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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'analyser la fabrique des politiques scientifiques en Suisse. Dans ce but, un accent particulier a été mis sur la politique du Fonds national suisse de la recherche scientifique (FNS) qui représente l'une des plus importantes sources de financement publique de recherche en Suisse. La thèse est divisée en deux parties.La première explique la manière dont différents acteurs participent à l'élaboration et à la légitimation de nouveaux instruments d'action publique dans le domaine de la recherche. Ces instruments visent non seulement à modifier l'organisation institutionnelle et la finalité de la recherche mais également à transformer les représentations des chercheurs. Ainsi, dans l'étude des « Pôles de recherche nationaux » (PRN), mis en place par le Fonds national (FNS) à la fin des années 1990, nous avons considéré cet instrument en tant que porteur d'un discours normatif qui propose de nouveaux critères d'évaluation de l'excellence scientifique. En effet, ces nouveaux critères ne reposent plus seulement sur la qualité scientifique de la recherche, mais également sur la qualité managériale de son organisation. Un tel modèle normatif articule logique de la découverte et de l'expérimentation, d'une part, et logique de l'efficience et de la productivité, de l'autre.La seconde partie analyse la manière dont les chercheurs, financés par ce programme de recherche, interprètent, négocient et traduisent ce nouveau cadre d'interprétation dans le contexte de leurs pratiques. Une approche en terme de « catégorisation identitaire » a permis d'analyser les « médiations » entre la politique du Fonds national, via son programme « Pôles de recherche nationaux », et les pratiques de recherche des membres d'un laboratoire. Nous montrons ainsi que les catégories identitaires ont notamment été mobilisées pour la constitution, le contrôle et la promotion de collectifs.Cette double perspective analytique permet, selon nous, de rendre compte de l'efficacité d'instruments d'action publique tels que les « Pôles de recherche nationaux » en les comprenant à la fois comme des discours et des technique de pouvoir, à savoir des technologies de gouvernement. / This dissertation analyzes the making of science policies in Switzerland, with a special emphasis on the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNF) policy, which represents Switzerland's most important public funding agency. The dissertation is organised in two parts.The first one describes how different actors are involved in the development and legitimization of new policy tools. These instruments are designed not only to change the institutional organization of research and its purpose, but also to transform the representations of researchers. Thus, in the study of "National Centre of Competences in Research" (NCCR), established by the National Fund (SNF) in the late 1990s, we have considered this instrument as the embodiment of a normative discourse that proposes new evaluation criteria of scientific excellence. Those new criteria are not only based on the scientific quality of research activities, but also on the quality of its managerial organization. This model articulates normative logic of discovery and experimentation, on the one hand, and the logic of efficiency and productivity, on the other.A second part examines how researchers funded by this research program interpret, negotiate and translate this new interpretive framework in the context of their practices. An approach in terms of "membership categorization" is used to analyze the "mediations" between the policy of the SNF, through its "National Centre of Competences in Research" (NCCR), and the research practices of members of a laboratory funded by this program. This allows us to show that membership categories have been mobilized for the establishment, control and promotion of collectives.In our opinion, this double analytical perspective allows to account for the effectiveness of public policy instruments like the NCCR, understanding those instruments as discourse and power techniques, that is technologies of government.

The survival of organizations is dependent upon their legitimacy since legitimacy provides them with access to valuable resources. Organizations do not possess legitimacy, but rather it is ascribed to them by the society they are in when their actions meet societal expectations. Fulfillment of these societal expectations requires the moral and practical obligations of organizations which we call Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). To show their CSR performance, organizations have increasingly adopted the practice of CSR reporting. In CSR reporting, organizations are expected by their stakeholders to disclose both positive and negative aspects. Although disclosing negative aspects can pose a threat to organization’s legitimacy, a third party reporting them may cause more severe damages to the legitimacy of the organization. Therefore, organizations are motivated to legitimize their negative aspects by using legitimation strategies. Using the typology of Coombs and Holladay (1996), in combination with the legitimation strategies by Hahn and Lülfs (2014) as our frameworks, and the non-financial reports of the top ten German chemical companies as our illustrative cases, we investigate and interpret the choice of legitimation strategies used by organizations to report different types of negative aspects in CSR reports. Our findings show that there is a clear pattern in the use of corrective action as a legitimation strategy for all types of negative aspects. Furthermore, we identified instances, where a new type of legitimation strategy, which we called shifting blame legitimation strategy was used. We interpreted our findings using analytical reasoning and theoretical framework such as the concept of symbolic and substantive approach to interpret our findings. Based on the findings, we concluded that the dominant pattern identified falls under the substantive approach, theoretically known for helping companies retain their legitimacy.

La littérature académique à propos du concept de « légitimité politique » offre le spectacle d’un pluralisme qui confine à la confusion. Pluralisme terminologique (légitimité, légitimation, soutien, confiance, satisfaction, etc.), pluralisme des objets (organisations internationales, Etats nationaux, institutions, gouvernements, politiques publiques, etc.), et, surtout, pluralisme des thèses (valeurs, intérêts, culture, idéologie, efficacité, délibération, etc.) Au travers d'une analyse systématique de la littérature internationale et multidisciplinaire (sociologie, science politique, économie, administration publique), notre travail expose, en deçà de cette diversité, le schéma logique qui préside à la construction des théories de la légitimité. Synchroniquement, il prétend alors retrouver la théorie originelle et fondatrice de la légitimité du politique, la théorie de Max Weber, structurée par l’articulation entre légitimité et légitimation. Diachroniquement, il expose les ressorts de l’extension de sens que connaît le concept de légitimité depuis la « crise » des années 70. / Academic literature on the concept of "political legitimacy" shows a broad diversity. Terminological diversity (legitimacy, legitimation, support, trust, satisfaction, etc.), objects diversity (international organizations, national governments, institutions, leaders, public policy, etc.), and most importantly, theoretical diversity (values, interests, culture, ideology, effectiveness, deliberation, etc.) Consisting in a systematic analysis of the international and multidisciplinary literature (sociology, political science, economics, public administration), our study aims to show, beyond this diversity, the logical scheme that governs the construction of theories of legitimacy. Synchronically, we then claim we found the original and founding theory of Max Weber again, built on the conceptual couple legitimacy / legitimation. Diachronically, we expose and explain the extension of meaning which affects the concept of “legitimacy” since the "crisis" of the '70s.

O presente trabalho analisa as motivações, os alcances e os efeitos da paródia em alguns poemas de Pau Brasil (1925), de Oswald de Andrade. Inicio a dissertação com um painel constituído de reflexões acerca de algumas formas de arte contemporâneas a Pau Brasil, responsáveis por uma radical reestruturação no modo de conceber o texto literário, para, a seguir, situar a paródia entre essas práticas artísticas. Busco, assim, caracterizar a inserção de Oswald de Andrade e do modernismo brasileiro no viés paródico das vanguardas artístico-literárias europeias do início do século XX. É no contexto moderno da autorreferência e autolegitimação que a paródia se estabelece enquanto eficaz efeito metalinguístico e se mostra como profícuo mecanismo de investigação crítica acerca do processo de produção, recepção e (re)interpretação de textos (e de obras de arte em geral). Radical provocadora de mudanças de expectativas e de perspectivas, a paródia se articula com o projeto artístico moderno, possibilitando o questionamento de (pre)conceitos e uma (re)visão de determinados elementos artísticos e, consequentemente, dos papéis desempenhados por eles. A paródia serve de articulação entre arte e história e não se faz adequar a posturas idealizantes e/ou classizantes. A partir dessa conjuntura, a poética do movimento modernista brasileiro incluiu também, entre os preceitos da nova estética, uma aproximação crítica de obras do passado por meio do emprego da paródia. Ciente do seu passado e do seu presente, o projeto literário de Oswald de Andrade priorizou e incorporou parodicamente os discursos literário, histórico, político, religioso etc, através de uma aguda e conscienciosa reelaboração linguístico-literária. A paródia na obra de Oswald de Andrade, por um lado, faz jus à revolução estética que o movimento modernista trouxe à cultura brasileira e, por outro, torna possíveis ponderações acerca de inovações radicais no código literário brasileiro da primeira metade do século XX. Por meio da utilização paródica de textos históricos e literários em Pau Brasil e do uso de diferentes discursos e registros da língua portuguesa, Oswald de Andrade restaura a história e a literatura brasileira, da carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha à contemporaneidade do poeta. E ainda assinala, com saborosa argúcia, a diversidade e a disparidade socioeconômica do habitante nacional. / The present work examines the motivations, reaches, and effects of the parody of some poems from Oswald de Andrades Pau Brasil (1925). I start this dissertation with a panel composed of reflections about some art forms, contemporary to Pau Brasil, responsible for a radical restructuring in the way literary text is conceived, and I then place parody inside these artistic practices. I try, in this way, to characterize the insertion of Oswald de Andrade and of the Brazilian Modernism in the parodic bias of European artistic avant-gardes of the early 20th century. It is in the modern context of self-referencing and self-legitimation that parody establishes itself as an efficient metalinguistic effect, and that it shows itself as an useful mechanism of critical investigation about the process of production, reception and (re)interpretation of texts (and works of art in general). As a radical that provokes expectation and perspective changes, parody articulates itself with modern artistic project, allowing the questioning of concepts (and prejudices) and a (re)view of certain artistic elements and, consequently, of the roles played by them. Parody is used as an articulation between art and history, and it does not adjust itself to idealistic and/or classist positions. From this conjuncture, the poetics of the Modernist Brazilian movement also included, among other precepts of the new aesthetics, a critical approach to the works of the past through the use of parody. Aware of his past and of his present, Oswald de Andrades literary project prioritized and incorporated, parodically, the literary, historical, political, and religious speeches, among others, through an acute and conscientious linguistic and literary re-elaboration. Parody, in Oswald de Andrades work, both does justice to the aesthetic revolution brought to the Brazilian culture by the Modernist movement, and enables considerations about radical innovations in the early-20th-century Brazilian literary code. Through the parodic utilization of historical and literary texts in Pau Brasil, and through the use of different discourses and registers of the Portuguese language, Oswald de Andrade restores the Brazilian history and literature, from Pero Vaz de Caminhas letter to the poets contemporaneity. He also notes, with pleasant subtlety, the diversity and socio-economic disparity of the national inhabitant.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIA APARECIDA DA SILVA ABRANCHES.pdf: 15557749 bytes, checksum: 196c5e6acc36be9480d35631c759cd68 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / This research has as object the logics of legitimation and the processes of relative autonomization of the Brazilian advertising field considering the so-called creative advertising. In this research, we consider that the discourse on creative advertising is consumed as a symbolic good, and the agents of the field value it this way. From this perspective, we formulate our research problem: how the Brazilian advertising field reaches its relative autonomy, considering the speeches on the award criteria in the Letters of the presidents published in the annuals of the Club of Creation of São Paulo. To our analysis, we consider the discourses of the creative advertising of the pieces awarded with gold medal by said Club as well. The empirical object is composed of two corpora: 40 Letters of the Presidents of the Creation Club and 103 printed pieces that received Gold Medal (1975-2015) by the Creation Club, which, as a legitimized institution by the Brazilian publicity field, publishes without interruption, for 40 years, a Yearbook that records the best works. We have as main objective to problematize the legitimacy logics of the Brazilian advertising field, from a view on creative advertising. Our secondary objectives are to establish relationships between some moments of the Brazilian consumer society and the development of the advertising field in our country. Analyze the subfield of advertising creation in the context of the creative revolution, which gives rise to what is called creative advertising. Analyze the saying and not-sayings of the discursive formation of publicity, particularly those related to criteria of judgment. Analyze the technical elements (creative resources) responsible for what we call the creative distinction of the awarded pieces. Identify the tacit or explicit criteria involved in evaluating and judging advertising pieces in the context of awarding and legitimating the Brazilian advertising field. The thesis consists of two parts, subdivided into two chapters. In the first part, in chapter 1, we use the theories of the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, particularly his theories of the fields, to reflect on the legitimacy logics and the processes of relative autonomization of the Brazilian advertising field. In Chapter 2, we are particularly dedicated to the subfield of advertising creation. The second part of this work is dedicated to the analysis of the two corpora that integrate organically only one empirical object: in chapter 3, we analyze the sayings and not sayings of the Letters on criteria of judgment of the pieces consecrated in the awarding from the theoretical-methodological framework of the French Speech Analysis. In chapter 4, we analyze the Pieces from the reflection of Brazilian researchers in the area of advertising creation, as well as by means of a Protocol of Analysis proposed by the author. The achieved results allow us to affirm that the concept of creative distinction helps to reveal that the consecration of the pieces in the context of awards, is the result of a complex operation that involves the technical evaluation of the piece and the legitimacy logics of agents in the subfield of advertising creation, considering the socio-historical conditions of production and evaluation of the pieces. / Esta pesquisa tem como objeto as lógicas de legitimação do campo publicitário brasileiro no processo de sua autonomização relativa, a partir de uma visada sobre a publicidade criativa. Considerando-se que o discurso sobre a publicidade criativa é consumido como bem simbólico e valorizado pelos agentes do campo, formulamos nosso problema de pesquisa: como o campo publicitário brasileiro consolida sua autonomia relativa, a partir dos discursos sobre os critérios de premiação presentes nas Cartas dos presidentes publicadas nos anuários do Clube de Criação de São Paulo, bem como dos discursos da publicidade criativa expressos em peças premiadas com medalha de ouro pelo referido Clube? O objeto empírico é composto por dois corpora: 40 Cartas dos Presidentes do Clube de Criação e 103 Peças impressas que receberam medalha de Ouro (1975-2015) pelo Clube de Criação que, além de ser legitimado pelo campo publicitário brasileiro, publica ininterruptamente, há 40 anos, um Anuário que registra os melhores trabalhos. Temos como objetivo principal problematizar as lógicas de legitimação do campo publicitário brasileiro, a partir de uma visada sobre a publicidade criativa. E como objetivos secundários: estabelecer relação entre alguns momentos da sociedade de consumo brasileira com o desenvolvimento do campo publicitário em nosso país; analisar o subcampo da criação publicitária no contexto da revolução criativa, que dá origem ao que se denomina publicidade criativa; analisar os ditos e não-ditos da formação discursiva publicitária, particularmente aqueles relativos a critérios de julgamento; analisar os elementos técnicos (recursos criativos) responsáveis pelo que denominamos distinção criativa das peças premiadas; identificar os critérios tácitos ou explícitos envolvidos na avaliação e julgamento de peças publicitárias no contexto da premiação e de legitimação do campo publicitário brasileiro. A tese é composta por duas partes, cada uma subdividida em dois capítulos. Na primeira parte, no capítulo 1, a partir dos estudos sobre campo do sociólogo francês Pierre Bourdieu, refletimos sobre as lógicas de legitimação e os processos de autonomização relativa do campo publicitário brasileiro; já no capítulo 2, dedicamo-nos particularmente ao subcampo da criação publicitária. A segunda parte deste trabalho dedica-se à analise dos dois corpora que integram organicamente uma só empiria: no capítulo 3, analisamos os ditos e não-ditos das Cartas sobre critérios de julgamento das peças consagradas na premiação a partir do quadro teóricometodológico da Análise de Discurso de linha francesa. No capítulo 4, dedicamo-nos a análise das Peças a partir da reflexão de pesquisadores brasileiros da área da criação publicitária, bem como por meio de um Protocolo de Análise proposto pela autora. Quanto aos resultados alcançados, podemos afirmar que o conceito de Distinção Criativa auxilia a revelar que a consagração das peças em contexto de premiação é resultado de uma complexa operação que envolve a valoração técnica da peça e as lógicas de legitimação dos agentes no subcampo da criação publicitária, considerando as condições sócio-históricas de produção e avaliação das peças.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:47:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joao Bosco Pereira.pdf: 8498113 bytes, checksum: 39f6476e4f07d1f6d41b657649131dae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-02-28 / This thesis studies the different attitudes of the Catholic Church towards social movements in light of the Rural Social Center of Orizona. When skeaping of social organization in Orizona we must take the following into consideration: farmworker unions, cooperatives, associations of small producers, the Rural Social Center of Orizona, the target of this research study, and the School for Family Agriculture. The main objective seeks to demonstrate the different attitudes of the Catholic Church in its pastoral action following the historical development of the Rural Social Center in Orizona. This research paper attempts to register that in certain historical moments, internal preoccupations of the Church influenced to a greater degree pastoral practice than the social documents of the church. The thesis seeks to show that the effective participation of the Catholic Church is important for human development. The information was collected from interviews and documents of the organizations concerned as well as principles derived from the social documents of the Church and fundamentals of the Sociology of Religion. / O objetivo desta dissertação é estabelecer a relação entre a Igreja Católica e as organizações e movimentos sociais em Orizona. Têm-se como organizações sociais em Orizona, os sindicatos, as cooperativas, as associações de pequenos produtores, o Centro Social e a Escola Família Agrícola. O objetivo principal é provocar uma análise crítica acerca das várias posições da Igreja Católica na sua ação pastoral. Procura registrar que, em certos momentos históricos, preocupações internas influenciam mais a prática pastoral que os documentos sociais da Igreja. Pretende-se provar que a participação efetiva da Igreja Católica é sumamente importante para a promoção humana e o crescimento de suas organizações. Os dados foram coletados em entrevistas, e documentos das organizações e fundamentados nos documentos sociais da Igreja e elementos da sociologia da religião.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T22:02:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em promover uma reflexão sobre as estratégias de legitimação social empreendidas pela comunidade afro-umbandista no Rio Grande do Sul. Nesta perspectiva, a investigação visa compreender as possíveis iniciativas políticas concernentes aos processos de ocupação da arena púbica, bem como propõe analisar os sistemas reivindicativos e as práticas de negociação social empregadas pelos atores oriundos do campo afro-religioso gaúcho. Inicialmente, a análise intenta construir um mapeamento das principais complexidades sobre as quais se deparam as religiões de matriz africana em suas realidades sociais contemporâneas. Deste ponto, parte-se para a observação dos aspectos estratégicos delineados pelos membros destas religiosidades, os quais se encontram categorizados a partir de três enfoques. No primeiro, são abordados os aspectos morfológicos de legitimação, compreendidos na figura das principais instâncias atuantes junto aos propósitos reivindicativos, sobretudo os campos institucion / The objective of this work consists of fostering a reflection on social legitimation strategies undertaken by the Afro-umbandist community in Rio Grande do Sul. Accordingly, this investigation also aims to understand possible political initiatives concerning processes of occupation in the public arena, as well as proposes to analyze claim systems and practices of the social negotiation applied by actors coming from the Afro-religious field in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Initially, the analysis intends to construct a mapping of the main complexities that African-originated religions have faced in their contemporary social realities. From this point, we have started the observation of strategic aspects outlined by the members of these religions, which were categorized from three approaches. In the first one, morphological legitimation aspects have been addressed and understood in the figure of main active instances with claim purposes, especially in institutional and federative fields. The second one has been re

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:20:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 16 / Nenhuma / A presente pesquisa consiste em um estudo das relações entre a mídia e o Judiciário. Toma como objetivo a utilização das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito (CPIs) como instrumento da mídia política, ocorrendo, dessa forma, o solapamento da legitimidade do Estado decorrente da luta por hegemonia no campo político, em especial no campo de atuação da Jurisdição Constitucional. Desse modo, a dinâmica da ação político-midiática se destina a produzir um efeito de desestabilização das instituições, usurpando o papel desempenhado pelo Judiciário ao promover julgamentos sumários, sem as proteções e os instrumentos próprios do processo judicial, e ao condenar antecipadamente os cidadãos chamados a depor em tais comissões. Evidencia-se a luta da mídia para legitimar-se como agente político, sem possuir, em realidade, interesse algum na melhora das Instituições do Estado, mas sim na disputa com o Judiciário pelo poder simbólico de imposição da “verdade” e pelo exercício democrático da cidadania. Para abordar o tema, o / This research is a study of relations between the media and the judiciary. Here the goal, the use of Parliamentary Committees of Inquiry (CPIs) as an instrument of media policy, occurring thus the solapamento the legitimacy of the state arising from the struggle for hegemony in the political arena, especially in the field of action of the Constitutional Jurisdiction. Thus, the dynamics of political and media action is intended to produce an effect of destabilizing the institutions, the encroaching role of the judiciary to promote trials, without the protections and the instruments themselves of the judicial process, and to condemn in advance citizens called to testify in such commissions. There is the struggle of the media to legitimize itself as a political, not have, in fact, any interest in improving the institutions of the state, but in the dispute with the judiciary by the symbolic power of imposing the "truth" and the democratic exercise citizenship. To address the issue, the first chapter describes the

The continuous rise of socio-economic inequality over the past decades with its connected political outcomes such as the Brexit vote in the UK, and the election of Donald Trump are currently a matter of intense debate both in academia and in journalism. A significant sign of the heightened interest was the surprise popularity of Thomas Piketty's Capital in the 21st Century. The book reached the top of the bestseller lists and was described as a "media Sensation" and Piketty himself as a "rock star Economist". This paper, drawing from a major international and cross-disciplinary study, investigates the print media treatment in four European countries of economic policy proposals presented in Capital. Applying social semiotic and critical discourse analysis, we specifically focus on articles which are in disagreement with these proposals and identify five categories of counterarguments used against Piketty: authorisation, moralisation, rationalisation, portrayal of victimhood and inevitability. Providing textual and linguistic examples we demonstrate how the use of linguistic resources normalises and conventionalises ideology-laden discourses of economic means (taxation) and effects, reinforcing particular views of social relations and class as common sense and therewith upholding and perpetuating power relations and inequalities. / Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series