The connection between text, music, and performance in the lieder of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries is an integral aspect to fully comprehending the style and performance of the genre. It is also essential in order to understand the full development of the lied in its totality. The era represented a transitional period in musical development, influenced by Enlightenment values of elegance, good taste, simplicity, and naturalness which sought to eradicate the overly decorative “excesses” of the high-Baroque. In this study, emphasis is placed upon the unique development of the lied in the northern German regions by the composers Johann Friedrich Reichardt and Carl Friedrich Zelter and their musical settings of the lyric poetry of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe. The study also addresses the overall development of the genre as it progressed from the Baroque through Classicism/Neo-Classicism, Sturm und Drang, and into Romanticism exploring the musical settings and performance possibilities both then and now in the context of the various treatises and correspondence between the composers and poet. It seeks to effectively address the notion that these early songs were composed and performed by those versed in the ideal of music being an improvisatory/dramatic vehicle for expressing emotion and textual meaning. In opera, and to a lesser extent other vocal idioms, musico-dramatic excesses occurred in the late Baroque and the cult of the singer reigned. However, the reforms which led to the new aesthetic of naturalness did not suddenly end this improvisatory vocal performance practice. The musical complexity of the lied was gaining in prominence but not yet to the detriment of the priority of the poetic text and its effective rendering.

Dans cette thèse, nous nous proposons d’étudier la figure de fray Juan Agustín Morfi, franciscain né à Oviedo (Asturies) en 1735 et mort à Mexico en 1783.Au fil de notre étude, nous verrons que Morfi est un personnage incontournable dans le panorama culturel novo-hispanique de l’époque, mais aussi qu’il est introduit dans la sphère politique par Théodore de Croix, récemment nommé Commandant Général des Provinces Internes du nord de la Nouvelle-Espagne, qui lui demande de l’accompagner dans une expédition de reconnaissance de ces territoires. Morfi part donc de México le 4 août 1777 pour n’y revenir qu’en juin 1781. Ce voyage représente un tournant décisif dans sa vie car il lui permet d’asseoir sa notoriété et de développer sa production écrite de façon significative. En effet, le franciscain va pouvoir mettre à profit l’ensemble de ses connaissances sur des sujets très variés en faisant preuve d’une grande prolixité. L’étude des textes nés de sa participation à l’expédition de De Croix va nous permettre de révéler sa personnalité, sa façon de pensée, les réseaux dans lesquels il s’insère (la Confrérie d’Aránzazu de Mexico puis la Real Sociedad Bascongada de Amigos del País), mais également un travail approfondi sur l’écriture, passant ainsi de simple voyageur à auteur à part entière.Par ailleurs, nous verrons ici que le réseau personnel de Morfi ainsi que les idées qu’il exprime dans sa vaste production écrite font de lui un homme dont l’ancrage est à la fois péninsulaire et novo-hispanique et le digne représentant de l’esprit des Lumières. / With this thesis, we will study the figure of fray Juan Agustín Morfi, a Franciscan born in Oviedo (Asturias) in 1735 and who died in Mexico in 1783.Trough this research, we will observe that the friar Morfi is a preponderant man in the cultural panorama of th eighteenth-century New Spain, but also that he is introduced in the political sphere by Theodore de Croix, newly named Commandant General of the Provincias Internas in the northern part of New Spain, who asked him to participate to an expedition in order to explore these territories. Morfi leaves of Mexico in 1777, August 4th and returns in june 1781. This journey represents a turning point in his life, strongly establishing his reputation, and also his written production. Actually, the friar will turn to good account his knowledge with an incredible prolixity. Studying the texts that come about thanks to his participation in De Croix’s expedition, we will be able to see who he really was, how he tought, how he inserted himself in networks (such as the Brotherhood of Aránzazu of Mexico and the Real Sociedad Bascongada de Amigos del País). As well, we will observe Morfi’s work on writing, making himself an author in the fullest manner possible for this status.Furthermore, we will see that Morfi’s personal network, as well as the ideas he expressed in his large written production, reveal that he was a man with references of both Spain and New Spain, and a worthy representative of the Enlightment.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:26:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Helderson Mariani Pires.pdf: 487629 bytes, checksum: 906eb15c38f5a1437010db0da7e13890 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-18 / In French Enlightenment, theatre was one of the main subjects discussed among its thinkers they used to be called philosophes, who fiercely expressed their ideas about the theatrical performance phenomenon and its possible pedagogical effectiveness, as well as about its social and political implications in 18th Century France. Jean-Jacques Rousseau playwright, musician, poet, novelist, that is: a philosophe found, on his view about theatre, the metaphor of the human laceration, that occurred in the passage of man's state of nature for that of life in society. The conflict between being and seeming, as well as the duel between amour de soi, which is present in the natural being, and amour propre, which artificializes the social being, is a fundamental matter for the understanding of the Genevan philosophe. Though this subject runs trough all his work, it is in the Lettre à d Alembert sur les spectacles that Rousseau devotes himself exclusively to perform his criticism about spectacles. Besides that, the text also brings a definition of the talent and the craft of the comedien, which is also suitable to the acteur, that is, the acting artist as a whole, be they a singer at Ópera Royal de Paris or a tragedian at Comédie Française. Thus, this research opted for the term actor, once it has the advantage of updating both the terms comédien and acteur of the French context at that time. Published in 1758, the Lettre constituted the response to d Alembert who, in his entry Genève, da Encyclopédie, defended theatre and its actors, then seen as socially inferior and devoid of political and religious rights. For that reason, the philosopher proposed the formation of a theatre company in Genève, in order to help educate the taste of Genevan citizens, an idea which would be strongly and radically rejected by Rousseau. The Lettre directly addresses the relation among the spectacles, the actor s performance and the corruption of the man in the society, and the aforementioned conflict between being and seeming is once again present. Such opposition is focused on the scope of the Parisian spectacles, designed as signs of a society which was accustomed to appearances and trivia that made the man more and more artificial, and therefore alienated from their essence and the virtues which are necessary for the constitution of a worthy citizen. 7 The work also offers a synthetic definition of the talent of the comedian and their art of imitating, that is, of adopting a character which is different from the one they have. Thus, the actor's craft is the simulation, the clear expression of the conflict between being and seeming, once it lives in their ability to deceive, to seduce the audience, seeming to be what they are not, offering themselves as a show in exchange for money. Rousseau therefore criticizes the luxurious habits and morals of the actor, mainly because it makes use of those artifices to corrupt the youth. To the author of the Lettre, the interpreter, because of their ability to switch characters in scenic play, becomes a metaphor for the paradoxical condition of man, which distanced themselves from nature and created the spectacle of culture. Rousseau's passion for theatre did not stop him from criticizing it so ruthlessly, as he saw in it not only a specific type of artistic representation, but also the representation of the condition of the human laceration. It was necessary, therefore, a new theater, with new actors capable and true in their craft of lying. That is the critic of representation that ran through the Lettre à d'Alembert and that made theater an essential paradigm of its author's thinking. It is worth noticing, yet, that the actor's craft may gain scenic efficiency from the criticism processed by Rousseau in that work. The parties that he throws to replace the French spectacles have as their main feature the figure of the citizen - actor and spectator of himself. The character - the one that the actor represents, often as a mere projection of themselves - must earn truth so that the theater earns strength. This new actor, with their ability to conceal through their scenic truth, is related to the philosophe and the artist who was Rousseau. That because he obsessively sought, in the practice of his thought, its coherence, making his life the stage for his aroused imagination / No Iluminismo Francês, o teatro era um dos principais temas discutidos entre seus pensadores os chamados philosophes, que expressavam de forma acirrada suas ideias sobre o fenômeno da representação teatral e sua possível eficácia pedagógica, bem como acerca de suas implicações sociais e políticas na França do século XVIII. Jean-Jacques Rousseau dramaturgo, músico, poeta, romancista, enfim: um philosophe encontrava, na sua visão sobre o teatro, a metáfora do dilaceramento humano, que se deu na passagem do homem do estado de natureza para aquele da vida em sociedade. O conflito entre o ser e o parecer, tanto quanto o duelo travado entre o amor-de-si, presente no homem natural, e o amor-próprio, que artificializa o homem social, são questões fundamentais para a compreensão do philosophe genebrino. Ainda que este tema percorra toda a sua obra, é na Lettre à d Alembert sur les spectacles que Rousseau se dedica exclusivamente a realizar sua crítica a respeito dos espetáculos. Além disso, o texto traz também uma definição sobre o talento e o ofício do comédien que é igualmente válida para o acteur, isto é, o artista da cena de modo geral, seja ele um cantor da Ópera Royal de Paris ou um ator trágico da Comédie Française. Assim, esta pesquisa optou pela adoção do termo ator, na medida em que ele proporciona a vantagem de atualizar para os nossos dias tanto o comédien quanto o acteur do contexto francês da época. Publicada em 1758, a Lettre constituía resposta a d Alembert, que, em seu verbete Genève, da Encyclopédie, fazia uma defesa do teatro e de seus atores, então vistos como socialmente inferiores e desprovidos de direitos políticos e religiosos. Por esta razão, o filósofo propunha a montagem de uma companhia de teatro em Genebra, de modo a auxiliar na educação do gosto dos cidadãos genebrinos, ideia que será recusada forte e radicalmente por Rousseau. Na Lettre, é abordada de forma direta a relação entre os espetáculos, a representação do ator e a corrupção do homem na sociedade, na qual torna a se fazer presente o conflito supracitado entre o ser e o parecer. Tal oposição é focalizada no âmbito dos espetáculos parisienses, concebidos como sinais de uma sociedade afeita a aparências e futilidades que tornavam o homem cada vez mais artificial e, portanto, distanciado de sua essência e das virtudes necessárias para a formação do digno cidadão. 5 A obra oferece ainda uma sintética definição acerca do talento do comediante e sua arte de imitar, isto é, de adotar um caráter diferente daquele que se tem. Assim, o ofício do ator constitui a simulação, a clara expressão do conflito entre o ser e o parecer, uma vez que vive de sua capacidade de enganar, de seduzir a platéia, parecendo ser o que não é, se dando como espetáculo em troca de dinheiro. Rousseau, portanto, critica os hábitos luxuosos e a moral do ator, principalmente porque este pode servir-se daqueles artifícios para corromper a juventude. Para o autor da Lettre, o intérprete, em razão de sua capacidade de trocar de personagens no jogo cênico, torna-se uma metáfora da condição paradoxal do homem, que se distanciou da natureza e criou o espetáculo da cultura. A paixão que Rousseau tinha pelo teatro não o impediu de criticá-lo de modo tão implacável, pois nele enxergava não apenas um tipo específico de representação artística, como também a representação da condição do dilaceramento humano. Fazia-se necessário, pois, um novo teatro, com novos atores capazes e verdadeiros no seu ofício de mentir. Eis a crítica da representação que percorreu a Lettre à d Alembert e que fez do teatro um paradigma essencial do pensamento de seu autor. Há de se notar, por fim, que o ofício do ator pode ganhar eficácia cênica a partir da crítica processada por Rousseau naquela obra. As festas que ele oferece em substituição aos espetáculos franceses têm como centro a figura do cidadão ator e espectador de si mesmo. O personagem o outro que o ator representa, muitas vezes enquanto mera projeção de si mesmo deve ganhar verdade para que o teatro ganhe força. Esse novo ator, com sua faculdade de iludir a partir de sua verdade cênica, está relacionado com o philosophe e o artista que foi Rousseau. Isto porque buscou, obsessivamente, na prática de seu pensamento a coerência deste, fazendo de sua vida o palco de sua imaginação inflamada

Dieser Beitrag enthält eine Auflistung sämtlicher Artikel der 1742 erschienenen Zeitschrift einschliesslich kurzer Inhaltsbeschreibungen. / This contribution contents a list of all articles which published 1742 in the journal "Der Rabbiner". The list includes also short summeries of the articles.

Die Schwierigkeit eines geistesgeschichtlichen Verständnisses der aufklärerischen Geschichtsauffassung besteht in der grundsätzlichen Schwierigkeit, die Kritik des aufklärerischen Denkens als Argumentationszusammenhang zu verstehen und nicht als Meinung zu banalisieren. Es fällt schwer, nicht einzelne Aussagen zu einzelnen Gebieten abzutrennen, nicht retrospektiv den ursprünglichen Zusammenhang zu disziplinieren. Auch wenn sie insgesamt als Äußerungen eines Werkes, eines Autors genommen werden, sind die ins bloße Gesagtsein zersplitterten Gedanken mißverstanden. Das zeigt sich hier gerade auch an den traditionellen Verteidigern des historischen Denkens im 18. Jahrhundert: Zuletzt wird als individuelle Einsicht gelobt (Cassirer) oder als geistige Tiefe bewundert (Dilthey), was tatsächlich Protest gegen illegitime Herrschaft, Klage auf gleiches Recht und Wille zur Vorurteilslosigkeit war. Ein Denken, das sein Bewußtsein behauptend und zugleich frei überlegend artikuliert (wie Lessing gymnastikos und dogmatikos zu sprechen beanspruchte), kann weder vordergründig als geniale Meinung noch hinterrücks als Äußerung des Zeitgeistes gewertet werden.

À partir des années 1750, l’électricité médicale connait en France et en Europe une vogue tant parmi le monde savant que dans un plus large public. À l’heure de la curiosité et des spectacles de science, la première application du fluide à la mode est thérapeutique et vise à soigner la paralysie. En France, ce n’est pas avant les années 1770 que des médecins s’intéressent à la nouvelle méthode de guérir. Le rôle joué par la nouvelle Société royale de médecine et Pierre Mauduyt de la Varenne est déterminant dans la transformation de l’électricité en un objet médical à proprement parler. Ce processus s’est accompagné de l’exclusion progressive des amateurs et des philosophes naturels du champ de la pratique légitime. Les enjeux de l’incorporation du nouveau médicament à la médecine ne sont pas seulement institutionnels et professionnels. Ils mettent en jeu les représentations culturelles autour desquelles s’articulent les savoirs scientifiques et médicaux, mais aussi les pratiques des malades qui l’utilisent comme un moyen dans le parcours qu’ils construisent en vue de guérir. L’électricité médicale est marquée par un net déclassement social à partir du milieu des années 1780. Elle doit alors permettre de régénérer la Nation et de la remettre au travail. En concentrant notre attention sur un remède particulier, nous soulignons l’articulation entre des domaines trop souvent cloisonnés : histoire des idées médicales, histoire sociale des acteurs, histoire culturelle des représentations et des pratiques, en intégrant pleinement l’histoire de la médecine à l’histoire des Lumières. / From the 1750s, Electricity was the object of widespread scientific and popular curiosity across Europe. Its first use was therapeutic and electric sparks have immediately been applied to paralytics. In France, medically-trained physicians did not become interested on the new treatment until the 1770s. The role of the newborn Société royale de médecine and of Pierre Mauduyt de la Varenne was pre-eminent in fashioning electricity as a properly medical tool, thus excluding natural philosophers and amateurs from its legitimate practice. Not only does this process have institutional and professional dimensions but it also deals with cultural representations in the scientific and medical fields of knowledge and with the behaviour and practices of both the patients and practitioners. We underline the authority of the patients in ther organisation of their own treatment and their being active in the medicalisation process. During the 1780s, there is a sharp social shift in the use of medical electricity, which is thereafter targeted towards the urban poor, in order to regenerate the Nation and put them back to work. Focusing on a single therapeutical means allows us to cross traditional boundaries between the history of medical ideas, social history of the patients and practitioners and cultural history of representations thus integrating the history of medicine to the wider field of Enlightenment history.

Le mythe de Casanova a longtemps réduit l’individu à un charmeur écervelé. Il a aussi masqué son statut d’écrivain. Afin de poursuivre l’œuvre de dévoilement de ses écrits, cette thèse étudie l’un des paradoxes qui les jalonnent. Imprégné de philosophie éclairée, le chevalier de Seingalt expose son mépris pour les croyances superstitieuses. Toutefois, témoin de la persistance de l’irrationnel au siècle des Lumières, il devient charlatan et met ses talents théâtraux au service de la duperie, développant ainsi une « esthétique de la superstition ». Pourtant, au cours de son existence, en particulier lors de l’expérience des Plombs, l’imposteur devient victime de ses craintes irrationnelles. Incapable de fixer ses convictions, ses postures philosophiques demeurent contradictoires, et marquent son écriture elle-même. Passant des attraits de la raison aux plaisirs de la croyance, l’aventurier s’abandonne donc plaisamment au mouvement, non seulement en matière féminine mais aussi en littérature et philosophie / For a long time, the myth of Casanova has reduced him to a brainless womanizer and has overshadowed his literary work. In order to furtherunveil his writings, this thesis studies one of the paradoxes that are regularly found in them. Steeped with enlightened philosophy, the chevalier de Seingalt shows his despise for superstitious beliefs. However, as he is confronted to irrationality during the Age of Enlightment, he becomes a charlatan and uses his theatrical skills to dupe other people, which makes him develop an « aesthetic of superstition ». Still, at some point of his life – in particular during the Leads episode – the imposter falls victim to his own irrational fears. Unable to decide on his convictions, his philosophical thoughts remain contradictory andaffect his writings. As he switches from the appeal of reason to the pleasures of belief, the adventurer indulges himself in wavering, not only in terms of women, but also in literature and philosophy

Cette étude analyse quatorze autobiographies d'artisans allemands qui ont relaté les expériences professionnelles et sociales qu'ils ont faites entre 1730 et1815. Outre ces textes qui constituent le support principal du travail, des ouvrages contemporains qui s'adressaient à ce public spécifique des artisans ont été pris en considération: manuels, catéchismes, guides de voyage, réponses à des questions académiques, recensions des autobiographies imprimées. Un de nos objectifs est de préciser notre connaissance de la réalité sociale des artisans et de leurs confrontations aux débats de l'époque, puis aux changements économiques induits par les guerres révolutionnaires et napoléoniennes. Un autre objectif est 'examiner la marginalité de ces quelques artisans qui, sans être des professionnels de l'écriture, ont entrepris de témoigner de leurs expériences du tour, de détailler leurs relations à leur famille ou encore les étapes de leur éducation. Une lecture diachronique des sources a permis de déceler trois générations d'artisans autobiographes, dont les enjeux idéologiques, les valeurs et les pratiques d'écriture ont nettement évolué, tout en conservant des constantes. Un texte de 1750 a été appréhendé ici comme l'idéal-type d'une première génération. La deuxième phase regroupe des artisans adeptes des Lumières tardives, fiers de leur niveau d'éducation; ayant vécu avant ou pendant la Révolution française, ils étaient directement touchés par les débats concernant l'avenir des corporations. La troisième génération est celle d'auteurs mettant l'accent sur leur compagnonnage et leur tour, et esthétisant davantage leurs relations. / This study analyses fourteen autobiographies of German craftsmen who related their professional and social experience made from 1730 to 1815. Besides these papers which are the main support of the work, contemporary works meant for this specific public of craftsmen were taken into account: handbooks, catechism, tour guides, answers to academic questions, collect of printed autobiographies. One of our aims is to make clear our knowledge of the social reality of craftsmen, their confrontation with debates of their time and the economic changes ensued from the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. Another objective is the examination of these few craftsmen who lived on the fringe of society and, without being professionals in writing, undertook to give an account for what they experienced on the tour, and to give details on their relationship with their families or the stages in their training. When operating a diachronic lecture of the sources, we found three generations of autobiographical craftsmen whose ideological stakes, values and writing practice have distinctly developed while keeping stable traits. We apprehended a paper dating back to 1750 as the typical ideal of a first generation. The second phase contains craftsmen followers of the late Enlightenment and proud of their educational standard; living before or during the French Revolution, the debates about the future of their corporate bodies concerned them directly. The third generation consists of authors who emphasize on their guild and their tour, giving their relationships an aesthetic point of view. / Im Rahmen der vorliegenden Studie haben wir uns entschieden, uns auf eine bestimmte Form von Selbstzeugnissen (écrit du for privé) zu konzentrieren: die Autobiographien von Handwerkern. Diese Texte verbinden persönliche, berufliche und soziale Erfahrungen, die sie im Zeitraum zwischen 1731 und 1815 machten. Zwei Fragestellungen können somit miteinander verbunden werden: die Zugehörigkeit zur Welt des Handwerks einerseits, das autobiographische Schreiben andererseits. Das Auswerten der herangezogenen Quellen im Rahmen einer kulturgeschichtlichen Herangehensweise wirft zugleich die Fragen auf, welche Bilder die Handwerker von ihrer eigenen Person, ihrem unmittelbaren Umfeld, also größtenteils vom Handwerk, aber auch von der Gesellschaft im Ganzen haben und auf welche Art und Weise sie diese in ihren Autobiographien umsetzen. Wenn man solche Dokumente analysiert, ist es unerlässlich, wie Sylvie Mouysset und François-Joseph Ruggiu betonen, seine Forschung gleichzeitig am Schnittpunkt von drei Ebenen anzusetzen: die Ebene der sozialen Verhältnisse, der individuellen Erfahrungen sowie die Ebene der schriftlichen Äußerung in den Texten857. Im Kontext dieser Handwerkerautobiographien rückt zum einen die sozialgeschichtliche Perspektive bezüglich des vielseitigen Spektrums der Handwerksberufe in den Blick, andererseits eine kulturgeschichtliche Perspektive, angesichts der Bedeutung familiärer und erziehungsbedingter Variablen. Wir müssen diese beiden Dimensionen und die Tatsache, dass die Autoren ihre Zugehörigkeit zum Handwerk aufzeigen; in Betracht ziehen, um den Moment zu analysieren, an dem die Autoren zur schriftlichen Aufzeichnung übergehen.

Haller was, by any standard, a very prolific writer, not only of letters. He published 24 books in 50 volumes, many of which he reworked for second editions; he wrote 450 essays, 9000 book reviews, and edited another 52 volumes. Of his letters exchanged with 1139 male and 50 female correspondents, close to 17,000 have survived.

Dans notre étude nous nous sommes demandé les raisons de la rédaction des Histoires de littérature étudiées, la date qui marque le début de la rupture avec le passé hellénique, la division en périodes littéraires, les notions littéraires présentées (utilité, amour de la patrie, imagination, originalité), le critère du choix des écrivains qui sont cités dans les histoires, les sources bibliographiques utilisées, les influences réciproques des historiens, leurs ententes et leurs rivalités. Nous avons aussi examiné les références aux chants populaires, la place de la littérature crétoise, la place de la littérature des Îles Ioniennes, la prépondérance de la littérature phanariote et son rôle dans l’évolution de la littérature néohellénique, finalement l’influence des traductions à la production des ouvrages originaux. Les Histoires de la littérature néo-hellénique ont connu deux piliers ; le Mémoire de Coray en 1803 et les Cours de Néroulos en 1827, tous les deux rédigés en français. Autour d’eux une foule d’écrivains, d’éditeurs, de traducteurs, des commerçants ou simplement d’érudits, de même bien-entendu leurs ouvrages, s’entendent ou rivalisent : E. Philandros (1810) G. A. Manos (1825), C. Coumas (1832), Al. Soutsos (1833), Al. Négris (1829/1835), W. Brunet de Presle (1837), D. Vikélas (1871), Rangavis (1877). / In this thesis we have studied the reasons why each book of the literature’s History (1780-1880) was written, the date which marks the beginning of the rupture with the ancien Greek past, the division into literary periods, literary notions presented (utility, love of the homeland, imagination, originality), the criteria of choice of writers who are listed in these books, the bibliographic sources used, the reciprocal influence of the historians, their agreements and their rivalry. We also have studied the references to popular songs, the role of Cretan literature, of the Ionian Islands literature, the preponderance of Phanariot literature and its role in the evolution of neo-Hellenic literature, finally the influence of the translated books on the production of original ones. The books of the neo-Hellenic literature History were based on two pillars: The Mémoire sur l’État actuel de la Civilisation dans la Grèce of Coray in 1803 and the Cours de littérature grecque moderne of Neroulos in 1827, both written in french. Around them a crowd of writers, editors, translators, merchants or just scholars, as well as their books, would identify or compete with each other : E. Philandros (1810) G. A. Manos (1825), C. Coumas (1832), Al. Soutsos (1833), Al. Négris (1829/1835), W. Brunet de Presle (1837), D. Vikélas (1871) and A. Rizos Rangavis (1877).