This thesis analyses how three television stations - Czech ČT24, Russian RT and American CNN - informed about the Crimean crisis which took place in Ukraine in 2014. The first part of the thesis presents theoretical approach and mentions previous similar studies, which focused on examining of medial coverage and framing of war conflicts. Next chapter describes the history of Ukraine briefly and underlines events which could have caused the Crimean crisis. Thereafter the thesis introduces the timeline of the Crimean crisis. In the next part the thesis analyses sources, topics and keywords which appeared in the news of ČT24, RT and CNN. It also describes how particular people and events were visually covered. In the final chapter the approach of the three examined television channels is compared.

When Canada took on the leadership role of the Kandahar Provincial Reconstruction Team (K-PRT) in Afghanistan, the liberation of women and children via multi-departmental collaboration was promoted by the government as a critical goal of the operation. Research from the fields of public administration, international development, and critical security studies hypothesizes that collaborative approaches to governance, particularly in fragile states, ensures that greater resources are available to address human rights issues, including gender equality. It is therefore surprising that the gendered implications of Canada’s collaborative governance commitments within the K-PRT have not been deeply explored. Through a feminist frame analysis, informed by critical and post-structural feminist theory, this dissertation asks whether the Canadian collaborative approach permits more attention to be paid to policy and programming on gender equality. Framing the case of the K-PRT from a feminist perspective, this dissertation identifies the hegemony of masculinity within the policy context that guided the Canadian collaborative approaches in Kandahar, highlighting how international guidelines for collaboration legitimized the leadership of the military and instrumentalized gender for militarized purposes. It also exposes the masculine structure of the K-PRT, identifying how the design of the PRT favoured the might of the military, and presented the exceptionalism of women as the only marker of gender. Finally, this dissertation highlights the narrative of masculinity that is threaded throughout the K-PRT, working to normalize the militarization of civilian departments and actors implicated within the Canadian collaborative approach. The application of a gender lens to the case of the K-PRT reveals the necessity of feminist analysis of collaborative approaches, as these are increasingly being seen as best practices for addressing state fragility worldwide.

Using ten sermons from five prominent and politically active evangelical megachurch pastors taken from the 2016 presidential campaign season, this case study utilizes frame analysis to understand the political relevance of modern evangelical sermonizing. An inductive frame analysis allows the concept of a collective action frame to be observed as a process and for patterns to emerge from the source text. Within these sermons, ministers offer self-identifying evangelicals a vocabulary with which to understand and describe their own identity. In this context, the Bible is a powerful cultural symbol that represents an allegiance to traditions that are framed as the bedrock of American exceptionalism. The boundaries that are drawn and vociferously maintained in this sample emphasize exclusion over inclusion, especially in terms of salvation and righteousness, which can emotionally motivate action. In an election year, this sample demonstrates how evangelical identity is mobilized as an electoral force.

長期以來，有關新聞訪問中的模糊語言實際運用並無具體化分析成果，本研究藉由現任總統馬英九接受國際媒體CNN專訪之研究，以論述分析法逐一分析問句及答句，具體歸納出了模糊語言之運用方式。 本研究在文獻回顧章節透過面子威脅、雙避衝突及組織框架等理論來探討官方消息來源如何使用模糊語言，再以論述分析法逐一探討提問者問句與受訪者答句間之對應情形，並納入語境因素，試圖尋找出官方消息來源常見之模糊語言形式。 本研究結果顯示，國內官方消息來源在衝突性提問中確實經常引用模糊語言作為回應媒體提問之方式，不論國內或是國外消息來源均偏愛採取「製造政策重點」之模糊語言方式回應，國內官方消息來源尤其青睞採取「製造政策重點」中之「提出新的論點」、「自我肯定」及「未來作法及期待」等項目，主要是基因於模糊語言類型的運用具有「看似言之有物」、「轉移焦點」、「離開情境」、「不冷場」及「較不容易出錯」等優點，至於負面效應則是引發媒體的「追問」，但由於問答劇本之設定及訪問時間等有利因素，消息來源之模糊語言並無礙於專訪之進行。 / This study focuses on the concept of equivocal communication, especially on the effect of equivocal language and source credibility, ininterviews between the press and its official sources. An unedited version of CNN interview with President Ma Ying-jeou on April 30, 2011, was used in this study in order to find out how equivocal language, if any, was involved. After going through the literature of face-threatening theory, avoidance- avoidance conflict and frame analysis, this research centers on two levels: first, how the officials choose/manipulate the wording of answers in interviews; and second, what the syntax differences are between questions and answers. The results of the study show that official sources, when facing harsh questions, usually turn to equivocal language and intend to induce avoidance towards certain questions. The technique that an official frequently adopted is “making political points,” i.e., to divert attention by “presenting policies,” “talking up one’s own side,” and “making pie in the sky.” The negative effects of equivocal language, therefore, are mainly resulted from the fact that it might trigger more aggressive follow-up questions from the press. Nevertheless, officials still maintain an upper hand over the pres in the wake of Q&A time restraints and the constant stress to beat deadline.

本文針對國人長期存有的「仇韓情緒」進行研究，並認為這樣的社會集體記憶，一方面固然與台韓雙方長期以來的社會脈絡與歷史環境有關，但更重要的是媒體中介的結果，形成一種Hobsbawm所說的創制傳統。因此經由媒體下手，透過不同時期與不同報紙的運動衝突事件報導，進行資料蒐集分析佐以相關文本生產者訪談，希望勾勒出媒體在這波現象背後所扮演的角色。 　　大致上，從文本的分析後可以知曉，這種仇恨記憶是逐漸的被媒體創制出來，相較於第一時期（1983~1992年）對於韓國較具包容性並以事件為報導基礎，第二時期之後(1992~2010年)，媒體的呈現對衝突事件的追蹤或說明逐漸變少、情緒性的花絮或是形容詞變多，並將衝突事件與韓國或韓國人整體構連，出現明顯的仇視對象。此外，不同媒體在報導上也呈現不同的立場，顯示媒體在面對這類與韓國的衝突事件，並不是如此的單純呈現，有其特殊的考量存在。 　　研究中也發現，在媒體的框架產製過程中，組織的經營考量往往成為文本產製的最終考量，使得仇韓新聞框架以讀者為導向，以新聞商品為前提創制文本。這樣的媒體真實隨著時間的拉長，也逐漸的被認知為一種社會真實，與整個大環境結構變得相互生成，慢慢成為一種「被發明的傳統」，自然地存在於眾人的仇韓集體記憶中，等待下一次的觸發時機並且作為媒體可依歸的新聞商品固定產製公式。

能源議題在臺灣一直存在爭議，最為社會大眾熟悉的是核能問題，核能幾乎是國內媒體最關注的焦點之一。自2012年行政院前院長江宜樺提出核四公投，國內主流媒體相繼推出跨國性的能源專題報導，內容不同於過往媒體多聚焦在核能議題，故引發本研究探討媒體如何建構深度能源報導的興趣。 本研究以2013年9月《遠見》〈未來的電哪裡來？〉和2014年3-4月期間刊登的《聯合報》〈明天的電 核去核從〉為例，探討國內媒體在核能風險的爭議如何建構跨國性的能源專題報導。為加強分析文本背後的社會文化現象影響，本研究採用並調整van Gorp（2010）歸納和演繹法兼具的框架分析架構，在社會文化現象的分析納入深度訪談法，以訪談記者的資料掌握媒體產製流程、守門原則和媒體文化等因素對文本建構的影響。在框架演繹階段，本研究則採內容分析法統整新聞框架在兩大專題的分布情形，及媒體屬性和消息來源與框架間的關聯。 本研究根據兩大專題的論述建構「供給穩定」、「需求節能升效」、「公眾價值」、「人身健康安全」和「環境低碳」等五個框架類目。供給穩定和需求節能升效框架分別討論能源的供應及需求問題；公眾價值框架關注核能風險溝通的民主參與；人身健康安全框架探討核能造成的健康安全危害；環境低碳框架則聚焦能源政策如何因應氣候變遷問題，各框架的核心意涵基本上映照臺灣目前選擇能源最需要面臨的問題困境。有關各框架在兩大專題的分布情形，整體以「供給穩定」框架的出現頻率最高；分開來者，《遠見》和《聯合報》專題都以「供給穩定」最多，但《遠見》專題依序為「需求節能升效」和「公眾價值」框架，《聯合報》專題則以「人身健康安全」和「公眾價值」框架名列二、三。 在框架論述部分，因兩大專題的產製時間和採訪國家重疊，專題報導出現類似的框架化裝置和推理裝置，且有以外國作為臺灣借鏡楷模的意涵。兩大專題的論述建構都深受社會文化脈絡和消息來源的說法影響，特別是有關專業議題的討論，報導相當依賴可信度高的消息來源。媒體差異則影響兩大專題出現不同的論述特色，《遠見》專題因該雜誌定位為專業財經媒體，報導呈現財經雜誌深度報導的特色，內容援引豐富文獻。《聯合報》專題則具有報紙即時性的特色，報導篇幅短、關注各國最新的能源發展資訊。 在消息來源的引用部分，兩大專題鑑於可信度的守門原則，整體以官方和產業單位為引用前兩名者，進一步分析，《遠見》專題的前兩名為產業和官方人物，《聯合報》則反之。除此，五個框架整體也以官方單位引用最多；其中「需求節能升效」和「公眾價值」框架以產業單位引用最多，其他三個框架引用最多者皆為官方單位，主因是「需求節能升效」框架重視產業和民間的節能行動，公眾價值框架注重能源產業機構和民間的風險溝通，其他三個框架則關注政策制定者因應能源供給、能源風險和氣候變遷的作為。 本研究發現，部分研究結果的推理需藉由訪談記者才能確認，如《遠見》因定位為財經媒體，影響專題著重產業觀點；或如《聯合報》專題的報紙特色，也根據訪談結果了解媒體文化對新聞建構的影響。若僅採用van Gorp的分析架構，難以掌握媒體產製流程、媒體文化或潛在的社會因素等影響，故本研究輔以深度訪談法探討新聞框架和文化現象的扣連，補充了van Gorp框架理論的不足。 本研究也針對能源報導提出實務建議。首先，媒體組織需持續培養新聞工作者的專業，鼓勵報導開展多元消息來源；在報導寫作方面，應增加關注產業責任和與臺灣脈絡相近的國家情形，拓展報導面相。同時注意查證工作，避免報導流於以作為平衡的衝突方式呈現。而在製作國外議題方面，建議新聞工作者事先前往各國蒐集一手資訊，尋求駐外單位協助、聯絡特派員或預先採訪國內專家和民間團體，以利實際採訪。國外報導另須重視國外經驗和國內脈絡的差異，使報導引發讀者關注國內問題，並作為實際可行的解決策略。 關鍵字：能源、核能、框架分析、風險社會、專題報導

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I den här essän söker jag svar på följande frågor: Vad gör egentligen en berättare? Närmare bestämt: vad utmärker professionellt, muntligt berättande jämfört med det publika berättande som författare och skådespelare ägnar sig åt? Vad är det som just en muntlig berättare kan? Jag använder forskning som studerat förutsättningarna för dessa yrken – särskilt hur berättelser konstrueras och berättande går till – och tillämpar studierna på ett konkret fall: mina egna erfarenheter av att förbereda och framföra sägnen om Råttfångaren från Hameln vid Ljungby berättarfestival 2012. Det jag då gjorde och hur jag såg på det efteråt, jämförs med fiktiva berättares verksamhet i Mario Vargas Llosas roman El Hablador och Ursula K. Le Guins The Telling. Jag prövar bilden av en råttfångare som metafor för en muntlig berättare och kommer till slutsatsen att berättaren kan vara lika fängslande och lika förledande. Även skådespelare och romanförfattare kan fängsla sin publik, men inte luras så som en berättare kan. Att kunna förleda är baksidan av den djupt mänskliga förmågan att kunna säga som det är. Till vardags är vi väl medvetna om detta och god berättare tar med sig den insikten även upp på scenen. / In this essay I seek answers to the following questions: What is a storyteller in fact accomplishing? What distinguishes professional, oral storytellers from other public narrators such as authors of fiction and actors? What can a storyteller do, that they can’t? I use research investigating the conditions of these professions – in particular how narratives are constructed and how narration works – and apply it to a real case: my own experiences in preparing and performing The Pied Piper of Hamlin at Ljungby storytelling festival 2012 . What I did and the way I looked at it afterwards, is compared to the activities of fictional storytellers in Mario Vargas Llosa’s novel The Storyteller and Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Telling. I test the image of a pied piper as a metaphor for an oral storyteller, and reach the conclusion that the teller can be just as captivating and deceitful. Authors of fiction and actors can also spellbind their public, but not deceive the way a storyteller can. This talent is the obverse to the human capacity of telling it like it is. We are well aware of this in our daily lives and a good storyteller keeps this insight in mind also on stage.

Community development is an ongoing issue that faces communities as they develop. This is a case study where two communities where faced with an identical development proposal involving Bluegrass Stockyards. Bluegrass Stockyards a prominent livestock marketing business, located in Lexington, KY needed to relocate its facility and looked at communities in Lincoln and Woodford County Kentucky as possible new locations. By looking at the case of Bluegrass Stockyards this study is able to use Conflict Theory, Growth Theory and Frame Analysis to look at the development process and issues that was associated with this development proposal. With the two communities being faced with the same proposal, and the proposals having different outcomes, the study is able to gain a better understanding of how development occurs within these two rural communities. This study provides information to both developers and community development professionals on what issues will need to be addressed with a livestock marketing center relocation and how the different issues should be addressed in order to make the process more efficient and beneficial to the involved communities.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Communication, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-77).