En tant qu'acteur important de la vie politique québécoise, le mouvement des femmes a réussi à garantir de nouveaux droits pour les femmes et a fortement contribué à améliorer leurs conditions de vie. Cependant, son incapacité à reconnaître et à prendre en compte les expériences particulières des femmes qui vivent de multiple discriminations a été critiquée entre autres par les femmes autochtones, les femmes de couleur, les femmes immigrantes, les lesbiennes et les femmes handicapées. Par exemple, dans les 40 dernières années, un nombre croissant de femmes immigrantes et racisées se sont organisées en parallèle au mouvement pour défendre leurs intérêts spécifiques. Dans ce mémoire, je me penche sur la façon dont le mouvement des femmes québécois a répondu à leurs demandes de reconnaissance et adapté ses pratiques pour inclure les femmes de groupes ethniques et raciaux minoritaires. Bien que la littérature sur l'intersectionalité ait fourni de nombreuses critiques des tentatives des mouvements sociaux d'inclure la diversité, seulement quelques recherches se sont penchées sur la façon dont les organisations tiennent compte, dans leurs pratiques et discours, des identités et intérêts particuliers des groupes qui sont intersectionnellement marginalisés. En me basant sur la littérature sur l'instersectionnalité et les mouvements sociaux, j'analyse un corpus de 24 entretiens effectués auprès d'activistes travaillant dans des associations de femmes au Québec afin d'observer comment elles comprennent et conceptualisent les différences ethniques et raciales et comment cela influence en retour leurs stratégies d'inclusion. Je constate que la façon dont les activistes conceptualisent l'interconnexion des rapports de genre et de race/ethnicité en tant qu'axes d'oppression des femmes a un impact sur les plateformes politiques des organisations, sur les stratégies qu'elles mettent de l'avant pour favoriser l'inclusion et l'intégration des femmes immigrantes et racisées et sur leur capacité à travailler en coalition. / As an important actor in Québécois political life, the women's movement has been successful at obtaining new rights for women and ameliorating their life conditions. However, its inability to recognize and take into account the particular experiences of women who are discriminated on more than one basis has been criticized by Aboriginal women, women of color, immigrant women, lesbians and women with disabilities, among others. For instance, in the last decades, an increasing number of immigrant and racialized women have organized separately to defend their specific interests. In this thesis, I explore the way in which the Québécois women's movement has responded to their struggles for recognition and adapted its practices to include women from ethnic and racial minority groups. Although intersectionality theory has provided numerous critiques of social movements' attempts at being inclusive of diversity, only a few researches have examined how organizations take into account the specific identities and interests of intersectionally marginalized groups in their practices and discourses. Drawing on intersectionality theory and social movements literature, I analyze a set of 24 interviews conducted with activists working in women's organizations in Quebec to look at how they understand and conceptualize ethnic and racial differences and how this shapes their strategies for inclusion. I find that the way in which activists conceptualize the interconnected character of gender and race/ethnicity as axes that create women's experiences of oppression shapes organizations' political platforms, the strategies they put forth to foster the inclusion and integration of immigrant and racialized women and their capacity to engage in coalition work.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:32:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ALESSANDRA RUITA SANTOS CZAPSKI.pdf: 1102578 bytes, checksum: 997d81f37eb897dd4c1231349a904d92 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-16 / Gender and Achievements: Maria da Penha Law and care for victims of violence in Palmas - T0 in 2008, aims to analyze the phenomenon of domestic violence against women, the gender conflicts, the feminist movement, their struggle, and their achievements to the enactment of a specific law to combat domestic violence against women, and the importance of professional practice of Social Work in this expression of social issues affecting women around the world. The gender violence is a serious social problem that demands effective solutions. The Maria da Penha Law, Number 11.340/06, sanctioned by the President on August 7, 2006, is a legal instrument of great importance in the combat of domestic violence against women. This law presents innovations and advancements that contribute to the accountability of offenders and ensuring protection of the rights of women. This study chose as unit of analysis the applicability of the Maria da Penha Law on assistance to women victims of domestic violence in the city of Palmas in the Reference Center Flor de Liz, Institute of Forensic Medicine and Police Specialized Care for Women in the year of 2008. The study revealed the socioeconomic profile of the victims attended, the number of calls made in the institutions mentioned above, the lack of qualified service in the IML and DEAM Palmas, and the necessity of forming a multidisciplinary team trained on the Maria da Penha Law to attend to victims of Domestic Violence, was possible to detect that in the applicability of Law the protective measures that determine the spacing of the aggressor from the victim under penalty of imprisonment, are most used by DEAM to break the cycle of violence in Palmas, and still the absence of specific campaigns that disseminate information about the institutions that perform the service for victims of domestic violence in this city, and also the importance of overcoming the challenge of strengthening the network that make up the integrated service to victims of domestic violence, integrating the functional framework institutions that are part of this network of professional social work and psychology in order to improve customer service. The data collected in this study aims to help provide visibility into the care provided in Palmas to the domestic violence victims in the sense of ensure the applicability of the Maria da Penha Law effectively protecting women's rights to protection and a life without violence in order to build a culture where romantic relationships between men and women are more equal and horizontal. / Gênero e Conquistas: Lei Maria da Penha e o atendimento às vítimas de violência em Palmas T0 no ano de 2008 tem por objetivo a análise da aplicabilidade da lei Maria da Penha nº 11..340/06, e sua contribuição para o atendimento e amparo das vítimas de violência doméstica na cidade de Palmas. A Lei Maria da Penha sancionada pelo Presidente da República em 7 de agosto de 2006, é um instrumento jurídico importante no combate a violência doméstica praticada contra mulheres. Essa lei apresenta inovações e avanços que contribuem para a responsabilização dos agressores e a garantia de proteção aos direitos das mulheres. Este estudo elegeu como unidade de análise a aplicabilidade da Lei Maria da Penha no atendimento às mulheres vítimas de violência doméstica no município de Palmas no Centro de Referência Flor de Liz, Instituto Médico Legal e Delegacia Especializada de Atendimento à Mulheres no ano de 2008. O estudo revelou o perfil sócio econômico das vítimas atendidas, o número de atendimentos realizados nas instituições acima referidas, a precariedade das equipes de atendimento na DEAM e no IML de Palmas e, a necessidade de formação de uma equipe multidisciplinar capacitada sobre a Lei Maria da Penha para o atendimento às vítimas de violência doméstica. Durante a pesquisa detectou-se que na aplicabilidade da Lei as medidas protetivas que determinam o afastamento do agressor da vítima sob pena de prisão, são as mais utilizadas pela DEAM para romper o ciclo de violência em Palmas, e ainda, a ausência de campanhas específicas que divulguem informações sobre as instituições que realizam o atendimento às vítimas de violência doméstica nesse município, bem como, a importância de vencer o desafio de fortalecer a rede que compõem o atendimento às vítimas de violência doméstica, integrando ao quadro funcional das instituições que fazem parte dessa rede, profissionais do Serviço Social e da Psicologia a fim de aprimorar os atendimentos prestados às vítimas neste município. Os dados coletados nesse estudo têm como objetivo, contribuir para dar visibilidade ao atendimento às vítimas de violência doméstica, garantir a aplicabilidade da Lei Maria da Penha de maneira efetiva, resguardar o direito das mulheres à proteção e uma vida sem violência, no intuito de construir uma cultura onde as relações amorosas entre homens e mulheres sejam mais iguais e horizontais.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arleandra de Lima Ricardo.pdf: 1113423 bytes, checksum: ac3cde1dd3c6b71e08d883d296cf80c9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation displays the different forms of social control, monitoring and repression exerted by the Office of Political and Social Order (DOPS) of Pernambuco against the most varied social segments during the period between 1945 and 1956. The method of limiting and the monitoring extended to their own agents of the DOPS, to the Air base of Recife, the plants, the political parties (particularly to the Party Communist Brazilian), to the associations of classes and also to the feminist movement. It was also possible to expose mainly, the process of monitoring one of the militant women of the PCB, Adalgisa Rodrigues Cavalcanti. The research, through the analysis of documentation of the time, had as its principle, to understand the internal logic of this system of National Security. Thus disclosing how the DOPS, justified by ideology of the National Security, throughout the decade of 1950, not only continued the effective repression during the dictatorial period of Getúlio, but also extended its radius of action in to the society. The database that made possible such reflections was extracted from the State Library Jordão Emerenciano in Recife (PE) organized by Marcília Gama and her team. This database consists of dossiers and handbooks created by the agents of the DOPS. Such dossiers contain comments of the agents on the different social classes or the observations of these classes as materials apprehended as proofs of subversion: periodicals, documents of the organizations, acts of meetings, etc / Esta dissertação expõe como ocorreram as diferentes formas de controle social, de vigilância e de repressão exercidas pela Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS) de Pernambuco contra os mais variados segmentos sociais no período compreendido entre 1945 e 1956. O cerceamento e a vigilância que se estenderam aos próprios agentes da DOPS, à Base Aérea de Recife, às fábricas, aos partidos políticos (particularmente ao Partido Comunista Brasileiro), às associações de classe e, também, ao movimento feminino. Foi possível expor também, principalmente, o processo de vigilância em torno de uma das militantes do PCB, Adalgisa Rodrigues Cavalcanti. A pesquisa, através da análise da documentação da época, teve como princípio, compreender a lógica interna deste sistema de Segurança Nacional. Desta forma, revelar como a DOPS, justificada pela ideologia da Segurança Nacional, ao longo da década de 1950, não apenas continuou a repressão vigente no período ditatorial de Getúlio, assim como ampliou seu raio de ação na sociedade. A base de dados que possibilitou tais reflexões foi extraída do Acervo Estadual Jordão Emerenciano em Recife (PE) organizado por Marcília Gama e pela sua equipe. Essa base de dados é constituída por dossiês e por prontuários criados pelos agentes da DOPS. Tais dossiês contêm observações dos agentes sobre as classes ou sobre o estrato das classes vigiadas, além de materiais diversos apreendidos como provas de subversão: jornais, documentos das organizações, atas de reuniões, etc

En tant qu'acteur important de la vie politique québécoise, le mouvement des femmes a réussi à garantir de nouveaux droits pour les femmes et a fortement contribué à améliorer leurs conditions de vie. Cependant, son incapacité à reconnaître et à prendre en compte les expériences particulières des femmes qui vivent de multiple discriminations a été critiquée entre autres par les femmes autochtones, les femmes de couleur, les femmes immigrantes, les lesbiennes et les femmes handicapées. Par exemple, dans les 40 dernières années, un nombre croissant de femmes immigrantes et racisées se sont organisées en parallèle au mouvement pour défendre leurs intérêts spécifiques. Dans ce mémoire, je me penche sur la façon dont le mouvement des femmes québécois a répondu à leurs demandes de reconnaissance et adapté ses pratiques pour inclure les femmes de groupes ethniques et raciaux minoritaires. Bien que la littérature sur l'intersectionalité ait fourni de nombreuses critiques des tentatives des mouvements sociaux d'inclure la diversité, seulement quelques recherches se sont penchées sur la façon dont les organisations tiennent compte, dans leurs pratiques et discours, des identités et intérêts particuliers des groupes qui sont intersectionnellement marginalisés. En me basant sur la littérature sur l'instersectionnalité et les mouvements sociaux, j'analyse un corpus de 24 entretiens effectués auprès d'activistes travaillant dans des associations de femmes au Québec afin d'observer comment elles comprennent et conceptualisent les différences ethniques et raciales et comment cela influence en retour leurs stratégies d'inclusion. Je constate que la façon dont les activistes conceptualisent l'interconnexion des rapports de genre et de race/ethnicité en tant qu'axes d'oppression des femmes a un impact sur les plateformes politiques des organisations, sur les stratégies qu'elles mettent de l'avant pour favoriser l'inclusion et l'intégration des femmes immigrantes et racisées et sur leur capacité à travailler en coalition. / As an important actor in Québécois political life, the women's movement has been successful at obtaining new rights for women and ameliorating their life conditions. However, its inability to recognize and take into account the particular experiences of women who are discriminated on more than one basis has been criticized by Aboriginal women, women of color, immigrant women, lesbians and women with disabilities, among others. For instance, in the last decades, an increasing number of immigrant and racialized women have organized separately to defend their specific interests. In this thesis, I explore the way in which the Québécois women's movement has responded to their struggles for recognition and adapted its practices to include women from ethnic and racial minority groups. Although intersectionality theory has provided numerous critiques of social movements' attempts at being inclusive of diversity, only a few researches have examined how organizations take into account the specific identities and interests of intersectionally marginalized groups in their practices and discourses. Drawing on intersectionality theory and social movements literature, I analyze a set of 24 interviews conducted with activists working in women's organizations in Quebec to look at how they understand and conceptualize ethnic and racial differences and how this shapes their strategies for inclusion. I find that the way in which activists conceptualize the interconnected character of gender and race/ethnicity as axes that create women's experiences of oppression shapes organizations' political platforms, the strategies they put forth to foster the inclusion and integration of immigrant and racialized women and their capacity to engage in coalition work.

Graves discusses the important role that women played in the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia during the late 1970s and early 1980s. The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was a controversial and divisive piece of legislation that polarized both legislators and constituents throughout the United States. Graves uses the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia as a model for studying the women who opposed the ERA on a national level. She writes about the differences between the feminist movement and the conservative grassroots movement, the role that anti-ERA women played in the rise of the New Right, and the legacy of the ERA’s failure in contemporary political context. Graves uses interviews and primary resource documents of the women involved in the campaign as well as a plethora of scholarly materials previously written about the ERA.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:15:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6455.pdf: 667249 bytes, checksum: 9a22675fe7c8047e5a2e7ada6a115b26 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-16 / The present work analyses the public policies related to confronting violence against women in São Carlos city, between 2008 and 2012, from the field research carried out along with various bodies responsible for their implementation in a local sphere, regardless of being associated with the federal, state or municipal sphere of the government. The bodies are: Center of Reference for women (CRM), Women Police Station (DDM), public defender, Care Program for Women Victims of Sexual Violence (PAVAS) and Laboratory of Analysis and Prevention of Violence (LAPREV). From the documents and interviews carried out with representatives from two of these bodies, the research tried to respond: a) if the actions taken by them are based on the National Policy for Confronting the Violence against Women and Maria da Penha Law; b) which means, strategies and difficulties were found for taking such actions; and c) if there is an interconnected network in federal and intersectoral terms for the integral assistance to women victims of violence in São Carlos. The study attempts to rescue the history and reflection about the appearance of human rights, as well as the struggle of women s movements to recognize and guarantee their interests, freedom and rights, with an approach based on feminism, gender issues and the recognition of the violence against women as a public problem, which resulted in the development of the public policies for women both in international and national sphere. It was concluded that there has been a recent empowerment of these policies in Brazil through the development of law and institutional tools that broadened and directed the protective measures for women. In the case of São Carlos city, they also contributed to the local management course and initiatives, associated with the commitment to the cause, and enabled the creation of a service network integrated with all the bodies and services, although its growth, allied to a civil education of respect to women, consists of challenges to be faced in the management and implementation of more efficient policies to combat violence against women in the city. / O presente trabalho analisa as políticas públicas de enfrentamento da violência contra as mulheres no município de São Carlos, no período de 2008 a 2012, a partir de pesquisa realizada junto aos vários órgãos responsáveis por sua implementação no nível local, independentemente de serem vinculados ao nível federal, estadual ou municipal de governo. São estes órgãos: o Centro de Referência da Mulher (CRM), a Delegacia de Defesa da Mulher (DDM), a defensoria pública, o Programa de Atendimento a Vítimas de Abuso Sexual (PAVAS) e o Laboratório de Análise e Prevenção da Violência (LAPREV). A partir de documentos e entrevistas realizadas com representantes de dois destes órgãos, a pesquisa procurou responder: a) se as ações executadas por eles estão embasadas na Política Nacional para o Enfrentamento da Violência contra as Mulheres e na Lei Maria da Penha; b) quais são os meios, estratégias e dificuldades encontradas para a execução destas ações; e c) se existe uma rede articulada em termos federativos e intersetoriais para o atendimento integral às mulheres em situação de violência em São Carlos. O estudo faz um resgate histórico e reflexão sobre o surgimento dos direitos humanos e das lutas dos movimentos de mulheres pelo reconhecimento e garantia de seus interesses, liberdades e direitos, abordando o feminismo, questões de gênero e o reconhecimento da violência contra a mulher como problema público, que resultou na criação de políticas públicas para mulheres tanto no nível internacional quanto nacional. O trabalho conclui que houve um fortalecimento recente destas políticas no Brasil, por meio da criação de instrumentos jurídicos e institucionais que ampliaram e direcionaram as medidas protetivas às mulheres. No caso de São Carlos, as políticas também contribuíram para a trajetória e as iniciativas de gestão locais, ancoradas no comprometimento com a causa, e subsidiaram a formação de uma rede de atendimento integrada com os vários órgãos e serviços, mas cujo amadurecimento, aliado a uma educação cívica de respeito às mulheres, consiste de desafios a serem enfrentados na gestão e implementação de políticas mais eficazes de combate à violência contra as mulheres no município.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est double : mesurer et expliquer l’éloignement apparent entre les associations de lutte contre les violences sexistes et sexuelles et l’État français, et participer au débat, plus large, sur le concept d’institutionnalisation des mouvements sociaux. Depuis une dizaine d’années, en France, les prises de position gouvernementales vont dans le sens d’une plus grande importance donnée à la lutte contre les violences de genre, à travers, entre autres, le développement d’un arsenal législatif conséquent, la mise en place de stratégies et de plans interministériels, ou encore l’attribution du label « grande cause nationale » à cet enjeu. Pour autant, le manque de transparence et l’insuffisance des moyens déployés sont inlassablement décriés par une pluralité d’actrices et d’acteurs, à la fois au sein et en dehors des institutions. En mobilisant des données budgétaires et financières couplées à des entrevues auprès de représentantes associatives et institutionnelles, il s’agit donc d’analyser les liens contemporains entre les différents paliers de l’administration et deux associations historiques, le Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol et la Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes. / The aim of this thesis is twofold. First, to measure and explain the apparent distance between associations fighting against sexist and sexual violence and the French state. Second, to participate in the wider debate on the concept of institutionalisation of social movements. For the past ten years or so, government positions have been moving in the direction of a greater importance given to the fight against gender based violence, mainly through the development of a substantial legislative arsenal, the implementation of interministerial strategies and plans, and the awarding of the label 'major national cause' to the issue. However, the lack of transparency and the inadequacy of the resources used are constantly being criticized by several actors, both within and outside institutions. By mobilizing budgetary and financial data combined with interviews with associative and institutional representatives, the objective is to analyse the contemporary links between the different levels of the French administration and two historical associations, namely the Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol and the Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes.

The thesis deals with the picture of woman in the Croatian prose and its transformations from realism to present times. The main aim of the thesis is to map out characteristics of the female subject primarily within discourses of feminist critique in the context of social aspects of the Croatian milieu. Thesis focuses on analysis of female characters that firstly embodies the social hierarchy, secondly represents the mythological concept of femininity and thirdly works towards confrontation of feminine identity with the patriachal phallogocentric discourse. It also focuses on the analysis of femininity, sensibility and sexuality. The main part of the thesis comprises the analyses of nine selected texts written by Croatian authors, namely Goldsmith's gold by August Šenoa, In the Registrar's Office by Antun Kovačić, Diary by Dragojla Jarnević, Melita by J. E. Tomić, The Last of the Stipančićs by Vjenceslav Novak, The Return of Philip Latinowicz by Miroslav Krleža, Marina; or, About Biography by Irena Vrkljan, Divine Hunger by Slavenka Drakulić and Ministry of Pain by Dubravka Ugrešić. The thesis shows the transformation of female characters by the influence of intellectual concepts and specific cultural situation in patriarchal society. Texts are chosen for typological diversity, which aims to cover...

A segunda onda do Movimento Feminista no Brasil emergiu em um contexto de combate à Ditadura. E surgiu em São Paulo como possibilidade de reforçar mais uma frente de luta contra o governo militar. Mas o feminismo ainda era uma novidade pouco conhecida até por aquelas que se declaravam como feministas. Era rechaçado pelos segmentos mais conservadores da sociedade, mas também pelos militantes da Esquerda revolucionária. Estes o consideravam fora de tempo e lugar. Ao impulsionar o movimento social, o feminismo no Brasil reapareceu em meados da década de 70 enfrentando a questão do poder externamente, na sociedade e no Estado, e internamente, no próprio Movimento de Mulheres. Os vários grupos que compunham o campo em que se afirmava o feminismo disputavam o controle do Movimento de acordo com os referenciais tradicionais de poder. E, ao mesmo tempo, buscavam alternativas de gestão do movimento que fugissem daqueles modelos. Ora porque assim as circunstâncias impunham, ora porque assumiam as críticas elaboradas pelo feminismo à natureza patriarcal e autoritária do poder tradicional. As contradições que o Movimento de Mulheres abrigou punham em jogo as posições de todas as suas ativistas, inclusive das próprias feministas. Fazia com que reexaminassem os seus papéis sociais e constatassem as suas condições de oprimidas. Construir as identidades feministas significava romper com os cânones estabelecidos para o ser mulher que haviam aprendido. Assim como implicava assumir-se como sujeito de suas lutas. / The second wave of the Feminist Movement in Brazil emerged in the context of fighting the Dictatorship. And it arose in São Paulo as a possibility to further enhance a battle front against the military government. Yet feminism was still a little known novelty even by those who declared themselves as feminists. It was rejected by the more conservative segments of the society, and also by supporters of the revolutionary Left, who regarded feminism as out of place and time. By propelling the social movement, feminism reemerged in Brazil in the midseventies facing the issue of power both externally, regarding the society and the state, and internally, inside the Women\'s Movement. The various groups comprising the field where feminism was grounded vied for control of the Movement in accordance with traditional references of power. At the same time, those groups sought alternatives to manage the movement, thus trying to escape from those conventional models. And this was because either the circumstances imposed, or because the groups adopted the Feminisms critique regarding the authoritarian and patriarchal nature of traditional power. The contradictions harbored by the Women\'s Movement put at stake the position of all its activists, including the feminists themselves. They were led to re-examine their social roles and to face their condition of oppressed beings. Building feminist identities meant breaking with the established canons that they have learned regarding what is to be a woman. The construction of the feminist identity also meant to become the subject of their own struggles.

A segunda onda do Movimento Feminista no Brasil emergiu em um contexto de combate à Ditadura. E surgiu em São Paulo como possibilidade de reforçar mais uma frente de luta contra o governo militar. Mas o feminismo ainda era uma novidade pouco conhecida até por aquelas que se declaravam como feministas. Era rechaçado pelos segmentos mais conservadores da sociedade, mas também pelos militantes da Esquerda revolucionária. Estes o consideravam fora de tempo e lugar. Ao impulsionar o movimento social, o feminismo no Brasil reapareceu em meados da década de 70 enfrentando a questão do poder externamente, na sociedade e no Estado, e internamente, no próprio Movimento de Mulheres. Os vários grupos que compunham o campo em que se afirmava o feminismo disputavam o controle do Movimento de acordo com os referenciais tradicionais de poder. E, ao mesmo tempo, buscavam alternativas de gestão do movimento que fugissem daqueles modelos. Ora porque assim as circunstâncias impunham, ora porque assumiam as críticas elaboradas pelo feminismo à natureza patriarcal e autoritária do poder tradicional. As contradições que o Movimento de Mulheres abrigou punham em jogo as posições de todas as suas ativistas, inclusive das próprias feministas. Fazia com que reexaminassem os seus papéis sociais e constatassem as suas condições de oprimidas. Construir as identidades feministas significava romper com os cânones estabelecidos para o ser mulher que haviam aprendido. Assim como implicava assumir-se como sujeito de suas lutas. / The second wave of the Feminist Movement in Brazil emerged in the context of fighting the Dictatorship. And it arose in São Paulo as a possibility to further enhance a battle front against the military government. Yet feminism was still a little known novelty even by those who declared themselves as feminists. It was rejected by the more conservative segments of the society, and also by supporters of the revolutionary Left, who regarded feminism as out of place and time. By propelling the social movement, feminism reemerged in Brazil in the midseventies facing the issue of power both externally, regarding the society and the state, and internally, inside the Women\'s Movement. The various groups comprising the field where feminism was grounded vied for control of the Movement in accordance with traditional references of power. At the same time, those groups sought alternatives to manage the movement, thus trying to escape from those conventional models. And this was because either the circumstances imposed, or because the groups adopted the Feminisms critique regarding the authoritarian and patriarchal nature of traditional power. The contradictions harbored by the Women\'s Movement put at stake the position of all its activists, including the feminists themselves. They were led to re-examine their social roles and to face their condition of oppressed beings. Building feminist identities meant breaking with the established canons that they have learned regarding what is to be a woman. The construction of the feminist identity also meant to become the subject of their own struggles.