Wer den Namen Wackerbarth hört, denkt in der Regel an Sekt, vielleicht auch an das Schloss, selten jedoch an den Reichsgrafen von Wackerbarth − sein Wirken als Militär, Diplomat, Baumeister und Kunstsammler. Den Höhepunkt seiner militärischen Karriere bildet die Ernennung zum Generalfeldmarschall und sein Wirken als militärischer Chef des Zeithainer Lustlagers. Ab 1685 ist er Generalintendant des Bauwesens in Dresden. Unter Wackerbarth als Auftraggeber und Knöffel als Architekt entstehen mehrere, zum Teil heute noch erhaltene Objekte in und um Dresden. Dazu zählen die drei Gartenanlagen Großsedlitz, Wackerbarths Ruh und Zabeltitz. / Normally when people hear the name Wackerbarth, they think of sparkling wine, or perhaps also of the castle in Radebeul. Rarely does anyone think of Count von Wackerbarth in relation to his activities as a soldier, diplomat, architect and art collector. The high point of his military career came with his appointment as Field Marshal General and his role as Chief of the Zeithainer Lustlager military showground. From 1685 onwards he was Director of Construction in Dresden. With Wackerbarth as commissioner and Johann Christoph Knöffel as architect, a number of major construction projects were completed in and around Dresden. Several of these, such as the gardens at Großsedlitz, Wackerbarths Ruh and Zabeltitz, have survived until today.

Although Philippe de Mézières (ca 1327-1405) was born into a not very influential gentry family from northern France, his steep career brought him to the Holy Land. As a diplomat and an ardent supporter of the idea of the Crusades, he got to visit the most important European royal courts, thus securing the attention of historians. He consciously reflects the political and social climate in Europe at the time, he explores religious issues and even own experiences - in short, de Mézières vast literary work is one of the most remarkable images of Europe during the late Middle Ages and the thinking of a medieval man of a high social status. Thanks to Philippe de Mézières' presence at the Royal Court of Charles IV in Prague and their likely meeting in Paris in 1378, we can trace evident links to Luxembourg politics in his work, to the Czech Kingdom and even to Charles IV himself, including his son Wenceslas. As a Crusades theoretician, de Mézières got himself involved in the highest levels of European politics, yet he constantly emphasized the need for morality, peace and cohesiveness in the courts. The thesis uses an example of one of de Mézières' later works, his Letter to Richard II (Epistre au roi Richarti, 1395), to explore diplomatic ties in Western Europe in the fourteenth century and pursues...

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-09T12:13:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 deboracristinaalexandrebastosemonteirodecarvalho.pdf: 8750809 bytes, checksum: ed1c8f6ae286b49f47c673d9a4ef98c5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-13T15:37:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 deboracristinaalexandrebastosemonteirodecarvalho.pdf: 8750809 bytes, checksum: ed1c8f6ae286b49f47c673d9a4ef98c5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-13T15:37:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 deboracristinaalexandrebastosemonteirodecarvalho.pdf: 8750809 bytes, checksum: ed1c8f6ae286b49f47c673d9a4ef98c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-20 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / D. Domingos Antônio de Sousa Coutinho foi o primeiro Conde e Marquês de Funchal. Nascido em 1760 em Vila Real (Chaves-Portugal), D. Domingos foi diplomata junto à Legação Portuguesa em Londres (Inglaterra) entre os anos de 1803-1814, período-chave para compreensão das relações entre as duas monarquias diante das transformações impostas pela expansão napoleônica. A presente dissertação tem por finalidade analisar a trajetória de D. Domingos dando ênfase em sua atuação enquanto embaixador em Londres, de forma particular, no seu envolvimento nas negociações da Convenção secreta datada de 22 de outubro de 1807, do tratado de abertura dos portos do Brasil às nações amigas (1808) e dos tratados de Aliança, Amizade, Comércio e Navegação com a Grã-Bretanha (1810). / D. Domingos Antônio de Sousa Coutinho was the first Earl and Marquis of Funchal. He was born in 1760 in Vila Real (Chaves-Portugal), D. Domingos was a diplomat close to the Portuguese Embassy in London (England) from 1803 to 1814, the main period for understanding international relations between the two monarchies on the changes required by Napoleonic expansion. This dissertation ains to analyze the trajectory of D. Domingos emphasizing his role as ambassador in three important moments during the Napoleonic invasions, the negotiations surrounding the Secret London Convention of October 22, 1807, the opening of the ports to friendly nations and the development of treaties in 1810.

À la différence d’autres régions du tiers monde où l’influence de la France a été déterminante et ininterrompue (Moyen-Orient, Maghreb, les anciennes colonies françaises en Afrique centrale ou encore d'autres pays de l’Amérique latine), au Venezuela, il n’y a eu de véritable politique étrangère de coopération culturelle qu’à la fin des années 1950. L'avènement du boom pétrolier pendant l'entre deux guerres a fait décliner l'influence française. À la fin de la Seconde guerre, les diplomates français prennent conscience du potentiel énergétique du Venezuela, observant qu’il est possible de remédier la perte de l’influence économique en encourageant une véritable coopération culturelle. Cette coopération culturelle va utiliser les réseaux politiques intégrés par des élites francophiles, lesquelles revendiquent une histoire commune à la France et au Venezuela. L'étude sur la longue durée permet d'observer les permanences de l'histoire politique vénézuélienne, dans lesquelles s'insèrent les éléments qui ont servi à la construction du sentiment national vénézuélien et les influences des idées françaises sur le projet de modernisation de l’État. Notre étude soulève des questions telles que l'émigration, les échanges et les relations commerciales. Nous nous sommes particulièrement intéressés à l’étude des correspondances diplomatiques car la lecture minutieuse de celles-ci permet de soulever, en filigrane, bon nombre d’éléments liés aux représentations et à l’histoire politique des deux pays. De même, elle permet d’approcher ce que les élites considèrent comme identité et affinité culturelle. Nos sources se rapportent donc, pour la plupart aux correspondances diplomatiques conservées aux archives de La Courneuve et au Ministère des Relations Extérieures à Caracas. Nous les avons croisées avec d’autres sources documentaires, visuelles et littéraires ainsi qu’avec un certain nombre d’entretiens réalisés entre la fin de l’année 2010 et le début de 2011. Notre étude s’inspire des travaux de Pierre Renouvin et Jean Baptiste Duroselle en histoire des relations internationales, revisités par Robert Frank en 2011. Nous prenons en considération le poids des images, de la culture officielle et du rayonnement des modèles culturels, dans le but de tenter de mesurer « la puissance » des États (soft power). En ce sens, la valeur que les élites vénézuéliennes donnent au rayonnement culturel et scientifique français, au XIXe et au début du XXe siècle (1870-1935), permet d’expliquer en partie pourquoi la France a réussi à renforcer sa présence au Venezuela. En effet, le déclin de l'influence culturelle française, à une époque où les relations entre les deux pays s’étaient considérablement distendues (1936-1960), est concomitant à la perte de son influence économique et commerciale. Cette évolution a donné lieu à l'institutionnalisation progressive de la stratégie de la diplomatie culturelle (1961 à nos jours). Grâce à cette stratégie la France a récupérée le terrain qu'elle avait perdu devant la concurrence commerciale anglo-saxonne. Nous avons souhaité répondre à deux questions fondamentales : dans quelle mesure les élites vénézuéliennes, « influencées » par le modèle culturel français, ont réussi à opérer des appropriations/assimilations/adaptations de ce modèle au Venezuela ? Et, en contrepartie, dans quelle mesure la construction d’un « outil culturel » franco-vénézuélien a servi les intérêts de la politique étrangère française au Venezuela ? / Unlike other regions of the Third World, where the influence of France was decisive and uninterrupted (Middle East, Maghreb, former French colonies in Central Africa and other countries of Latin America), in Venezuela, there was only a real foreign cultural cooperation policy by the late 1950s. The advent of the oil boom during the interwar period caused the declining of French influence. By the end of the Second World War, French diplomats were aware of Venezuela’s energetic potential, remarking that it was possible to overcome the loss of economic influence by encouraging a genuine cultural cooperation.This cultural cooperation would use political networks joined by Francophile elites, who claimed a common history between France and Venezuela. The study on the long run allows observing the permanence of the Venezuelan political history, in which fits the elements used in the construction of the Venezuelan National sentiment and the influence of French ideas on the project of State modernization.Our study raises issues such as migration, trades and commercial relations. We are particularly interested in the study of diplomatic relationships, since a close up over these can highlight, watermark, many points related to their representations and the political history of both countries. Similarly, it allows approaching what the elite considered identity and cultural affinity. Our sources therefore relate mostly to diplomatic correspondence preserved in the files of La Courneuve and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Caracas. We cross checked with other documentaries, visual and literary sources as well as a certain number of interviews conducted by the end of 2010 and the beginning of 2011. Our study is based on the papers related to the history of international relations by Pierre Renouvin and Jean Baptiste Duroselle, revisited by Robert Frank in 2011. We take into consideration the contribution of images, official culture and the influence of cultural patterns, as an attempt to measure the "power" of States (soft power). On this matter, the value that the Venezuelan elites gave to the French cultural and scientific influence, in the XIX century and the beginning of XX (1870-1935), helps to explain to an extend the reason why France has managed to strengthen its presence in Venezuela. Indeed, the decline of the French cultural influence, at a time when relations between the two countries were considerably distended (1936-1960), is concomitant with the loss of its economic and commercial influence. This has resulted in the progressive institutionalization of the culturaldiplomacy strategy (from 1961 up to the present). Thanks to this strategy France has recovered part of the market share lost to the Anglo-Saxon competition.We wanted to answer two fundamental questions: To what extent the Venezuelan elites, "influenced" by the French cultural model, managed to operate appropriations / assimilation / adaptation of this model in Venezuela? And, in return, to what extent the construction of a "cultural tool" Franco-Venezuelan has served the interests of the French foreign policy in Venezuela?

La lutte contre le terrorisme est une préoccupation contemporaine des diplomaties, alors que sa définition internationale demeure introuvable. Dans une approche organisationnelle, les hauts fonctionnaires du ministère français des Affaires étrangères partageraient une vision commune sur la violence terroriste et un « savoir-faire » qui leur permettraient de prendre des décisions efficaces pour la prévenir et la combattre. Or, dans une approche constructiviste, la lutte contre le terrorisme relève de relations intersubjectives comprenant l’activation de systèmes de croyances ou Operational Codes (OPCODES) différents, selon que les diplomates français viennent de l’ENA ou du Concours d’Orient. Ces croyances jouent un rôle dans la façon que les hauts fonctionnaires voient le monde, l’ennemi, mais aussi se perçoivent dans leurs fonctions. Ce sont aussi des croyances préexistantes, forgées à partir des expériences et des engagements personnels, qui font que les décisions en matière d’antiterrorisme ne relèvent pas seulement de considérations sécuritaires, mais aussi de motivations matérielles, émotionnelles, cognitives et morales pour un Etat comme la France / The fight against terrorism is a contemporary concern shared in state diplomacy, though no such common definition exists in international affairs. From an organizational approach, senior civil servants of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs are thought to share a global vision on terrorist violence and a savoir-faire that should allow them to make effective decisions in their efforts to prevent and fight against it. However, in a constructivist approach, the war on terrorism draws its inspiration from inter-subjective relations that activate a set of belief systems or different Operational Codes (OPCODES). These beliefs systems, though dependent French diplomats’ background (Ecole Nationale d’Administration (ENA) or the Concours d’Orient), contribute to their decision making process. Thus, these beliefs play a role in the way decision makers see the world, the enemy, but also as to how they perceive themselves in their duties. These pre-existing beliefs which have been forged through personal experiences and commitments are responsible for shaping a decision making process that is not solely based on security concerns. They are in fact, also determined by material, emotional, cognitive and moral motivations for a state such as that of France

The Marillac were one of the most important noble families in early modern France. My analysis of this pivotal and deeply political family during the turbulent era of the French Wars of Religion (1562-1629) examines and explains the importance of the interaction of familial alliances, religion and diplomacy in the making of the state. This period represents a critical moment in the process of state development. In contrast to prevailing studies of early modern state formation that concentrate on a centrally-directed program, this dissertation argues that it was the expansion of family strategy, and its interplay with religion and diplomacy, that drove the ongoing construction of the early modern state. There was no blueprint for the creation of this state. Rather, it was born out of an accretion of policies formed by politically important clans working to advance their familial interests. By closely tracing the fortunes of the Marillac clan through archives and research libraries in France, this study discloses the nature of power in early modern Europe in its daily, practical manifestations. My project reaffirms the agency of the family and the individual in the making of the state. It showcases the importance of religious devotion to the formation of family strategy, and especially how Marillac women were drivers of this devotion. My research demonstrates how one family successfully negotiated the Wars of Religion. Additionally, I discuss the impactful role of the individual diplomat in the practice of foreign affairs. Finally, by tracing the fortunes of the Marillac family, I show how a family not only rises to power, but falls, as well as the consequences and limits of disgrace. My research will therefore contribute to the fields of early modern state-building, diplomacy, religious politics, and women and gender through the prism of Marillac family strategy and its interaction with religion and diplomacy.