The purpose of this research was to investigate how no-fee schools spend public money.It investigated what the schools spend the money and how they do it. The research investigated how decisions of spending are taken by all the stakeholders at the schools. The research wanted to find out whether the public money in no-fee schools was wisely spent or not. The literature review found that education funding has been at the centre of political reforms since 1994 to address equality and equity. The introduction of no-fee schools was an attempt to increase accesstowards quality public education through provision of more resources. The research found evidence of non-compliance by schools in certain areas on how schools should use funds as provided by SASA. It was found that schools do not spend the public money according to the prescript guidelines. There was evidence of fruitless and unwise spending. The research found that the powers that were given to schools SGBs through SASA were sometimes usurped by school principals asa result of the void created by the SGBs. It was revealed that some schoolsissue fraudulent cheques. Despite the no fee policy, schools still charge certain compulsory fees. The research revealed that certain functionaries directly involved in the use of school money still lack proper financial training, knowledge and skills. Despite the allocation of resources through the no-fee schools policy to schools, there were findings of inefficient and fruitless spending. Some of the sampled no-fee schools showed non-compliance with the guidelines in regard to correct spending and accountability. The different roles and responsibilities of each component of the SGB need to be clarified. Officials need to assist in this regard. There is a need for continuous training by education officials of SGBs on the utilization of school money. There is a need for improved monitoring and supervision as money cannot be utilized without proper monitoring and supervision. Despite the reports that are given to stakeholders there are still complaints from parents that need to be fully addressed by SGBs. Copyright / Dissertation (MEd)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

This thesis draws on an ethnographic research in Ghana to question mainstream views on decentralisation that local level institutions can be consciously crafted to enlist the participation of marginal actors in governance thereby leading to efficiency and equity in development. The research explores the everyday practice of local governance in Ntonaboma, a resettlement community in the Eastern region of Ghana by using participant observation and interviews. Evidence from the study reveals that first decentralisation is not a technical or managerial exercise but rather a societal practice taking place among heterogeneous actors with diverse interest and values. Secondly, the interactions occurring among these diverse actors are mediated through the interplay of a variety of institutions at the local level. Thirdly, the complex and dynamic character of decentralisation at the community level make the specificities of context very relevant in understanding the transformative potentials of decentralisation especially how it impacts on people and their social organisation. The study places emphasis on the application of agency, institutions and authority in local governance approaches. Evidence from the study suggests that institutionalised decentralisation inadequately provides possibilities for ordinary people to transform the nature of their interactions within the community. The thesis raises further questions about the simplistic and instrumental use of institutions in local governance approaches. The study notes that institutions are not static and do not determine outcomes but are informed by the prevailing conditions at the community level. Thus, the actions of actors and specificities of the locality do shape institutions. The study emphasises the role of existing institutions and socially embedded principles in village governance. It thus suggests that, the process of decentralisation is a political process mediated through diverse institutions and with varied outcomes for different individuals. The study concludes by exploring implications for local governance and decentralisation to making local governance pro-poor.

This thesis considers the extent to which decentralisation in the Republic of Macedonia between 2005 and 2012 has been effective in reducing ethnic inequalities that exacerbate social divisions and can lead to conflict. Guided by the concept of horizontal inequalities, it identifies the factors which influenced the decision to devolve responsibilities to the municipalities after 2001. It examines the particular institutional design that Macedonian decentralisation took, and demonstrates how its use of local power-sharing mechanisms was intended to address the concerns of the Albanian and Macedonian communities simultaneously. This thesis takes an integrative approach to studying the political, administrative, and fiscal dimensions of decentralisation¿s implementation, and considers whether the reform has indeed contributed to the reduction of inequalities between Macedonia¿s ethnic groups. Where decentralisation¿s potential has not been reached, obstacles to its successful implementation are identified. While decentralisation alone may be unable to address all of the grievances raised by the Albanian community prior to 2001, this thesis argues that the reform has the potential to address many of the horizontal inequalities that were responsible for raising inter-ethnic tensions during the 1990s. However, decentralisation in Macedonia between 2005 and 2012 has only been partial, and advances in the administrative and political aspects of the reform have been undermined by limited progress in its fiscal dimension. Attempts to solve self-determination conflicts through decentralisation will fail if local self-governance exists only in form but not in substance.

The use of federalism as an integral component in post-conflict statebuilding processes is becoming increasingly common (e.g. Iraq, Yemen & Sri Lanka). The current academic literature, however, is divided between those that argue that federalism in such fragile environments will increase the likelihood of secession and ‘balkanisation’ and that those that argue that only federalism can provide the periphery with constitutionally protected rights against the centre. However, currently there is little empirical evidence to support either view. This research seeks to contribute to this gap by assessing whether the recent introduction of federalism in Somalia since 2013 has led to the delivery of tangible governance and peacebuilding outcomes. This thesis specifically focuses on the federalism process in Jubaland, a state which formed in 2013. Data was gathered across the region using a statistically significant perception survey and was supplemented by Key Informant Interviews. The surveys were designed to assess public opinion towards federalism and understand how its introduction was perceived to have impacted local governance and conflict dynamics. This analysis was further extended to assess the impact of federalism in other federal member states including Puntland, Galmadug and Southwest based on a review of available secondary literature. An analytical framework assessed the strength of Federal Government-Federal Member State, intra-state and inter-state relations and the extent to which a particular state had undertook tangible governance reforms. The key findings of the research indicate that the population in Jubaland is strongly supportive of federalism in principle and the manner in which it has been implemented. Federalism was seen by the majority of the population as a way of maintaining Somali unity whilst protecting local interests and meeting ocal needs. The approach of the Jubaland authorities to adopt a consociational approach to governance led to the establishment of a sustainable political settlement and the inclusion of minority groups for the first time. However, these successes have not been experienced more widely across Somalia. Other federal member states have experienced poor relations with the federal government. Internally, some states also have weak and violent relations with groups who are competing for influence and poor external relationships with other federal member states. In general, there is a low commitment to governance reform at federal-state level. These findings underpin the final conclusion that whilst federalism in Somalia has enabled improved governance and peacebuilding outcomes in Jubaland, it is the manner of how federal governance has been implemented in other federal states that explains the disparity in results across the country as a whole. More widely, this research suggests that federalism in post-conflict contexts is neither a panacea for peace and stability, or in of itself, a catalyst for inevitable fragmentation.

Liberal peacebuilding, the means by which transition societies can be reconfigured and reconstructed to bring about lasting peace, focussed on chieftaincy reform and decentralization as part of the peacebuilding package in Sierra Leone. The main focus of this research is to explore the efficacy of these structures as durable peacebuilding mechanisms in a transition society like Sierra Leone. The core argument is that liberal peacebuilding based on the reform of chieftaincy and decentralisation has failed to deliver effective peacebuilding mechanisms in Sierra Leone. Chieftaincy reform should have taken into consideration the specific context of the nature of chieftaincy in the country which in most cases transcends issues of leadership to one of collective identity. The decentralisation process is also fraught with a host of problems ranging from tension between the councils and the chiefs on the one hand, to the unwillingness on the part of central government to cede some of its powers to the local government. The control of central government over the councils and the decentralisation process is still very visible. The relevance of this research is that it enhances our understanding of key debates and policy intervention practices on post-war peacebuilding and state reconstruction in transition societies. It also contributes to the existing literature on post-conflict peacebuilding by positing that there is a huge challenge to the Liberal Peace paradigm in bringing about peace in war-torn societies. / Commonwealth Commission

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / Agriculture is the greatest source of economic development in Malawi. Due to decentralisation process the Ministry of Agriculture and Food security through the Department of Agriculture Extension Services sector established the New Agricultural Extension policy to create participatory processes for farmers needs to be addressed. Research has shown that the more people participate in developmental issues the more their needs are prioritised and addressed as long as participatory structures have a legal backing and are respected by government officials. In Malawi respect of constitution in terms of supporting the local government and district assemblies in particular is minimal such that the elections of local government councillors who are supposed to be local people’s representatives and voting officials in the assembly have been postponed until further notice. This raises questions as to whether farmers concerns are prioritised in the District Executive Committee which reports to the assembly. This research was aimed at assessing participatory processes in the local government of Malawi to establish effectiveness of institutions established to promote participation in agricultural processes and the ability for such institutions to satisfy the farmers’ needs. Considering that Malawi is a vast country and Ntcheu district covers a big area, Njolomole Extension Planning Area was chosen as the case study among other seven Extension Planning Areas within the district. Both quantitative and qualitative methods were used to gather relevant information. Data collected was analysed and presented inform of figures, chart and tables and is based on objectives and emerging themes. The research has established that participatory structures in agricultural processes are not effective because most of the committees that could allow participation of farmers in planning and decision making at Area and District levels are not operating. Farmers are able to use village committees to raise their concerns and in that way some of their needs are somehow addressed. However, there are challenges in the Agriculture Department, which are affecting implementation of participatory structures.

Abstract Santeri Alkio (1862–1930) was the ideological leader of the Finnish political party the Agrarian League (now the Centre Party of Finland), founded in 1906. He had a Christian ideology and believed that God created the world. However, God did not finish his creation; rather, the creation is an ongoing process and it is the duty of humankind to see it through. People have to become aware of their part in God's plan of creation, so that they do not remain as mere creatures of instinct. Evoking self-awareness is the duty of the intelligentsia. A self-aware per-son aspires to evolve through self-education into a good person living in freedom guided by moral laws and to become a decent citizen. However, his view regarding religion was broad-minded. Conceptions of religion change as humankind learns more about them through scientific research. Alkio was critical of socialist, capitalist and liberal economic theories, be-cause they do not consider that economic life consists of personal choices made by people in their everyday lives. He outlined his economics based on a self-sufficient and thrifty family of farmers. He saw Finland as a proletarian nation that had to learn to defend itself against exploitation by capitalist nations. In his view, the class conflicts at the start of the 20th century were a consequence of the inequality in the class society. The only way to rid of them was to raise the level of education of the people in the oppressed position. Through self-education, a person can become a decent citizen who does not pursue vested interest, but acts toward the common benefit. Alkio’s political views focused on a lifestyle based on smallholdings and cooperation, where the central value was called maahenki ("the spirit of the countryside"). To Alkio, maahenki referred to a totality of beliefs concerning the moral and spiritual primacy of an agrarian lifestyle based on the values of an in-dependent yet cooperative farmer. As the ideological leader of the Agrarian League, he based the party's ideology on maahenki. In the society that he aspired for in the future, the basic source of livelihood was agriculture, which produces the necessities of society. Decentralised industry, for its part, would provide cultural products. According to Alkio’s agrarian ideology, a mentally and physically healthy society can be based only on an agrarian lifestyle. Therefore, the centralising urban lifestyle need to change to a decentralised life. / Tiivistelmä Santeri Alkio (1862–1930) oli vuonna 1906 perustetun Maalaisliiton (Suomen Keskusta) aatteellinen johtaja. Hänen maailmankatsomuksensa oli kristillinen, ja hän uskoi, että Jumala on luonut maailman. Jumala ei kuitenkaan luonut sitä valmiiksi kerralla, vaan luominen on jatkuva prosessi, jonka loppuun saattaminen on ihmiskunnan tehtävä. Ihmisen tulee herätä tiedostamaan osansa Jumalan luomissuunnitelmassa, jotta hän ei jää pelkäksi viettiolennoksi. Hänen herättämisensä itsetietoisuuteen on sivistyneistön velvollisuus. Itsetietoisuuteen herätetyn ihmisen tavoitteena on kehittyä itsekasvatuksen avulla siveelliselle laille alisteisessa vapaudessa eläväksi hyväksi ihmiseksi ja kunnon kansalaiseksi. Alkio suhtautui uskontoon kuitenkin epädogmaattisesti. Uskontoa koskevat käsitykset muuttuvat, kun ihmiskunta saa siitä tarkempaa tietoa tieteellisellä tutkimuksella. Alkio suhtautui kriittisesti sekä sosialistisiin, kapitalistisiin että liberalistisiin talousteorioihin, koska ne eivät ota huomioon sitä, että talouselämä muodostuu ihmisten arkielämässä tekemistä yksilöllisistä valinnoista. Omaa kansantaloustiedettään Alkio kehitteli omavaraisen ja säästäväisen talonpoikaisen perhe-talouden pohjalle. Hän luki Suomen köyhälistökansoihin, joiden oli opittava puolustautumaan kapitalistimaiden riistoa vastaan. 1900-luvun alun luokkaristiriidat olivat hänen mukaansa seurausta sääty-yhteiskunnassa vallinneesta eriarvoisuudesta. Niistä päästään eroon vain nostamalla alistetussa asemassa olevien ihmisten sivistystasoa. Itsekasvatuksella ihminen kehittyy kunnon kansalaiseksi, joka ei tavoittele omaa etuaan vaan toimii yhteisen edun mukaisesti. Alkion poliittista toimintaa hallitsi snellmanilaisesta kansallisuusaatteesta johdettu pienviljelykseen ja osuustoimintaan perustuva elämäntapa, jossa keskeistä oli ns. maahenki. Maalaisliiton aatteellisena johtajana hän kehitti maahengestä puolueen ideologian. Hänen tavoittelemansa tulevaisuuden yhteiskunnan peruselinkeino oli maatalous, joka kasvattaa yhteiskunnan välttämättömyystarvikkeet. Hajasijoitettu teollisuus puolestaan tuottaa kulttuurituotteita. Alkion maaseutuhenkisen maailmankuvan mukaisesti henkisesti ja fyysisesti terve yhteiskunta voi perustua vain maaseutumaiseen elämäntapaan. Siksi keskittävästä kaupunkimaisesta elämäntavasta on siirryttävä hajasijoitukseen, desentralismiin.

La Révolution de 1789 modifie profondément l’art de gouverner l’Etat. Le Droit public ne doit plus servir à conforter le pouvoir du souverain à l’égard de ses sujets. S’il ambitionne désormais de favoriser et faciliter le développement des échanges commerciaux, il se propose également de justifier aux yeux des citoyens, aussi bien le bien-fondé de la propriété de la ourgeoisie sur le capital que la légitimité de ce nouvel Etat. Pour atteindre ces deux objectifs, la violence seule, dont l’Etat détient en théorie le monopole, ne saurait suffire. Les révolutionnaires d’inspiration jacobine envisagent donc une réforme administrative de la Nation, laquelle doit se révéler simple, peu coûteuse et surtout lisible pour le citoyen. Emergent alors deux tendances de l’organisation territoriale : l’une centralisée et autoritaire qui aboutit régulièrement à des échecs, l’autre qui préfère stimuler les initiatives locales et permet l’obtention de meilleurs résultats. Terre d’empire protestante rattachée à la France en 1793 suite à la Révolution de 1789, le Pays de Montbéliard, qui fut déjà l’un des fiefs de la Révolution industrielle, s’impose comme l’un des précurseurs de cette seconde tendance à travers la création, dès 1959, d’un district urbain, en l’occurrence le DUPM. Sous la présidence d’André Boulloche, cette nouvelle institution anticipe avec presque deux décennies d’avance les lois de décentralisation en se positionnant comme un contre – pouvoir, d’une part face à un Etat encore jugé très centralisateur et autoritaire, d’autre part face au constructeur automobile Peugeot dont le développement, après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, génère une situation, prospère mais fragile, de mono – industrie. Cette vision très politique ne parvient toutefois pas à perdurer lorsque la lutte contre le chômage devient un enjeu vital durant les années 1980. En parallèle, les lois de décentralisation, puis la construction européenne, imposent un environnement légal de plus en plus cadré qui semble amoindrir cette vision anticipatrice et tend, auprès des collectivités territoriales, à favoriser des postures de plus en plus attentistes et techniciennes. / The Revolution of 1789 profoundly altered the art of governing the State. The Jacobin-inspired revolutionaries introduced an administrative reform of the Nation that was intended to be simple, low-cost and above all legible for citizens. Two trends in territorial organisation emerged: one centralised and authoritarian, often resulting in failure, and another that preferred to stimulate local initiatives and generated better results. A part of the Protestant empire that became attached to France in 1793 following the 1789 Revolution, the Pays de Montbéliard, already a stronghold of the Industrial Revolution, proved itself a pioneer of this second trend through the creation in 1959 of an urban district, the DUPM. Under the presidency of André Boulloche, this new institution anticipated the decentralisation laws by almost two decades, positioning itself as a counterweight both to a State still considered as too centralised and authoritarian and to the car manufacturer Peugeot, whose development after the Second World War led to a prosperous but fragile single-industry situation. However, this very political vision was unable to resist when the fight against unemployment became a vital necessity during the 1980s. In parallel, the decentralisation laws and then European construction imposed an increasingly rigid legal environment that seemed to diminish this pioneering vision, tending to favour an increasingly wait-and-see, technical attitude among local authorities.Normalisation of practice thus contributed to a slowing of this "territorial emancipation" that served as a model.

Les travaux de recherche de cette thèse portent sur la modélisation et la gestion des procédés métiers orientés services. Le travail s'intéresse aux procédés d'un point de vue de gestion décentralisée où les services composés peuvent établir des interactions de pair–à-pair. Dans un premier temps, nous présentons une méthode qui permet de dériver des procédés coopérants à partir d'une spécification centralisée. Il s'agit des algorithmes qui analysent un procédé centralisé pour le traduire en procédés coopérants, en transformant le flux de contrôle et le flux de données du procédé d'origine en interactions équivalentes de type pair-à-pair. Un des apports de la décentralisation, qui répond à une nouvelle exigence des procédés orientés vers les services, est l'établissement des interactions de pair-à-pair qui respectent le flux d'information des services composés. La deuxième partie du travail est la proposition d'un langage permettant d'exprimer des politiques de flux d'information. Par la suite, nous étudions l'intégration des politiques du flux d'information dans les procédés coopérants. Le choix d'un service entrant dans une composition peut être effectué dynamiquement, au moment de l'exécution du procédé, de sorte que l'ensemble des services composés n'est pas connu à priori. Une compréhension de la stratégie de choix dynamique des services et leur intégration dans le cadre des contributions proposées dans son ensemble est pour cela une étape centrale. Pour ce faire, une méthodologie qui automatise le processus de déploiement dynamique des procédés coopérants est proposée. Letravail présente une architecture logicielle qui valide les concepts proposés.

<p>The overall aim of this study is to describe and analyse some of the consequences of market forces and decentralisation in the educational systems of Sweden and England.</p><p>Since the 1980s, many countries have restructured their educational systems and introduced decentralisation and market forces. The reasons have sometimes been the same and sometimes they have differed, but demands for better school performance and the need for economic cuttings in the public sector, including schooling, are two of the most common reasons. This study will describe the development towards market forces and decentralisation in some countries in the western world in general, and, in particular Sweden and England. </p><p>The thesis makes a general overview of research on these issues in different countries and focuses on certain key concepts. Interviews and document analyses are the principal methods used, and case studies have been conducted in seven secondary schools in one Swedish municipality, and in ten schools in an English county. Interviews were made with 20 school leaders in the Swedish municipality and 20 in the English community in order to study their opinions on market solutions like competition and choice of school, as well as decentralisation and local management of schools.</p><p>The findings indicate that the educational systems of Sweden and England differ in many aspects, even if both can be described as decentralised. While the Swedish system gives the schools a high degree of autonomy, whereby the school leaders are responsible for almost everything in the daily running of the school, the English system includes more aspects of centralism, and provides less local decision making. The findings also indicate that the school leaders in Swedish municipalities are more satisfied with both decentralisation and market forces in schooling than their English colleagues. Several plausible interpretations could be made of the interview answers from the school leaders, but it seems that the higher degree of decentralisation in the Swedish educational system is perhaps the most important factor in this case. </p><p>Finally, the findings also indicate that the school leaders see positive aspects of choice and competition in schooling, like increased quality and better efficiency, as well as negative aspects, primarily the risk of segregation due to free school choice.</p>