A new challenge for organisations in the 21st century is how they should ensure information security in a time and environment where the widespread use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs), such as smartphones, means that information has been made vulnerable in numerous new ways. Recent research on information security has focused on information security culture and how to successfully communicate security standards within an organisation. This study aims to examine how latent threats to information security are conceptualised and examined within an organisation in which information security is important. Since threats posed by ICTs are said to be latent, this study wishes to explore in what ways an inclusion of threat conceptualisation can have in understanding what constitutes an efficacious information security culture when the intention is to ensure information security. The study focuses on the Swedish armed forces, and compare how threats to information security posed by interaction with private ICTs are communicated in information security policies and how they are conceptualised by the members of the organisation. Through interviews conducted with service members, the findings of this study indicate that it is possible to successfully communicate the contents of information security policies without mandating the members of the organisation to read the sources themselves. Furthermore, the study identified a feature of information security culture, in this paper called supererogatory vigilance to threats to information security, which might be of interest for future studies in this area, since it offers adaptive protection to new threats to information security that goes beyond what the established sources protects against.

Submitted by Cristiane Shirayama (cristiane.shirayama@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T18:37:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100010.pdf: 2314501 bytes, checksum: 7808a27b6cac24585f04786f80c167d7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia(suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T18:41:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100010.pdf: 2314501 bytes, checksum: 7808a27b6cac24585f04786f80c167d7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia(suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T18:52:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100010.pdf: 2314501 bytes, checksum: 7808a27b6cac24585f04786f80c167d7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-26T19:29:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 62090100010.pdf: 2314501 bytes, checksum: 7808a27b6cac24585f04786f80c167d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-28 / In a context of redemocratization, State and civil society are in transformation: new decentralized and managerial models of public management have been in discussion; while not for profit organizations proliferate, opening up new opportunities for businessmen participation on courses of the country. Governmental accountability gets into the debate and societal accountability comes up in the speeches of social movements that call attention for the diversity among its members and for the changes it has been causing in the current institutional status. The Nossa São Paulo movement has become a reference in this field for its strong articulation capacity - aggregating more than six hundred organizations at the second largest city of the world – and for the organizational and political model its been disseminating, with dozens of similar initiatives spreading through the country and Latin America. The main objective of this research is to understand societal accountability and more broadly, governmental accountability in the framing process developed by Nossa São Paulo. An exploratory case study was carried on, including literature review, document analysis, observation in events and in depth interviews; focusing in the genesis and mobilization of Nossa São Paulo movement and in its articulation around legislation related to governmental accountability. Therefore, this work presents the way led by Nossa São Paulo, observing the emergence of social oversight as a frame composed by the union between movements historically bonded by the motto of social justice and other groups related to the urban development and social and environmental responsibility, articulated by the demand for sustainability. On the background, lie the discussion about the right to the city, the classic dilemmas on representation and the new paths on the field of democratic models. / No contexto pós redemocratização, Estado e sociedade civil estão em transformação: discute-se novos modelos de gestão pública, mais descentralizados e gerenciais; enquanto proliferam as organizações sem fins lucrativos abrindo novos espaços também para a participação dos empresários nas decisões sobre os rumos do país. A accountability governamental entra na pauta e o controle social surge nas falas de movimentos sociais que chamam atenção pela diversidade de seus membros e pelas mudanças que vem provocando na institucionalidade vigente. Uma referencia destes movimentos é o Nossa São Paulo, articulador de mais de seiscentas organizações na segunda maior cidade do mundo e modelo organizacional e político para dezenas de iniciativas similares que se disseminam pelo país e pela America Latina. O objetivo desta pesquisa é compreender o lugar do controle social, e mais amplamente, da accountability governamental no processo de framing desenvolvido pelo Movimento Nossa São Paulo. Para tanto, realizou-se um estudo de caso exploratório, incluindo revisão da literatura, análise de documentos, observação em eventos e entrevistas em profundidade, focando nos momentos de gênese e mobilização do Movimento Nossa São Paulo e na articulação para a aprovação de legislação relacionada à accountability governamental. Este trabalho apresenta, assim, o percurso dos grupos que formam o Nossa São Paulo observando o surgimento do controle social como quadro interpretativo composto pela união entre movimentos historicamente vinculados pelo mote da justiça social e outros grupos ligados ao desenvolvimento urbano e à responsabilidade socioambiental, articulados no pleito pela sustentabilidade. Como pano de fundo, estão as discussões sobre o direito à cidade, os dilemas clássicos da representação e os novos caminhos no campo dos modelos democráticos.

Este trabalho consiste em uma análise dos enquadramentos construídos durante a cobertura das manifestações de junho de 2013 no Brasil por dois telejornais: o Jornal Nacional, principal telejornal da maior emissora de televisão comercial em alcance e audiência, a TV Globo; e o Repórter Brasil, programa mais importante do jornalismo da TV Brasil, única emissora pública brasileira de alcance nacional. O referencial teórico inclui: as relações entre comunicação e política, especialmente os conceitos de comunicação pública, marcada pelo debate acerca de temas de interesse público, e o espetáculo, caracterizado pela passionalidade; o poder da televisão e a sua relação com o jornalismo; e acontecimento público, enquanto tipo de acontecimento que articula sociedade, mídia e política. O conceito teórico-metodológico que fundamenta as análises é o enquadramento. Foram analisados sete edições de cada telejornal, correspondentes aos dias 13, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25 e 26 de junho de 2013. Como resultado da pesquisa, é possível afirmar que a cobertura factual do Jornal Nacional privilegiou a emoção e a constituição do espetáculo político-midiático, enquanto a cobertura do Repórter Brasil distanciou-se dos fatos a fim de aprofundar o debate sobre os temas de interesse público envolvidos no acontecimento. / This paper presents an analysis of 2013 protests in Brazil’s media coverage, in two kinds of news broadcasting: Jornal Nacional, the main news show of TV Globo, the biggest Brazilian comercial broadcasting in terms of audience and coverage; and Repórter Brasil, the main news show of TV Brasil, the only national public broadcasting in Brazil. Theoretical discussion includes: communication and politics, specially the concepts of public communication and public debate, and media oriented political spectacle; the power of television and journalism; and public event, as the type of event able to articulate society, media and politics. Frame analisys is the theoretical and methodological concept which serves as base for discussion. Seven editions of each news broadcast were analysed, corresponding to June 13th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, 24th, 25th, and 26th, 2013. As result, the meanings of violence presented by both broadcasts were reconstructed. It is also possible to affirm that Jornal Nacional’s coverage has privileged emotion and the building of media oriented political spectacles, while Repórter Brasil’s has deepened the debates about themes of public interest involved in this event.

Este trabalho consiste em uma análise dos enquadramentos construídos durante a cobertura das manifestações de junho de 2013 no Brasil por dois telejornais: o Jornal Nacional, principal telejornal da maior emissora de televisão comercial em alcance e audiência, a TV Globo; e o Repórter Brasil, programa mais importante do jornalismo da TV Brasil, única emissora pública brasileira de alcance nacional. O referencial teórico inclui: as relações entre comunicação e política, especialmente os conceitos de comunicação pública, marcada pelo debate acerca de temas de interesse público, e o espetáculo, caracterizado pela passionalidade; o poder da televisão e a sua relação com o jornalismo; e acontecimento público, enquanto tipo de acontecimento que articula sociedade, mídia e política. O conceito teórico-metodológico que fundamenta as análises é o enquadramento. Foram analisados sete edições de cada telejornal, correspondentes aos dias 13, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25 e 26 de junho de 2013. Como resultado da pesquisa, é possível afirmar que a cobertura factual do Jornal Nacional privilegiou a emoção e a constituição do espetáculo político-midiático, enquanto a cobertura do Repórter Brasil distanciou-se dos fatos a fim de aprofundar o debate sobre os temas de interesse público envolvidos no acontecimento. / This paper presents an analysis of 2013 protests in Brazil’s media coverage, in two kinds of news broadcasting: Jornal Nacional, the main news show of TV Globo, the biggest Brazilian comercial broadcasting in terms of audience and coverage; and Repórter Brasil, the main news show of TV Brasil, the only national public broadcasting in Brazil. Theoretical discussion includes: communication and politics, specially the concepts of public communication and public debate, and media oriented political spectacle; the power of television and journalism; and public event, as the type of event able to articulate society, media and politics. Frame analisys is the theoretical and methodological concept which serves as base for discussion. Seven editions of each news broadcast were analysed, corresponding to June 13th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, 24th, 25th, and 26th, 2013. As result, the meanings of violence presented by both broadcasts were reconstructed. It is also possible to affirm that Jornal Nacional’s coverage has privileged emotion and the building of media oriented political spectacles, while Repórter Brasil’s has deepened the debates about themes of public interest involved in this event.

In October 2015 and April 2017, Sweden was hit by two of the most notorious deadly attacks in modern history. The first was directed towards people of immigrant backgrounds at a school in Trollhättan, the second took place in Stockholm, where a truck drove straight through the crowded pedestrian street of Drottninggatan. In this thesis, frame analysis is used to study how four major Swedish newspapers (Aftonbladet, Expressen, Dagens Nyheter and Göteborgs-Posten) portray the acts of the assailants Anton Lundin Pettersson (N = 89) and Rakhmat Akilov (N = 173), respectively and comparatively. Previous research suggests a disparity in the framing of “international” (i.e. Islamist) and “domestic” (e.g. right-wing) extremists, where the former are typically politicized and treated as part of a larger terrorist threat while the latter are described as mentally ill lunatics with individual motives. This thesis partly enforces this, by showing how Lundin Pettersson’s actions are psychologized to a larger extent than Akilov’s, which are rather put in a standard terrorism frame, as a symbol of “the terrorists’” war on “the West”. The results also show several similarities in framing, like how counterimages are used to strengthen the norms and values of the ingroup after both attacks.

Este trabalho consiste em uma análise dos enquadramentos construídos durante a cobertura das manifestações de junho de 2013 no Brasil por dois telejornais: o Jornal Nacional, principal telejornal da maior emissora de televisão comercial em alcance e audiência, a TV Globo; e o Repórter Brasil, programa mais importante do jornalismo da TV Brasil, única emissora pública brasileira de alcance nacional. O referencial teórico inclui: as relações entre comunicação e política, especialmente os conceitos de comunicação pública, marcada pelo debate acerca de temas de interesse público, e o espetáculo, caracterizado pela passionalidade; o poder da televisão e a sua relação com o jornalismo; e acontecimento público, enquanto tipo de acontecimento que articula sociedade, mídia e política. O conceito teórico-metodológico que fundamenta as análises é o enquadramento. Foram analisados sete edições de cada telejornal, correspondentes aos dias 13, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25 e 26 de junho de 2013. Como resultado da pesquisa, é possível afirmar que a cobertura factual do Jornal Nacional privilegiou a emoção e a constituição do espetáculo político-midiático, enquanto a cobertura do Repórter Brasil distanciou-se dos fatos a fim de aprofundar o debate sobre os temas de interesse público envolvidos no acontecimento. / This paper presents an analysis of 2013 protests in Brazil’s media coverage, in two kinds of news broadcasting: Jornal Nacional, the main news show of TV Globo, the biggest Brazilian comercial broadcasting in terms of audience and coverage; and Repórter Brasil, the main news show of TV Brasil, the only national public broadcasting in Brazil. Theoretical discussion includes: communication and politics, specially the concepts of public communication and public debate, and media oriented political spectacle; the power of television and journalism; and public event, as the type of event able to articulate society, media and politics. Frame analisys is the theoretical and methodological concept which serves as base for discussion. Seven editions of each news broadcast were analysed, corresponding to June 13th, 20th, 21st, 22nd, 24th, 25th, and 26th, 2013. As result, the meanings of violence presented by both broadcasts were reconstructed. It is also possible to affirm that Jornal Nacional’s coverage has privileged emotion and the building of media oriented political spectacles, while Repórter Brasil’s has deepened the debates about themes of public interest involved in this event.

The overarching aim of this essay is to understand why gender equality policy proposals sometimes fail to be adopted even in very favorable circumstances. The paper searches to do so by examining the political debate and the process that lead to the Swedish Social Democratic Party’s decision in 2014 to not adopt a law against gender discrimination in commercial in Sweden, despite their longstanding arguments to impose such a ban. The case is considered being a “failed case”, that is, a situation where gender policy adoption failed. Drawing on feminist political theory and frame analysis the study examines the arguments made by proponents and opponents in the debate. The study finds that the Liberal People’s Party possibly might have managed to pursue the Social Democratic Party to switch position by reframing the issue regarding gender discrimination in commercial. The study also observes that freedom of speech can be seen as a competing and higher valued interest to gender equality. Furthermore, the paper demonstrate that Sweden generally have been reluctant to reach gender equality through harder measures, which additionally can be seen as an explanation to the failure of the proposal.

This study looks at the development in policy towards homosexuals in Sweden from criminalization to constitutional protection. A study on the ideational development in parliament has yet to be conducted. By studying the frames expressed in the official documents between 1933 and 2010 the study analyses ideas in terms of problems and solutions to describe how change occurred. The result is that Swedish policy towards homosexuals has been determined by two frames of understanding: a sexual frame  and an emotional frame. The policy process of the frames developed similarly in terms of institutionalization. Initially both frames saw homosexuals as dangerous which resulted in a different legal status. The frames gradually harmonized with a new scientific understanding that reinterpreted homosexuality as harmless and the different legal status problematic.

This thesis aims at the development of the Czech asylum policy from the year 2000 to the year 2016. Asylum policy is an area that isn't in the center of the public concern for most of the time and only few actors take part in this policy. However, we can say that currently, because of the events such as the refugee crisis, the asylum policy is becoming a very ongoing topic and plays a crucial role in the public discourse. For this and other reason, in this thesis I am researching the development of asylum policy, explanation and description of changes that have happened. The development of asylum policy in the period is analyzed first the terms of practical changes, that are caused by the legislative or important events. This consists of the identification of particular periods, as well as their characteristic features. The analysis is also made in the theoretical perspective: Punctuated Equilibrium Theory (PET) and frame theory are used. The PET is suitable for explaining changes in the policy process, that can possibly occur after long periods of stability. Framing is an important feature of the PET. For the purpose of this thesis, framing is also used as a method of analysis of the negotiations in the parliamentary debates that concern the legislative of the asylum policy. The frames that are used...

The diploma thesis "Salafi Jihadism in Germany: Radicalizing Messages in Lectures of a German Jihadi Preacher Denis Cuspert" deals with the analysis of the internet video messages disseminated by Denis Cuspert - the most significant German-speaking Jihadi-Salafi leader, in terms of the radicalization potential that is spread through his lectures. The aim of the thesis is firstly to identify the basic radicalization formulas relevant for the given research, which are to be found in the models of radicalization. In the analytical part, these radicalization categories will be applied to the argumentation strategies present in the lectures of Denis Cuspert. In order to analyse the given messages, a qualitative content analysis along with a framework analysis will be used. In connection with aims of the thesis, the framework analysis appears to be a fitting method, as it focuses on the issue of communication in terms of its mobilization potential, with an emphasis on the strategic use of language. This method can therefore be a good indicator of the extent to which the statements succeed in addressing the sympathizers of the movement and making them act. In addition to the analysis of the radicalization messages, the thesis also deals with the character and dynamics of the German Salafi movement, with...