This paper takes its point of departure in the skewed attention towards the ‘protection’ of women rather than the ‘participation’ of women when talking about ‘Women, Peace &Security’ (WPS) in the UN Security Council. Given the centrality of Sweden, as the first country in the world with a feminist foreign policy, this thesis fills a gap in the current research as it investigates whether this skewed attention was reflected during Sweden’s time as a non-permanent member in the UNSC 2017-2018 or not. A quantitative content analysis of 318 Swedish statements in the UNSC 2017-2018 conducted in this paper shows an overall result where Sweden mentions women in the context of participation more frequently than protection. This outcome is further explained by three Government Officials active during Sweden’s time in the UNSC, as resulting from the Swedish strategy and the feminist foreign policy. Furthermore, the results of this study indicate a change in how frequently Sweden refers to participation over protection between 2017 and 2018; the strategy of attaching larger focus to participation is significantly clearer the second year. The interviewees explain that this was due to the increased experience in the UNSC and increased credibility for Sweden among the other member states. The current stage of the conflict or peacekeeping operation in question, i.e. in the country of discussion in the UNSC, was also considered as a large part of the strategy, suggesting the nature of the conflict to be of importance for the results and hence relevant to analyze in future research on the attention payed to participation versus protection in the UNSC.

The field of international development cooperation has experienced an increasing demand for result-driven management over the last decades. However, a clear consensus of the meaning of ‘ results’ is often lacking in initiatives and projects for social change. As the field functions throughout myriads of contexts and cultures, the demand of results therefore brings upon issues of definitions and discourse, as well as underlying values. The goals and strategies set out to achieve certain results are influenced by assumptions that define the problem definition of the targeted issue. A hierarchy in international development, the so-called aid chain, is determined by who provides funding for cooperation projects. The flow of top-down funding is shown to be accompanied by a flow of top-down policies, that are further accompanied by underlying values, problem definitions, and assumptions. This study inquires whether different notions, assumptions, and problem definitions on gender equality across cultures in the aid chain might disturb result-reporting in international projects. Departing from a postcolonial perspective, the content and discourse of the Swedish feminist foreign policy and steering documents from an Indigenous women’s organization in Guatemala are analysed and compared. Seeing policies and policy-making as a significant communicative tool and practice in the field, this study shows how results, goals, strategies, problem definition and assumptions correlate to each other in result-reporting in international development cooperation projects.

Feminist Foreign Policies (FFPs) have been the subject of a growing body of literature since Sweden first introduced their FFP in 2014, with many scholars calling into question the effectiveness and transformative potential of these policies. This thesis contributes to the growing body of literature on FFPs by conducting a critical frame analysis on Germany’s FFP, which was newly introduced in 2023. Using critical theory, the thesis analyzes the conceptualization and the transformative potential of the policy, based on framing and discourse in selected policy documents, speeches and an interview. It finds that the conceptualization of Germany’s FFP is conflictual, wherein while the policy describes itself as being transformative, intersectional and challenging global power structures, it remains centered around women, questions global hierarchies only selectively and reproduces others, which limits the transformative potential of the policy.

A variety of research has been done on why it is important to include local women in peace processes to gain a more sustainable peace. Despite this, there is a limited amount of information and research about women mediation networks and their aim to empower local women peacebuilders. This research explores how women mediation networks can support and empower women in conflict resolutions in relation to the Swedish Feminist Foreign Policy and the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. By using semi-structured interviews and literature analysis, a case study of the Swedish Women’s Mediation Network will be conducted. The analysis of the Swedish Women’s Mediation Network, reveals that the network mainly works with the representation of women and uses capacity-building to empower women in other regions. This research brings more awareness to the Women Mediation Networks and their mission to increase the number of women in peace processes.

The Swedish Sex Purchase Act was unique, when introduced in 1999. While it was legal to demand and collect payment for sexual services it became a crime to respond to such demands or offer payment. It is now part of Sweden’s foreign policy to ‘export’ this law, using gender equality arguments. Several countries have since followed. The law is often portrayed as a triumph of feminism and women’s political struggles. The law is gender neutral however and applies equally to e.g. MSM sex trade (Men who have Sex with Men), a phenomenon that the normal gender equality arguments do not capture. ‘Homosexual prostitution’ was initially argued in the legislative proceedings, to be so different from heterosexual prostitution, that the scientific investigator raised concerns if one-sided criminalisation was considered by legislators. Yet, this is what happened. This study traces exactly how this came to be, analysing legislative documents and debates, focusing on heteronormative reasonings. In the final round of legislation the question had entirely disappeared. MSM sex trade or culture was not even mentioned and can be seen as heteronormative collateral damage.

En 2014, la Suède adopte la première politique étrangère ouvertement féministe. Depuis, plusieurs autres pays ont suivi l’initiative suédoise et adopté explicitement l’étiquette féministe pour orienter leur politique étrangère. Or, on remarque que, parmi les pays qui ont des engagements significatifs envers l’égalité des genres depuis plusieurs années, certains sont réticents à adopter l’étiquette féministe, et ce, malgré leurs actions « féministes » sur la scène internationale. C’est notamment le cas de la Nouvelle-Zélande, un pays actuellement dirigé par Jacinda Ardern qui s’identifie elle-même comme étant ouvertement féministe. En mobilisant la théorie des rôles, je cherche à comprendre comment les attentes et valeurs liées aux rôles performés par la Nouvelle-Zélande peuvent entrer en conflit avec l’adoption d’une étiquette féministe. En identifiant les principaux rôles mis de l’avant par la Nouvelle-Zélande depuis 1972, je trouve qu’il n’y a pas de conflit explicite entre l’adoption de l’étiquette féministe et les rôles de bon citoyen international et de leader dans le Pacifique. Je relève cependant un potentiel conflit en lien avec les intérêts économiques du pays, ces derniers étant souvent priorisés par les différents gouvernements en présence d’un conflit de rôle. / In 2014, Sweden adopted the first openly feminist foreign policy. Since then, several other countries have followed the Swedish initiative and explicitly adopted the feminist label to guide their foreign policy. Yet, we note that among countries that have had significant commitments to gender equality for several years, some are reluctant to adopt the feminist label despite their "feminist" actions on the international stage. This is notably the case in New Zealand, a country currently led by Jacinda Ardern, who openly identifies herself as a feminist. By mobilizing role theory, I seek to understand how the expectations and values associated with the roles performed by New Zealand may conflict with adopting a feminist label. In identifying the key roles put forward by New Zealand since 1972, I find that there is no explicit conflict between the adoption of the feminist label and the roles of good international citizen and Pacific leader. I do, however, note a potential conflict with the country's economic interests, as different governments often prioritize these in the presence of a role conflict.

Recently, a new IR movement called Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) has become more influential and achieved certain success when states like Sweden, Canada and France adopted these theories. This study will analyse Switzerland’s foreign policy to understand to what extent it is a FFP. Feminist Foreign Policy Analysis has developed new frameworks to answer this research question. Such as Aggestam and True’s four commitments, which is adapted in this thesis. Through a qualitative content analysis, policy documents of the Swiss government are analysed for gender mainstreaming, international development assistance, Women, Peace and Security (WPS) and gender equality mechanisms. The findings are that the implementation of WPS policies is at an advanced stage, and the international development assistance includes clearly defined budget goals and many pro-gender objectives. On the other hand, there is a lack of gender mainstreaming throughout Switzerland’s core foreign policy papers and gender equality mechanisms are rather sparse. The research concludes that, although Swiss FP contains feminist elements, it cannot be defined as feminist.

[pt] Esta pesquisa busca estudar o papel da Suécia como empreendedor normativo da política externa feminista, por meio de um mapeamento histórico dos acontecimentos domésticos e de teorias sobre difusão de normas. Com este intuito traçamos os acontecimentos e atores internos que influenciaram o país a partir da segunda onda do feminismo, até a declaração, em 2014, que seu governo e sua política externa seriam feministas. Avaliamos, por meio das teorias de Finnermore e Sikkink, e Bjorkdal sobre o ciclo de vida da difusão de normas, se a forma como a política externa feminista foi lançada e divulgada reforça, ou não, o papel da Suécia como empreendedor normativo na esfera global. Observa-se, com base na forma em que a política é apresentada – um manual, em múltiplos idiomas, com forte estratégia de promoção e divulgação –, que ela surge com o intuito de influenciar outros Estados e atores a adotarem uma visão em prol da igualdade de gênero e assim consegue provocar o debate e dar visibilidade à pauta. Avaliamos que a norma em questão se encontra em estágio de disseminação e que ainda há amplas possiblidades e desdobramentos para a internalização do conceito política externa feminista, pois este encontra-se em pleno desenvolvimento. / [en] This research studies Sweden s role as a norm entrepreneur for feminist foreign policy, through an analysis of the country s historical feminist movement, its domestic events and based on diffusion of norms theories. To do this, we analyze the events and internal actors that influenced Sweden, starting from second-wave feminism, until 2014 when the country announced that its government and foreign policy would be feminist. We then assess, by means of theories on the life cycle of norm diffusion by Finnermore and Sikkink, and Bjorkdal, whether the way Sweden launched and disseminated its feminist foreign policy reinforces, or not, the country s role as a norm entrepreneur in the global scenario. We observe, based on the way in which the policy is presented – as a manual, in multiple languages, with a strategic promotion and dissemination plan –, that it arises with the intention to influence other States and actors to adopt the feminist perspective. By doing this, Sweden incentivizes the debate on gender equality and gives it visibility. We conclude that the norm in question is still being disseminated and, therefore, that there are ample possibilities for developments in terms of the internalization of feminist foreign policy on a global scale, as the concept is still in development.

Recently, the implementation of feminist foreign policy (FFP) has gained traction in the Global South. The trend is most visible in Latin America, where Mexico, Chile, and Colombia have announced their commitment to the policy. Nevertheless, FFP has been dominated in the Global North sphere as Sweden pioneered the policy in 2014. Establishing the policy outside the Global North raises the question of how a Western-based policy will be adapted to the Latin American context and understanding of feminism. This study has aimed to investigate the feminist understanding and contextualization present in Mexico's, Chile's, and Colombia's FFPs. Based on previous research, this study has developed a framework of a Global North and Global South feminist discourse to analyze the foreign policies through feminist theory. A discourse analysis focusing on the policy texts' implicit and explicit representation of the central concepts of feminism: Structures, Oppression, and Change has been conducted. The policies include central aspects of feminist thought. The Global North feminist discourse dominates the FFPs, but distinctive elements of the Global South feminist discourse are present and adapted to international norms. However, this study also finds that the FFPs lack an explicit aim to address the fundamental causes of structural inequality and oppression. While the FFPs can still be a unifying framework for governments to promote gender equality internationally, the findings of this study raise questions about the possibilities of state-centered institutions to address the root causes of unequal societies since foreign policy tends to contain oppressive structures in itself.

This study uncovers the reactions and responses of Swedish civil society organisations to the abolition of the Swedish feminist foreign policy. Sweden, a pioneer in 2014 as the first country to develop and adopt a feminist foreign policy, took a surprising turn in 2022 by becoming the first to abolish it. Through qualitative methods of document analysis and key informant interviews, this study aims to understand how these crucial foreign affairs actors responded to this policy shift. The findings reveal deep-seated disappointment and concern about the negative development of Sweden’s foreign affairs, as the government dismantled Sweden’s gender equality commitments without offering new, measurable strategies. By engaging with feminist international relations theory, the results illuminate potential regression in global gender equality achievements, human rights, and democratic values as the government severs dialogical and financial ties with civil society.