constantly retranslated by agents. Thus, the homologies raised here and regularities in the actions of individuals are contingent, however, always possible. Occasionally, they translate into modes of participation, inclusion of the faithful in public areas, political memberships and speeches somehow anchored to particular ways to experience religion. So it initially asks: what types of links between religion and politics are being produced in different social areas of interest to this investigation? Such homologies produce significant regularities, identity definitions? To tackle these problems, we used a focused research on participant observation that it intended to collate the political positions undertaken by evangelical believers focused on this work in the face of religious justifications for them mobilized. What entailed an analysis of the different discourses that try to justify the involvement of religious actors in the public debate. The thesis also searched far-reaching convergences in the contemporary evangelical discourse; also why, they were listed in the investigation two very different denominations: the Traditional and the second wave Pentecostals. Despite the diversity found within the studied groups, and the uniqueness of each religious denomination, the survey encountered a type of speech, widespread in varying degrees in religious spaces, it is called here pragmatic conservatism. / A presença de atores religiosos na construção do debate público é, no Brasil, indisfarçável. Nesta senda, merecem destaque as igrejas evangélicas. Algumas denominações são relativamente capazes de mobilizar seus membros em torno de demandas específicas ou até de projetos políticos mais amplos. Entretanto, filiações religiosas não definem, per se, adesões políticas. Aliás, relações de afinidades entre ambas as esferas são, normalmente, parciais, além de muito complexas. É verdade que um fiel engajado, a fim de justificar seus posicionamentos políticos, tenderá a evocar concepções religiosas disponíveis no grupo ao qual pertence. Mas tal fato não produz, necessariamente, convergências identitárias muito estáveis no grupo, vez que as concepções religiosas ou políticas são incessantemente retraduzidas pelos agentes. Deste modo, as homologias suscitadas aqui e as regularidades nas ações dos indivíduos são contingentes, no entanto, sempre possíveis. Ocasionalmente, elas se traduzem em modos de participação, de inserção dos fiéis nos espaços públicos, adesões políticas e discursos de alguma maneira ancorados a formas peculiares de vivenciar a religião. Sendo assim, indaga-se inicialmente: que tipos de articulações entre religião e política estão sendo produzidas nos espaços sociais que interessam a esta investigação? Tais homologias ensejam regularidades significativas, definições identitárias? Para enfrentar estes problemas, recorreu-se a uma pesquisa centrada na observação participante que pretendeu cotejar os posicionamentos políticos empreendidos pelos fiéis evangélicos enfocados neste trabalho e as justificativas religiosas por eles mobilizadas. O que implicou uma análise dos diferentes discursos que buscam justificar a participação dos atores religiosos no debate público. A Tese ainda perquiriu convergências de maior alcance no discurso evangélico contemporâneo, razão pela qual foram elencadas na investigação duas denominações muito diferentes entre si: os tradicionais e os pentecostais de segunda onda. A despeito da diversidade encontrada no interior dos grupos estudados, e das singularidades de cada denominação religiosa, a pesquisa se deparou com um tipo discurso, difundido em graus variados nos espaços religiosos, denominado aqui de conservadorismo pragmático.

The political debate is a face-to-face verbal interaction in which the candidates interact verbally and, consequently, expose their images (faces). To protect them or to minimize threatening acts, the interlocutors usually make use of strategies of linguistic politeness. Politeness with respect to the linguistic-pragmatic studies refers to linguistic strategies used to prevent, mitigate or repair potential threats to the interlocutor or speaker’s face in order to maintain a balance in interpersonal relations. In this perspective, the objective of this study is to analyze under a linguistic-pragmatic bias these strategies as constituents of the argumentation in the corpus formed by the verbal interactions of the last electoral political debate, specifically of the first and third blocks, between the second round candidates for the presidency of the Federative Republic of Brazil, in 2014, Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Aécio Neves (PSDB), televised by Globo television network. Such selection is justified because this is a communicative interaction where actions take place that affect the relationships with himself, or with another, in which the participants emphasize the concern to maintain the balance, making use of strategies in order to protect own face, and also to avoid discomfort with their interlocutors. This analysis is based on the following questions: a) Do candidate's speeches convey polished effects? b) How are these effects structured? c) What is the relationship between politeness and political discourse? d) How politicians use strategies of politeness to carry the speech and maintain the image of themselves in the face of a debatable question? e) How to build the relationship of the political subject, and speaker, from the strategies of politeness so that he can convince his interlocutor? f) To what extent do politicians harmoniously reconcile self-preservation and respect for the others by maintaining positive projections of their images and respective groups, in accordance with the expectations of the electorate? For this proposal, the research is based on Brown and Levinson's model of politeness (1987 [1978]) and on the reformulations of this model made by Kerbrat-Orecchioni (2006). Likewise, discussions are carried out by Castilho and Castilho (1993), Castilho and Elias (2012), Santos (2012), Dias (2010), Perelman & Olbrechts-Tyteca , Fiorin (2015), Marcuschi (2004), Osakabe (1999), Charaudeau (2013), among others. From the data analysis performed, we identified politeness strategies: i) positive; ii) negative – accompanying and substitute procedures; iii) covert. In general, the results demonstrate that the politeness strategies used by the candidates of the second round of the presidential elections of 2014 tend to soften the large number of threats to the face during the debate, since it is a characteristic of the gender to attack the image of the other and to value their own image. However, presidential candidates use such strategies to preserve their image before an attentive audience (voters) in order to gain the votes and win presidential election. / O debate político é uma interação verbal do tipo face a face, em que os candidatos interagem verbalmente e, consequentemente, expõem suas imagens (faces). Para protegê-las ou para minimizar atos ameaçadores, os interlocutores costumam fazer uso de estratégias de polidez linguística. A polidez, no que concerne aos estudos linguístico-pragmáticos, refere-se a estratégias linguísticas utilizadas para impedir, atenuar ou reparar eventuais ameaças à face do locutor ou do interlocutor, com o propósito de manter o equilíbrio nas relações interpessoais. A par dessa perspectiva, o objetivo deste estudo é analisar, sob um viés linguístico-pragmático, tais estratégias como constituintes da argumentação no corpus formado pelas interações verbais do último debate político eleitoral, especificamente do primeiro e terceiro blocos, entre os candidatos do segundo turno à Presidência da República Federativa do Brasil do ano 2014, Dilma Rousseff (PT) e Aécio Neves (PSDB), televisionado pela Rede Globo. Tal seleção justifica-se por se tratar de uma interação comunicativa onde ocorrem ações que afetam as relações consigo e com o outro, nas quais os participantes imprimem a preocupação em manter o equilíbrio, fazendo o uso de estratégias com intuito de resguardar a própria face e também para evitar desconforto com seus interlocutores. Essa análise se constitui a partir dos seguintes questionamentos: a) Os discursos dos políticos veiculam efeitos polidos? b) Como são estruturados esses efeitos? c) Qual a relação entre polidez e discurso político? d) Como os políticos se utilizam de estratégias de polidez para efetivar seu discurso e manter a imagem de si diante de uma polêmica? e) Como se dá a construção da relação do sujeito político, locutor, a partir das estratégias de polidez a fim de que possa convencer seu interlocutor? f) Até que ponto os políticos conseguem conciliar harmonicamente a preservação de si e o respeito ao outro, mantendo projeções positivas de suas imagens e respectivos grupos, de acordo com as expectativas do eleitorado? Para dar conta de tal proposta, a pesquisa fundamenta-se no modelo de polidez de Brown e Levinson (1987 [1978]) e nas reformulações desse modelo feitas por Kerbrat-Orecchioni (2006). Da mesma forma, dá-se vez a discussões realizadas por Castilho e Castilho (1993), Castilho e Elias (2012), Santos (2012), Dias (2010), Perelman & Olbrechts- Tyteca (2005 [1958]), Ferreira (2010), Fiorin (2015), Marcuschi (2004), Osakabe (1999), Charaudeau (2013), entre outros. A partir da análise dos dados realizada, identificamos estratégias de polidez: i) positiva; ii) negativa – procedimentos substitutivos e acompanhantes; iii) encoberta. De modo geral, os resultados demonstram que as estratégias de polidez utilizadas pelos candidatos à Presidência do segundo turno de 2014 tendem a suavizar o grande número de ameaça à face ocorrido durante o debate, visto que é uma característica do gênero atacar a imagem do outro e valorizar a sua. No entanto, os presidenciáveis se valem de tais estratégias para preservar sua imagem diante de um auditório específico (os eleitores) a fim de conquistarem os votos e vencerem a eleição. / São Cristóvão, SE

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work, entitled Argumentation and political discourse: a proposal for the Portuguese Language teaching in the final grades of Elementary School, presents a suggestion for the application of the mother tongue from oral / written argumentative. It is based on concepts of orality, text production, argumentation and political discourse in the view of many scholars, as Aristóteles (2013), Bakhtin (1997, 1981), Fiorin (2015), Fulaneti and Bueno (2013), Grácio (2010, 2013), Koch (2011, 2012, 2015), Marcuschi (2008), Osakabe (2002), Perelman e Tyteca (2005), and others; the norms of the National Curriculum Parameters (1997, 1998) and the National Curriculum Guidelines for Basic Education (2013). It aims to propose the development of the capacity of critical thinking, reflective reading, organization of ideas, enabling elementary school students (9th grade) of a state college, located in Campo do Brito / SE, for the competence of argumentative communication, with oral and written textual activities, from language understanding as a form of interaction in order to optimize the capacity of analysis and the construction of arguments in political discourse. The speeches will be observed, compared and analyzed on viewpoint of argumentation and confronted with problems experienced by the general population, using records, photos and interviews, collected by students in the community. And, in the final stage, after discussion and reflection on the political role and about which main questions need further attention of public authority, we propose a written textual production of a letter to the people, consistent, covering the problems found and the suggestion of proposals, guided in arguments. The proposal is replace a purely legal education to a more reflective teaching with opportunities for reading, debates, with oral and written production, significantly, considering that reading, interpretation, writing and argumentation are essential in language learning, understanding teaching as an interactive activity of expression for critical student, autonomous, thinks about what he will write, who will write for, and the object of production. It proposes a teaching practice with emphasis on argumentative strategies in order to form a student reader / producer of texts, allowing the exercise of citizenship. / Este trabalho, intitulado Argumentação e discurso político: uma proposta para o ensino de Língua Portuguesa nas séries finais do Ensino Fundamental, apresenta uma sugestão para a aplicação da língua materna a partir do oral/escrito argumentativo. Parte dos conceitos de oralidade, produção textual, argumentação e discurso político sob a ótica de diversos estudiosos, como Aristóteles (2013), Bakhtin (1997, 1981), Fiorin (2015), Fulaneti e Bueno (2013), Grácio (2010, 2013), Koch (2011, 2012, 2015), Marcuschi (2008), Osakabe (2002), Perelman e Tyteca (2005), entre outros; os preceitos dos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais (BRASIL, 1997, 1998) e as Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais da Educação Básica (2013). Objetiva propor o desenvolvimento da capacidade do senso crítico, da leitura reflexiva, da organização das ideias, habilitando alunos do Ensino Fundamental (9º ano) de um colégio da rede estadual, situado em Campo do Brito/SE, para a competência da comunicação argumentativa, com atividades textuais orais e escritas, a partir do entendimento de língua enquanto forma de interação, visando à otimização da capacidade de análise e à construção da argumentação no discurso político. Os discursos serão observados, comparados e analisados do ponto de vista da argumentação e confrontados com problemas vivenciados pela população em geral, a partir de registros coletados na comunidade, pelos discentes, via fotos e entrevistas. E, na etapa final, após discussões e reflexão acerca do papel do político e sobre quais principais quesitos precisam de uma maior atenção por parte dos dirigentes públicos, propomos a produção textual escrita de uma carta aberta, de forma coerente, que contemple os problemas encontrados e a sugestão de propostas, pautadas em argumentos. A proposta é sair de um ensino puramente normativo para um ensino mais reflexivo, com espaços de leitura, debates, numa produção oral e escrita, de forma significativa, considerando que leitura, interpretação, escrita e argumentação são essenciais no aprendizado da língua, entendendo o ensino como uma atividade interativa de expressão em que o aluno crítico, autônomo, pensa no que vai escrever, para quem vai escrever, e no objeto da produção. Propõe uma prática de ensino com ênfase para as (nas) estratégias argumentativas, a fim de formar um aluno leitor/produtor de textos, permitindo o exercício da cidadania.

本研究的目的在於以2014-2016年的兼任助理勞動權益運動作為案例，探討社會運動內部的具體訴求、行事風格、時勢判斷等差異，其背後是否反映了一些更根本的歧異。進而檢視兼任助理運動中有哪些路線與策略，各是反映著什麼樣對運動、群眾、國家的理解與想像。希望將往往消耗了參與者熱情的運動內部爭辯，轉化為比較積極、甚至可能有助於運動實踐的路線辯論。 本研究先回顧了19世紀末到20世紀初的歐洲社會主義路線辯論，以及1980年代末至1990年代初的台灣學生運動路線辯論，從中學習如何進行路線辯論。接著依據兼任助理運動的時程分期，以運動中的重大分歧為肌理，歸納成幾種對於運動不同的態度，再將抽象化、概念化。針對兼任助理運動的路線辯論，本研究透過訪談來呈現運動者的實作選擇、傾向特定實作的原因，及其背後對於運動的想像，並以「反資本主義──爭勞工權利」、「爭勞工權利──反資本主義」、「爭學生權利」、「爭生活權益」等四種路線進行詮釋性的對話。 「反資本主義──爭勞工權利」與「爭勞工權利──反資本主義」路線皆以「爭勞工權利」為短期目標，「反資本主義」為長期目標；前者會優先重視長期目標，後者較常為了短期目標而牴觸長期目標，或是因太投入而忘記長期目標。「爭學生權利」與「爭生活權益」路線從經驗出發，前者較在意抽象權利，而兩者皆希望改善學生助理的勞動待遇與生活條件，不會以抽象價值來排除特定運動手段以「實用性」為主要考量。 / Using the campaign of university part-time assistants for labor rights between 2014 and 2016 as a case, this thesis discusses to what extent do internal differences in concrete demands, style of work, judgement about objective situations and others inside a social movement reflect more fundamental differences. Furthermore, this thesis seeks to explore what kinds of lines and strategies there are in the part-time assistants’ campaign, and how they correspond to different understandings and imaginations of the movement, the masses, and the state. This analysis is done in the hope that internal disagreements can develop into more proactive and productive debates about political lines of a social movement. I start with exploring the elements and characters of political line debates by reviewing crucial debates in the European socialist movement in late 19th to early 20th century and in the Taiwanese student movement in the 1980s. Then, I divide the part-time assistants’ campaign into different periods. Major disagreements emerged in those periods are summarized into several different attitudes toward the movement. These are further abstracted and conceptualized into different lines inside the movement. I focus on choices on practical issues, reasons for such choices, and their imaginations of the movement as a whole in my interview with activists. Based on those differences, I divide the interviewees into four distinct tendencies: “anti-capitalist labor rights,” “labor-rights anti-capitalist,” “student rights,” and “rights in daily lives.” Those tendencies are engaged in intermittent dialogues with each other, and they become visible through proper interpretations. Both “anti-capitalist labor rights” and “labor-rights anti-capitalist” tendencies see the struggle for labor rights as short-term goals and the struggle against capitalism as the long-term objective. The latter, however, is more willing to sideline the long-term objective in exchange for gains in immediate short-term goals. The “student rights” and “rights in daily lives” tendencies base their activism on daily experiences of part-time student-workers. The former is more concerned with abstract political rights than the latter, but both see themselves as pragmatists in seeking to improve the labor and living conditions of their constituency. Besides, both “student rights” and “rights in daily lives” tendencies are not willing to exclude certain means for campaign based on abstract political principles.

La postérité a considéré de manière privilégiée l’œuvre de Gérard de Nerval comme celle d’un poète sinon fou, du moins irrémédiablement mélancolique, en faisant peu de cas de son inspiration fantaisiste. Bien que parfois évoquée, cette facette de l’œuvre n’a à ce jour jamais fait l’objet d’une synthèse d’envergure. C’est à cette lacune quelque peu surprenante que notre étude ambitionne de répondre. Remettre à l’honneur la fantaisie de l’auteur des « Chimères » et d’Aurélia ne revient nullement à nier la folie nervalienne, mais plutôt à penser cette dernière en relation avec une fantaisie investie des aspirations romantiques les plus hautes, à remettre en question des traditions de lecture qui ont conclu à un isolement de l’œuvre au détriment d’une volonté de lucidité sans cesse réaffirmée par l’écrivain. Interroger la fantaisie nervalienne, c’est interroger les enjeux esthétiques, socio-politiques et éthiques d’une œuvre empreinte d’un enjouement fantasque qui s’est toujours voulue en prise directe sur l’actualité et soucieuse de refonder une communication littéraire alors en crise. / The works of Gérard de Nerval have mainly been regarded as the output of an irremediably melancholic, if not insane poet. However strongly established by his contemporaries, his fanciful inspiration, though occasionally mentioned, has never been subjected to thorough investigation. The ambition of this study is to rectify this rather intriguing omission. Delving into the fancy of the author of « Les Chimères » and of Aurélia, rather than denying Nerval’s madness, consists in assessing its connection with a fancy expressive of the highest romantic aspirations, as well as challenging customary interpretations that concluded in the isolation of an author’s writings, in spite of his own repeated assertions of lucidity. Probing Nerval’s fancy amounts to questioning the aesthetic, socio-political and ethical stakes of works imbued with whimsical cheerfulness, always bent on facing reality and eager to re-establish a literary communication that was then going through a critical period.

For his study, the author determines whether the Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD) and the Federal Elections Commission (FEC) are sovereign entities, or if they are pawns of the Democratic and Republican parties (Political Duopoly) aimed to prevent smaller candidates from participating in the CPD’s Presidential Debates. The author’s rationale for his research is based on the fact that, despite a large majority of American voters want to hear other voices in the CPD debates, the CPD has not allowed other voices to participate in the debates since 1992, through use of the CPD’s fifteen-percent support requirement. Every time an entity questions the CPD’s requirements, the FEC dismiss the challenges. This has led to lawsuits against the commissions from Level the Playing Field (LPF) and Gary Johnson. The author completed a literature review and case view analysis related to this matter, introduces the Marketplace of Ideas Theory, and the theory’s fallacies. Results from research indicates that both the CPD and FEC have behaved questionably, keeping the threshold at a level that outside candidates cannot breach, and that the lawsuits against the commissions are valid. In conclusion, the American voters are largely limited to the status quo parties despite increasingly looking for other options. This thesis will elaborate upon the misdeeds of the Political Duopoly have also reduced other freedoms and liberties once protected by the United States Constitution

Notre réflexion postule une invention conceptuelle de l'enseignement secondaire qui se distingue d'une invention historique. À travers l'étude des débats suscités par l'élaboration de réformes ou de lois sur l'enseignement secondaire dans les États-providence, nous souhaitons démontrer que le XXe siècle est celui de l’invention philosophique de l’enseignement secondaire. Cette invention se concrétise par la constitution de modèles nationaux d’enseignement secondaire. Nous comparons le modèle républicain français aux modèles libéral anglais, nationaliste allemand, idéaliste italien, libéral états-unien et social-démocrate finlandais. Ces modèles nationaux, aux traditions culturelles et idéologiques différentes, sont confrontés, tout au long du XXe siècle, à des enjeux communs quant à l’accueil et à l’éducation de l’adolescence. Notre réflexion s’étend jusqu’à l’entrée dans le XXIe siècle, par la mise en évidence d’un modèle international d’enseignement secondaire, qui tend à influencer – voire à dissoudre – les modèles nationaux. Nous proposons d’interpréter les processus successifs de démocratisation et de modernisation, de féminisation et de mixité, d'égalité des chances et de mise en place de l'école unique, comme trois phases d'une invention philosophique du secondaire et comme trois moments constitutifs des modèles nationaux d'enseignement secondaire ; modèles qui se trouvent mis en danger à l’entrée dans le XXIe siècle. / This reflexion postulates a conceptual invention of secondary education which differs from a historical invention. The study of the debates which followed the development of reforms or laws on secondary education in welfare states, demonstrates that the twentieth century is the century of the philosophical invention of secondary education. This invention materializes in the formation of national models of secondary education. This work proposes to compare the French Republican model to the English liberal model, the nationalist German model, the idealistic italian model, the liberal model of the United States of America and the social democratic Finnish model. Throughout the twentieth century, these national models, with different cultural and ideological traditions, face,with common issues regarding the reception and education of adolescence. This reflexion extends to the entry into the twenty-first century, highlighting an international model of secondary education, which tends to influence – or even to dissolve – the national models. The successive processes of democratization and modernization, feminization and coeducation, equal opportunities and implementation of the comprehensive school, are interpreted as three phases of a philosophical invention of the secondary education and as three moments constituting national models of secondary education ; models which are in danger at entry into the twenty-first century.

Con motivo del proceso de revocatoria a la exalcaldesa de Lima Susana Villarán De La Puente del año 2013, el presente artículo pretende determinar el papel que cumplen los debates televisados en el marco de una revocatoria; a razón de ello, se postula como objetivos específicos el análisis de las estrategias discursivas, la clasificación de la orientación temática y el estudio del lenguaje audiovisual / Trabajo de investigación

In this final conclusion presented to the postgraduate studies in Languages Professional Network Program (PROFLETRAS), we intend to show search results in terms of theory and practice involving the production of dissertative-argumentative text using transversal themes (TT). The most purpose was to prove that the pedagogical support of New Information and Communication Digital Technologies (NTDIC) occurs in a very positive way. This is proved from our research goal: to compare the students’ production of dissertative-argumentative text before and after they use such tools as facilitators means of textual production, in terms of content. To execute our project, we use the internet as search source of information and knowledge of Transversal themes discussed in class. The idea was to enrich the field of information and knowledge of the students through reading, discussion and production of texts. The subjects of our research were students from Public School Governor Albano Franco, a school in the city of Aracaju, Sergipe. / Neste Trabalho de Conclusão Final, apresentado ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Letras Profissional em Rede (PROFLETRAS), pretendemos mostrar os resultados da pesquisa em termos de teoria e prática envolvendo a produção de texto dissertativo-argumentativo utilizando Temas Transversais (TT). O maior intento foi comprovar que o apoio pedagógico das Novas Tecnologias Digitais da Informação e Comunicação (NTDIC) se dá de forma bastante positiva. Isso se comprovou a partir de nosso objetivo de pesquisa: comparar a produção de texto dissertativo-argumentativo de alunos antes e depois de eles utilizarem tais ferramentas como meios facilitadores da produção textual, em termos de conteúdo. Para executarmos nosso projeto, utilizamos a internet como fonte de busca de informação e conhecimento dos Temas Transversais debatidos em sala de aula. A ideia foi enriquecer o campo de informação e conhecimento dos alunos por meio de leitura, debate e produção de textos. Os sujeitos da nossa pesquisa foram alunos da Escola Estadual Governador Albano Franco, uma escola do município de Aracaju, Sergipe.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research investigates the importance of addressing argumentative oral genres in the classroom, specifically the opinion debate, a gender that aims to discuss a controversial issue among interlocutors, to develop the oral and to increase argumentative capacity. The work was developed in three stages: in the first one was made a survey of the theoretical and bibliographic referentials; in the second stage, data collection was carried out throughout the analysis of part of a didactic material selected through the National Program of Didactic Book (PNLD), precisely the Português: Linguagens collection, by linguists Willian Roberto Cereja and Thereza Cochar Magalhães (2015). The third stage consisted in the elaboration of a didactic sequence of the genre approach and its respective application in pedagogical workshops in a 9th year of elementary education class, in a school of the Municipal Network of Education of Euclides da Cunha – BA, as well as in the analysis of the results of this intervention proposal from the transcribed productions. In a volume apart from this dissertation we present a Teacher's Pedagogical Notebook, as well as some specific material for the student, namely, two theoretical-practical notebooks, for better appropriation of the gender and argumentative techniques. In order to support our discussions, we use Bakhtin conceptions of discursive genres (2003), the socio-theoretical perspective of genres of Bazerman (2009); Marcuschi (2001) and Marcuschi and Dionísio (2007). In this paper, we present the results of the study of the oral and written genres of Dolz, Schneuwly and collaborators (2004). As for the aspects of the argumentation, we use Fiorin conceptions (2016); Perelman and Tyteca theory of argument (2014); the processes of construction of oral argumentation in the context of Ribeiro (2009) and Marques (2011). / Esta pesquisa investiga a importância de se abordar os gêneros orais argumentativos em sala de aula, especificamente o debate de opinião, gênero que tem por finalidade discutir uma questão controversa entre interlocutores, para o desenvolvimento do domínio da oralidade e ampliação da capacidade argumentativa. O trabalho foi desenvolvido em três etapas: a primeira correspondeu ao levantamento do referencial teórico e bibliográfico; na segunda etapa, a da coleta de dados, foi realizada a análise de parte de um material didático selecionado através do Programa Nacional do Livro Didático (PNLD), precisamente, a coleção Português: Linguagens, dos linguistas Willian Roberto Cereja e Thereza Cochar Magalhães (2015); a terceira etapa da pesquisa constituiu-se na elaboração de uma sequência didática de abordagem do gênero e sua respectiva aplicação em oficinas pedagógicas em turma do 9º ano do ensino fundamental, numa escola da Rede Municipal de Ensino de Euclides da Cunha – BA, bem como na análise dos resultados desta proposta de intervenção, a partir das produções transcritas. Em volume à parte desta dissertação apresentamos um Caderno Pedagógico de uso do professor, bem como material específico para o aluno, a saber, dois cadernos teórico-práticos, para melhor apropriação do gênero e das técnicas argumentativas. Para subsidiar nossas discussões, utilizamos as concepções de gêneros discursivos de Bakhtin (2003), a perspectiva sociorretórica dos gêneros em Bazerman (2009); a dos gêneros orais e escritos de Dolz, Schneuwly e colaboradores (2004) e as relações entre oralidade e escrita de Marcuschi(2001) e Marcuschi e Dionísio (2007). No que concerne aos aspectos da argumentação, utilizamos as concepções de Fiorin (2016); a teoria da argumentação de Perelman e Tyteca (2014); os processos de construção da argumentação oral no contexto do ensino de Ribeiro (2009) e Marques (2011). / Itabaiana, SE