This essay aims to contribute to the field of religious education in Sweden by analyzing how three Swedish textbooks frame the topic of ‘religion and science’. By using content analysis as an analytic tool and framing theory, the essay examines how the relationship between religion and science is framed. Furthermore the essay analyze the didactic implications of the framing, using Johan Wickström’s ‘didactic text competence criteria’.   The contribution of the content analysis lies in its ability to reveal the framing of the relationship between religion and science within the material of the study and how the frames are constructed. The second part of analysis, through Wickström's 'didactic text competence criteria,' offers a critical examination that delves deeper into the complexities of the identified frameworks from a pedagogical perspective. The outcome of the critical analysis led to the conclusion that the identified frames could be perceived as problematic concerning the objectives and goals of education, as well as scientific principles and considerations for students. Furthermore, this study serves as a practical demonstration of how Wickström's criteria can serve as an analytical tool, while also underscoring its inherent limitations.

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This study examines how Swedish newspapers frame the Sámi people in their articles. Previous research suggests that the Sámi people, and other minorities, often are portrayed in a one sided and stereotypical way in the news discourse. This paper studies to what extent the Sámi people are represented in four Swedish newspapers during 2023 and in which types of articles they are mentioned. Further, the study also examines how many of the articles in the empirical material have a primary Sámi theme. To answer the thesis questions the method used is a content analysis with quantitative elements. The results indicate that when the Sámi, or issues regarding this minority, are mentioned in news articles in 2023, the coverage tends to focus on culture and entertainment and is frequently published on the culture pages of newspapers. It is also evident that the Sámi are scarcely mentioned in relation to sports, science and socioeconomics. A third important finding is that the articles with a primary Sámi theme were more conflict-oriented compared to articles without such a theme. The result is analyzed on the basis of post colonial theory and framing theory.

Framing Neverland is a content analysis that examines how the documentary Leaving Neverland is portrayed in Swedish daily press between January 25 to May 20, 2019. It is through the questions “How does the framing of Leaving Neverland being perceived in Swedish daily press?” and “Does morning and evening presses differ in the framing?” the essay was designed. Entman's framing theory forms the basis of the study's theoretical framework and is supplemented with media logic and tabloidization, which is operationalized into variables in the study of 100 articles within Swedish daily press. The Swedish morning and evening newspapers are represented by the four largest daily newspapers in Sweden today; Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen and Svenska Dagbladet. A cluster selection were made in the process of choosing the articles, because of the choice of newspapers which is the largest Swedish ones today, also a total selection when all published articles within the population have become objects for the survey. Previous research consists of framing theory and tonality of different subjects than this study, since similar essays traditionally relate to political and war reporting. Inspiration has been given from previous research on analysis tools to apply to this contemporary work which is at the intersection of popular culture and news content. The newspaper framing  in general is relatively homogeneous, which explains some tabloidization among, what we call, the quality press. The commercialization of the media gives rise to this, but some differences remain. Aftonbladet is the newspaper with the most frequent reporting by Leaving Neverland and then comes Expressen. Which means that the evening press prioritize this topic as a higher news value than what the morning press does. However, it is possible to extract a result which shows that the content of the morning press is of a more critical nature towards Leaving Neverland. Together, the result is thus presented through framing theory, media logic and tabloidization, which together explain how the documentary is framed. / Framing Neverland är en kvantitativ innehållsanalys som undersöker hur dokumentären Leaving Neverland gestaltas i svensk press mellan 25 januari till 20 maj 2019. Det är genom frågeställningarna “Hur ser gestaltningen av Leaving Neverland ut i svensk press?”  samt  “Skiljer sig morgon- och kvällspress i gestaltningen?”  som uppsatsen utformats. Gestaltningsteori står till grund för studiens teoretiska ramverk och kompletteras med medielogik och tabloidisering, vilket operationaliseras till variabler i studien av 100 artiklar inom svensk press. Svenska morgon- och kvällstidningar representeras genom de fyra största dagstidningarna i Sverige idag; Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen och Svenska Dagbladet. Det är således ett klusterurval som gjorts av de största tidningarna, men även ett totalurval då alla publicerade artiklar inom populationen har blivit objekt för undersökningen.  Tidigare forskning består av gestaltning och tonalitet av annan slags karaktär än denna studie, då liknande uppsatser traditionellt sett förhåller sig till politisk- och krigsrapportering. Inspiration har givits från tidigare forskning gällande analysverktyg för att applicera på detta nutida verk som befinner sig i skärningspunkten mellan populärkultur och nyhetsinnehåll. Resultatet i studien visar att tidningarnas sammanslagna gestaltning generellt är relativt homogen, vilket förklarar viss tabloidisering bland “kvalitetspressen”. Mediernas kommersialisering ger upphov till detta, men vissa innehållsmässiga skillnader kvarstår. Aftonbladet är den tidning som står för största delen av nyhetsrapporteringen av Leaving Neverland och därefter kommer Expressen. Detta innebär att kvällspressen anser att detta ämne har ett högre nyhetsvärde än vad morgonpressen gör. Således går det att utvinna ett resultat som påvisar att morgonpressens gestaltning är av mer kritisk karaktär gentemot Leaving Neverland. Tillsammans redovisas följaktligen resultatet genom gestaltningsteori, medielogik och tabloidisering, vilket tillsammans förklarar hur medierna gestaltning ser ut av dokumentären.

The 15th of March 2019, the city of Christchurch in New Zealand was exposed to two mosque attacks that left at least 50 people killed and many people wounded. The attacks were described as a terrorist attack performed by a 28-year-old Australian man with right-wing extremist views. The two mosque attacks were broadcast live by the perpetrator on his social media accounts. By using a qualitative text analysis, the author has studied the reports of the attacks of three news channels, CNN, RT English and al- Jazeera English, with a selection of nine articles. The study has investigated the description and the framing of the mosque attacks by each news channel. With the aid of a framing analysis, the author was able to identify which frames that has occurred in the reports by CNN, RT English and al-Jazeera English. The aim of the study was to study the framing of the mosque attacks by the news channels with different culture valuations and whether there were any similarities or differences in their descriptions of the attacks. The result of the analysis could show that there were both similarities and differences in the reports of the news channels. CNN and al-Jazeera English used the affective and attributive framework and RT English used the descriptive framework in their reports of the mosque attacks.

Denna studie presenterar en empiriskt välgrundad bild av inställningar till våld i radikalnationalistiska rörelser samt av hur dessa (re)konstrueras och upprätthålls inom organisationer. Studien utgörs av en hermeneutisk inramningsanalys av texter, artiklar, podcasts, radioprogram och dokumentärer av och om radikalnationalistiska aktörer. Studiens resultat visar en inom radikalnationalismen gemensam världsbild av att ”det egna folket” (den vita rasen / den västerländska identiteten) är hotat av en flyktinginvasion och att staten är ovillig eller inkapabel att skydda detta folk. I detta upplevda katastrofala läge anser sig radikalnationalisterna skyldiga att skydda folket i statens ställe. Våld ses inte som ett självändamål, men däremot som ett naturligt medel i kampen för folkets överlevnad, vilket man inte tar avstånd från om det anses nödvändigt. Den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen anser sig vara utsatta såväl fysiskt som politiskt av systemet och av meningsmotståndare, vilket enligt deras resonemang gör det nödvändigt att ibland använda sig av nödvärnsvåld. Organisationernas officiella riktlinjer uppmuntrar nödvärnsvåld i syfte att skydda sig själv, sina kamrater och sin organisations heder. Internt uttalas radikaliserade varianter av detta resonemang där det beskrivs att våld alltid kan motiveras med självförsvar i och med att vårt folk är under attack och därmed behöver försvaras. / This study presents an empirically founded description of attitudes towards violence in radical nationalist social movements and of how these are (re)constructed within organisations. The analysis has been made through a hermeneutical frame analysis of texts, podcasts, documentaries and radio programmes about and issued by radical nationalist actors. The result shows that the radical nationalist movement has a collective world view of “their own people” as threatened by a refugee invasion from which the state is unwilling to protect said people. Nationalist actors see it as their responsibility to protect the people where the state fails to do so. Violence is not seen as an end, but as a natural means in the fight for survival, which will not be disregarded if perceived as advantageous. The movement sees itself as victim to physical and political injustice from the system and from political opponents, which in their view justifies use violence in self protecting purposes. Official guidelines encourage violence to protect oneself, one’s comrades and the honour of the organisation. A radicalized version is that violence always can be motivated with self-defence because “our people” is seen as under attack and needs to be defended. / Populärvetenskaplig sammanfattning Denna studie syftar till att undersöka och presentera en bild av inställningar till våld i radikalnationalistiska miljöer samt hur dessa kommer till och förändras inom organisationer. Radikalnationalism är detsamma som vad som i vardagligt tal kallas ”högerextremism”, men då man vid en närmre titt kan se att rörelsen inte går att placera på en klassisk höger-vänster-skala så har jag valt att istället använda begreppet radikalnationalism. För att nå mitt syfte har jag använt mig av inramningsteori (framing theory), vilket är en vetenskaplig metod i syfte att fånga hur organisationer konstruerar och upprätthåller en gemensam verklighet och identitet. Metoden har här använts för att se om det finns en kollektiv syn på våld inom den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen och hur denna i så fall ser ut. Studiens resultat visar att den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen har en gemensam världsbild där samhället befinner sig i fullständigt kaos, där ”det egna folket” (den vita rasen / det västerländska folket) är hotat av en flyktinginvasion och där staten är ovillig eller inkapabel att skydda detta folk. I detta upplevda katastrofala läge anser sig radikalnationalisterna skyldiga att skydda folket i statens ställe, vilket skall göras genom en framtida revolution. Våld ses inte som ett självändamål, men däremot som ett naturligt och nödvändigt medel i kampen för folkets överlevnad, vilket man inte tar avstånd från om det anses hjälpa kampen framåt. Utöver detta instrumentella våld anser sig den radikalnationalistiska rörelsen vara utsatta såväl fysiskt som politiskt av systemet och av meningsmotståndare, vilket gör det nödvändigt att ibland använda sig av nödvärnsvåld. Organisationernas officiella riktlinjer uppmuntrar nödvärnsvåld i syfte att skydda sig själv, sina kamrater och sin organisations heder. Internt uttalas radikaliserade varianter av detta resonemang där det beskrivs att våld alltid kan motiveras med självförsvar i och med att vårt folk är under attack och därmed behöver försvaras.

As news coverage regarding refugees have increased in the past decades, the media representation of refugees in the host countries tend to more or less portray them as national security risk. This study questions the differences between the news discourses in main recipient countries and the less recipient countries asking what factors determine the portrayal. This study seeks to fill the already existing field of research on media representation on Rohingya as available research is conducted on main recipient countries, Myanmar and Bangladesh. The countries chosen for this study are Malaysia and Thailand as they are considered third point of exit countries, they are in same region and as each country has same religious belief as either Myanmar or the Rohingya. Thus, the objective of the study is to understand how the news discourse in Malaysia and Thailand present their ideological perspectives on Rohingya in a subtle way to influence the opinion of the general public. Furthermore, it seeks to reveal how language is used in news reports to frame Rohingya and the underlying factors in which determines the approach of their news reporting. To answer the objective, this research analyses in total 40 news headlines by using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis. Moreover, the results indicate that the news discourse in Malaysia predominantly reports on the Rohingya emphatically and portrays them as active actors in the crisis doing anything to survive the Myanmar violence. The situation of Rohingya is also emphasized in the news discourse in Thailand, though not to same extent as in Malaysia. Thailand rather reports on the crisis itself and how the other actors involved urge and criticize one another. Furthermore, this study demonstrates that portrayal of Rohingya differs depending on who they are to the affected country as well as the international political relationship between the countries affected.

Medeltemperaturen på jorden har höjts med 1 grad sedan förindustriell tid. Effekterna av denna temperaturhöjning visar sig i form av förhöjda havsnivåer, smältande havsis i Arktis och extrema väderförhållanden. Inom internationell politik är det numera erkänt att migration är och förblir den i särklass största effekten av klimatförändringarna.  Termen ’klimatflyktingar’ används som gemensam benämning för människor som tvingas fly sina hem på grund av klimatförändringar. Studien ämnar undersöka hur klimatflyktingar gestaltas i svenska dagstidningar efter klimatmötet i Paris 2015. Studien syftar vidare till att belysa vilka maktförhållanden som existerar i kontexten kring denna term. En kvalitativ innehållsanalys används för att analysera artiklar från ett antal utvalda svenska dagstidningar. Ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av gestaltningsteori och politisk ekologi hjälper till att tolka de sju teman som analysen resulterat i.  Resultatet visar att klimatflyktingar avhumaniseras och förstås som en negativ effekt av klimatförändringarna. De som rymmer under termen vill dock inte associeras med den. I Sverige finns en tydlig tendens till förnekelse inför de problem som världen idag står inför till följd av den globala uppvärmningen. Samtidigt råder en stark tilltro till ekologisk modernisering. Röster inom internationell politik vill erkänna klimatflyktingar i internationell lag. Inget större agerande görs dock för att hjälpa människor som dagligen förlorar sina hem till kusterosion, förstörda jordbruksmarker eller översvämningar. / The mean global temperatures have been rising with one degree since pre-industrial time. Effects is shown in the world today in terms of sea level rising, loss of sea ice in Artic and extreme weather conditions. International politics now states that migration is the single biggest effect caused by climate change.  The term ‘climate refugees’ is used as a definition of humans forced to flee their homes due to climate change. The purpose of the thesis is to show how the Swedish daily newspapers frame climate refugees after the climate conference in Paris in 2015. The purpose is more over to highlight existing power relations in this context. A qualitative content analysis is used on articles chosen from a number of Swedish daily papers. Political ecology and framing theory construct a theoretical framework, which helps to understand the themes which occurred in the analysis. The result shows a dehumanization of climate refugees. Climate refugees is highlighted as a negative effect of climate change. However, the term is rejected by people associated with it. In Sweden, there is a sense of denial to the problems caused around the world due to climate change. Faith is placed into ecological modernization. Voices in international politics states the urge to acknowledge the definition of ‘climate refugees’ in to international law. Not much help is offered to people who have lost their home to coastal erosion, flooding or destroyed lands.

This thesis explores the framing processes within the Anti/Alternative-Globalization Movement through a case study on Turkey. The purpose of the study is to supply a descriptive analysis of the diagnostic and prognostic framing processes within the movement which identify the targets, goals and the strategies of action for the movement. This is an exploratory research based on a purposive sample achieved through snowball sampling and qualitative data gathered through semi-structured interviews. The movement in Turkey has not been able to propose a concrete goal for the movement. The participating organizations or activists have different visualizations of the &ldquo / alternative futures&rdquo / they are fighting for / there is no consensus on the strategies of action to be followed, but there is a belief in an evolutionary &ldquo / becoming&rdquo / process which eventually will provide a totally new alternative. There are many frame contestations besides power claims existing within the movement / however, there are two major consensus points supplying the basis of solidarity within the movement: According to the movement the cause of the current discontent within the world&rsquo / s societies is globalization, which is mostly equated to neoliberalism or capitalism, and secondly the movement is seen as being able to shape a better future. It is possible to conclude that the movement has a potential tobring about concrete social changes, and therefore the new organizational forms and strategies of action -developed within the movement- which do not fit to the existing conceptions of the social movement literature should be evaluated with different theoretical perspectives.