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The main goal of this diploma thesis is analysis and reconstruction of the information network of major representative of anti-Austrian resistance abroad T. G. Masaryk in the First World War. The analysis and reconstruction will be put in context of contemporary events. Emphasis will be put on foreign and domestic information sources. It will show by which way and by whom was T. G. Masaryk informed about events in Bohemia and Austria-Hungary and what meaning this information had for his activities abroad.

Charles University First Medical Faculty Study programme: History of Medicine Summary of dissertation The Spanish Flu Pandemic 1918/19 with particular reference to the Bohemian Lands and Central European relations Dr. med. univ. Harald Salfellner Prague, 2017 Summary Towards the end of the First World War, in 1918 and 1919, humanity faced a previously unparalleled flu pandemic; within a few months, more people had been killed than in all the battles of the 1914-18 war put together. The precise number of victims is unknown but is today generally reckoned at between 20 and 50 million. The whole world was affected by the Spanish flu, with the exception of a few remote islands, and Europe, already bled to death by industrialised warfare, was particularly hard hit. In summer 1918, the pandemic reached Bohemia in an early, relatively benign wave. A few weeks later, thousands were struck down in Prague in a second and far more deadly phase of the illness. In October 1918, as the First Czechoslovakian Republic arose from the ashes of the multiethnic Austrian state, and the masses celebrated in the cities, thousands of feverish patients were coughing behind drawn curtains, and facing an uncertain fate. In the USA, the flu pandemic - the greatest health disaster of the 20th century - has been the subject of many...

Au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale, les industries de la laine et du coton se retrouvent entraînées dans la mobilisation industrielle. L’intervention de l’État dans ces branches se révèle indispensable, et une nouvelle relation s’établit entre la puissance publique et les entreprises. La modification de la teinte de l’uniforme, sa large diffusion à près de huit millions d’appelés sur quatre ans et la perte des bassins industriels du Nord et de l’Est conduisent à la mise sous contrôle de l’État de presque toute l’industrie lainière, tandis que l’industrie cotonnière reste indépendante jusqu’en 1917. Cette relation s’étend jusque dans les importations de matières premières, avec une centralisation progressive qui exclut le commerce privé, mais associe négociants et industriels. En outre, la gestion de la main-d’œuvre constitue un défi quotidien pour les entreprises. Le besoin de travailleurs reste important, et les difficultés liées aux conditions de travail et au renchérissement de la vie entraînent des tensions sociales, malgré l’Union sacrée observée par les organisations syndicales. Dans le même temps, la perte des principaux territoires industriels représente une aubaine pour les autres régions, dont celles dont l’industrie textile est sur le déclin avant la guerre. Les fortes demandes de l’armée et les hauts prix du commerce privé entraînent des bénéfices importants, et conduisent l’État à adopter une fiscalité de guerre et réprimer les abus. Le retour des industries sinistrées à la fin du conflit, la question des dommages de guerre et la réintégration de l’Alsace-Lorraine mettent les industries textiles face à des changements radicaux. / During the World War I, the industries of the wool and the cotton find themselves pulled(entailed) in the industrial mobilization. The intervention of the State in these branches shows itself essential, and a new relation becomes established between the public authorities and the companies. The modification of the colour of the uniform, its wide distribution about eight million conscripts over four years and the loss of the industrial areas of the North and east lead to the putting under control of the State of almost all the wool trade, whereas the cotton industry remains independent until 1917. This relation extends to the imports of raw materials, with a progressive centralization which excludes any private business(trade), but associates traders and industrialists. Besides, the management of the workforce constitutes a daily challenge for companies. The need in workforce remains important, and the difficulties bound in working conditions and to the increased cost living trigger social tensions, in spite of the “Union sacrée” respected by labor unions. At the same time, the loss of the main industrial territories represents a chance of a lifetime for the other regions, among which those whose textile industry is on the decline before the war. The high demands of the army and the high prices of private trade yeld important profits, and lead the State to adopt a war tax system and to repress the abuses. The return of the stricken industries at the end the conflict, the question of war damage and reinstatement of Alsace-Lorraine put the textile industries in the face of radical changes.

Dans une perspective d’histoire culturelle, cette thèse, fondée sur une approche iconologique, se propose de montrer, à partir de l’exemple de la littérature illustrée, que la culture de guerre enfantine allemande n’apparut pas ex nihilo en 1914. Elle avait ses racines dans la culture mémorielle d’avant-guerre. Issu de la peinture historique, un imaginaire héroïque en constituait les fondements. 1914 provoqua une intensification de la culture de guerre. Alors que les éditeurs commercialisèrent des livres patriotiques au moment où la guerre de position était déjà en place, ces ouvrages continuèrent à véhiculer l’image d’une guerre de mouvement. À mesure que les hostilités duraient, des dessins kitsch aux motifs enfantins et des caricatures de l’ennemi permirent de justifier le conflit, stylisé en une guerre défensive. Ces strates ludiques de la culture de guerre enfantine, qui provenaient de l’iconographie politique pour adultes, favorisèrent un élargissement du lectorat, auparavant scolaire, aux jeunes enfants. Les auto-images apologétiques l’emportaient toutefois sur la ridiculisation de l’ennemi. Conjointement aux caricatures, elles renforçaient la communauté nationale et traitaient des liens entre le front et l’arrière, qui devinrent une préoccupation croissante des familles, séparées durablement. Face aux difficultés matérielles, les livres, au ton moralisateur et performatif, cherchèrent à mobiliser matériellement les enfants à l’arrière. Dans ce contexte, des albums furent vendus au profit d’associations patriotiques. D’après les tirages, la littérature patriotique, probablement adressée aux enfants issus des milieux bourgeois, connut un certain succès. / In a cultural history perspective based on the methods of the “visual turn” this thesis deals with the illustrated children’s literature before and during the First World War and shows that the German children’s “war culture” did not appear ex nihilo in 1914. It had its origins in the memorial culture of pre-war time, which glorified the warfare. It relied on a heroic fantasy that came from historical paintings and used emotional reflexes. 1914 provoked an intensification and development of the “war culture”. While publishers put patriotic books on the market when the war of attrition took place, these books continued to convey familiar and reassuring images of a war of movement. As hostilities lasted, kitsch drawings with children’s characters and caricatures of the enemy used to justify the conflict, stylized in a defensive war. These fun strata of the children’s “war culture”, which came from the political iconography for adults, created an expansion of readership: children from the age of three up were concerned as well as school children. However, apologetic self-images were more important than the hatred and jeer of the enemy. Together with caricatures, they reinforced the national community and dealt with the bonds between the soldiers and the home front, which became a growing concern for permanently separated families. Because of deprivations, the books became sanctimonious and aimed at mobilizing children in the home front. In this context, albums were sold to raise funds for patriotic associations. According to the number of books printed, this patriotic literature, probably targeting children from both the middle and upper classes, were a success.

Rowland Kenney was a British propaganda agent operating in Norway during both the First World War and the Second World War. He has been forgotten by history but the re-discovery of his private collection of materials allows for an analysis of his work. Kenney was deeply involved in the development of propaganda policy and practice. In the First World War, his work in Norway resulted in thousands of pro-British articles appearing in the Norwegian press as well as the realignment of the Norwegian national news agency. In the interwar years, in spite of severe medical difficulties, Kenney continued to work within the field of propaganda, becoming instrumental in the establishment of the British Council. At the start of the Second World War, he returned again to Norway, but was forced to flee during the German invasion of April 1940. During the Second World War, Kenney became the Director of the Northern Section of the Foreign Division in the Ministry of Information where he continued to affect policy-creation and the development of propaganda. There is no doubt that Kenney was a key figure in this development. His professional network and his varied roles within the propaganda bureaucracy speak to his level of involvement, and his documented accomplishments even more so. Finally discovering Kenney's story and his impact illustrates vividly a few aspects of how the practice of propaganda mutated and changed between 1916 and 1942.

De 1872 à 1914, l’armée française s’ouvre à un ensemble toujours plus grand de Français venus accomplir leur service militaire obligatoire. L’armée devient alors une « armée nationale » en ce sens qu’elle réunit la nation et l’institution militaire à travers l'imaginaire politique du « soldat-citoyen ». Au-delà des discours et des postures idéologiques entourant le thème de l’armée nationale, l’objectif de cette recherche est de comprendre comment l’institution militaire a été transformée par l’universalisation progressive du service et de saisir les effets éventuels de celui-ci dans la société française de la Belle Époque. L’approche méthodologique retenue est celle d’une socio-histoire de l’armée, réalisée à partir d’un groupe méconnu, celui des sous-officiers dont la position et le statut permettent d’explorer les mécanismes ordinaires de la promotion hiérarchique et de la discipline dans le rang. Cette approche permet de comprendre comment la défense d’une « spécificité militaire » a renforcé la domination symbolique des officiers sur la troupe. L’attention portée à l’avancement révèle également la progression, à tous les niveaux de la hiérarchie, du principe de la méritocratie scolaire qui transforme les rapports sociaux et hiérarchiques dans l’armée. Enfin, l’étude des « règles du jeu » disciplinaires par lesquelles les sous-officiers exercent leur contrôle sur la troupe permet de mieux cerner les raisons de l’obéissance militaire obtenue dans les casernes avant 1914. Ces dynamiques éclairent en définitive l’organisation d’une institution dont les critères de recrutement, de promotion et les techniques disciplinaires, élaborés en temps de paix, ne disparaissent pas dans les tranchées de la Première Guerre mondiale. / From 1872 to 1914, the French Army kept incorporating a growing number of young men who came to perform their military service. Thus, the Army became a « National Army » , associating the Nation and the military institution through the figure of the « citizen-soldier ». Beyond words and ideological postures, the point of this research is to comprehend how the military institution and the French society have been transformed by compulsory military service. To this end, a socio-historical approach focusing on non-commissioned officers, allows us to explore the features of hierarchical promotion and military discipline. This research reveals how the defense of the « military specifics» was a way of strengthening the symbolic domination of officers. A notice to military promotion also reveals the crucial part of meritocracy which transformed social and hierarchical relations in the French Army. Finally, the analysis of disciplinary rules give reasons for military obedience into the barracks. These elements enlighten how the criteria for recruitment, promotions and disciplinary procedures developed during peacetime did not disappear after 1914.

Afrikaans Deneys Reitz, die derde van president F.W. Reitz se vyf oorlewende seuns, is op 2 April 1882 te midde van die politieke en ekonomiese ontwaking van die Vrystaat in Bloemfontein gebore. Hy het op die ouderdom van 17 by die Boeremagte aangesluit en doen hier die ondervindinge op wat hy later in sy eerste boek, Commando: A Boer journal of the Boer war, weergee. Met die sluit van vrede weier hy om die eed van getrouheid teenoor Brittanje af te lê en wend hom na Madagaskar waar hy onder meer as ‘n transportryer werk. Hy keer in 1903, op aandrang van Isie Smuts, na Suid-Afrika terug, kwalifiseer as ‘n prokureur en open ‘n prokureurspraktyk in die Noordoos-Vrystaatse dorp Heilbron. Gedurende die 1914-rebellie skaar hy homself aan die Botha-Smuts regering se kant en voer hy die Heilbronkommando aan teen die rebelle. Tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog sluit hy hom aanvanklik by Botha en Smuts in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika aan en daarna by die Britse leër in Brittanje. Hy spandeer die meeste van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in die loopgrawe aan die Wesfront in Frankryk en vorder tot die rang van kolonel in bevel van ‘n bataljon van die First Royal Scots Fusiliers. Met sy terugkeer na Suid-Afrika in 1920 wend hy hom tot die politiek en as lid van die Suid-Afrikaanse Party verteenwoordig hy eers Bloemfontein-Suid (1920) en later Port Elizabeth. Vanaf 1929 verteenwoordig hy Barberton. Hy dien aanvanklik in die parlement as Minister van Lande, waar hy onder meer betrokke raak by wetgewing i.v.m. die totstandkoming van die Krugerwildtuin. Hy dien ook as Minister van Lande in die koalisie kabinet van J.B.M. Hertzog (1933) en daarna as Minister van Landbou en Bosbou (1935), Minister van Mynwese (1938), Minister van Naturellesake (1939) en as adjunkpremier in Smuts se Oorlogskabinet (1939-1943). Vir die periode van 1924 tot 1933 dien hy as deel van die amptelike opposisie, terwyl hy hoofsaaklik as ‘n prokureur in Johannesburg werk. In dié periode het hy ook uitgebreide private- en sakereise na onder meer Noord- en Suid-Rhodesië, die Belgiese Kongo en die Kaokoveld in Suidwes-Afrika onderneem. Sy bekendheid het hy grootliks verwerf uit die publikasie van sy herinneringe van die Anglo Boereoorlog, gepubliseer as Commando in 1929. Dit is erken as ‘n boek van uitstaande gehalte en word beskou as ‘n klassieke werk oor die Anglo-Boereoorlog. Die res van sy lewe, vanaf 1902 tot 1940, het hy in die boeke Trekking on en No outspan beskryf. Deneys Reitz was getroud met Leila Agnes Buissine Reitz (13/12/1887 – 29/12/1959). Sy was Suid-Afrika se eerste vroulike parlementslid en het Parktown verteenwoordig. Leila was veral by maatskaplike werk betrokke en het spesifiek op kinders en kindermisdadigers gefokus. Deneys en Leila het twee seuns gehad - Jan en Michael. Weens swak gesondheid word Reitz in 1943 as Hoë Kommissaris in Londen aangestel, waar hy in 1944 sterf. English Deneys Reitz, the third of president F.W. Reitz’s five living sons, was born in Bloemfontein on 2 April 1882 during the political and economical awakening of the Orange Free State. As a boy of seventeen he joined the Boer forces in the Anglo-Boer War, gaining the experience he set down in his first book, Commando: A Boer journal of the Boer war. After the peace he was an irreconcilable and lived as a transport rider in Madagascar, returning to South Africa in 1903 after prompting by Isie Smuts. He qualified as an attorney and practiced in the town of Heilbron in the north-east Free State. During the 1914 rebellion he commanded the Heilbron Commando against the rebels in support of the Botha-Smuts government. During World War I he first joined Botha and Smuts in German South West Africa and then in German East Africa, where after he enlisted with the British Army. He spent most of the First World War in the trenches in France, where he rose to command a battalion of the First Royal Scots Fusiliers. Upon his return to South Africa he entered Parliament in 1920 as a member of the South African Party, representing first Bloemfontein South (1920) and later Port Elizabeth. He represented Barberton from 1929. He initially held the portfolios of Lands (1923-24), becoming involved in developing legislation for the establishment of the Kruger National Park. He also served as Minister of Lands in the coalition government of J.B.M. Hertzog (1933), Minister of Agriculture and Forestry (1935), Minister of Mines (1938), Minister of Native Affairs (1939) and as deputy premier in Smuts’ War Cabinet (1939-1943). Reitz was a member of the formal opposition from 1924 to 1933, while also working as an attorney in Johannesburg. In this period he travelled extensively in both his private and official capacities to North and South Rhodesia, the Belgian Congo and the Kaokoveld in South West Africa. His real claim to fame, however, arises from his memoirs of the Anglo-Boer War, which he published under the title of Commando in 1929. This was immediately recognised as a work of outstanding quality and has become a South African classic on the Anglo Boer War. Later he wrote Trekking on and No outspan, continuing the story of his career. Deneys Reitz was married to Leila Agnes Buissine Reitz (13/12/1887 – 29/12/1959), the first South African women elected to parliament. She was member for Parktown. Leila, who was involved in welfare work, focused on children and delinquents. Deneys and Leila had two sons of their own - Jan en Michael. Due to ill health Reitz was appointed Union High Commissioner in London in 1943, where he later passed away. / Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

Comment les musiciens restés à Paris durant la Grande Guerre (car trop âgés ou dans l’incapacité de servir sur le front combattant) participent-ils à l’effort de la Nation contre l’ennemi allemand ? L’objet de cette thèse est d’explorer les multiples biais par lesquels les interprètes, musicographes et compositeurs du front domestique s’engagent (et engagent leurs compétences spécifiques) sur les chemins du patriotisme, entre le mois d’août 1914 et le mois de novembre 1918.La première partie de cette étude documente d’abord le processus ayant mené au « redémarrage » de la vie musicale parisienne (après quatre mois d’interruption), avant d’étudier les différents visages du patriotisme musicien en actes, d’abord en termes de postures intellectuelles, puis dans le cadre particulier du concert de musique « savante ». La deuxième partie s’intéresse plus spécifiquement aux œuvres de guerre : de manière souterraine et diffuse, ces structures aussi nombreuses que diverses ont permis, parfois motivé et souvent encadré de manière déterminante – tant sur le plan économique et pratique qu’idéologique et moral – les initiatives et les efforts des musiciens sur le front domestique. À mesure que le conflit s’enlise dans la durée, et que la vie musicale parisienne s’accommode des conditions et contraintes du temps de guerre, les motivations d’abord purement caritatives de ces œuvres de bienfaisance connaissent diverses mutations, en mettant notamment l’accent sur des enjeux plus spécifiquement artistiques et musicaux. La dernière partie explore enfin un autre aspect de l’engagement patriotique des musiciens « de l’arrière » : le fait de penser et de préparer l’avènement du monde artistique d’après-guerre, tant à travers les prises de positions et débats que dans les œuvres musicales elles-mêmes. / How did the musicians who remained in Paris during the Great War (because of their age or their inability to serve in combat because of physical disability) take part in the nation’s effort against Germany ? This thesis explores the many ways in which performers, music critics and composers on the domestic front showed their commitment to and worked on behalf of the paths of patriotism, by using their specific skills, from August 1914 to Novembre 1918.Part One documents the process leading to the restarting of Parisian musical life, after four months of interruption. This section will explore the many facets of musical patriotism in action, first in terms of intellectual positions, then in the particular context of art-music concerts. Part Two focuses more specifically on the œuvres de guerre, the official term used to designate all charitable-aid organizations during World War I. These numerous and diverse organizations permitted, sometimes motivated and often framed in a decisive manner – economically, ethically and ideologically – the initiatives and efforts made by musicians on the domestic front. As the conflict bogged down over time, and as Parisian musical life progressively accommodated itself to wartime conditions and constraints, the initial aims of these associations, which began as purely charitable works, progressively transformed into organizations with specifically artistic and musical goals. The last part explores another aspect of musicians who worked “behind the scenes” in the war effort: it was they who thought about and prepared the advent of the postwar musical world, through artistic stances and debates, but also through the musical works they composed.

Longtemps considéré comme un sujet secondaire de la protection sociale, l’ancien combattantest une conception originale du XIXe siècle qui recense des difficultés de définition. A la foisun et multiple, sa place au sein de la cité s’inscrit dans les pratiques traditionnelles de charitéet d’assistance publique. Le contexte particulier de la perte des provinces de l’Alsace et d’unepartie de la Lorraine en fait pourtant un acteur exceptionnel.Avec le déclenchement de la Première Guerre mondiale et l’hécatombe humaine qu’elleentraîne, la perception de l’ancien combattant se concrétise et trouve une expression juridiquequi fait de lui un héros et un citoyen responsable et pacifiste. Entouré de puissantesassociations, il concourt à donner une impulsion morale à la société.Le cadre girondin est à ce titre intéressant pour une analyse de la notion d’ancien combattant,car ce nouveau sujet de droit active des mécanismes locaux de réinsertion sociale innovante. / Regarded as a secondary holder of social protection for a long time, the Veteran is an originalnotion of the nineteenth century which is difficult to define because it can refer to both orindividual and a group of individuals. His place in the town depends on traditional practicesof charity and state care.The particular context of the loss of Alsace provinces and a part of Lorraine made him,nevertheless, an exceptional actor. With the sparking off World War the first and its slaughter,the notion of veteran becomes more precise and gets as a juridical definition which wakes hima hero and a responsible and pacifist citizen. With the help of powerful associations, hecontributes to giving a moral impetus to society.The analysis of the notion of veteran in the girondist context is therefore interesting becausethis new holder of rights set going innovative local mechanisms of social rehabilitation.