Le concert européen est souvent perçu, du moins pour les années 1871 à 1890, comme l’œuvre indéniable du Chancelier allemand Otto von Bismarck et des grands hommes politiques de son temps. La politique dite bismarckienne a effectivement connoté la plupart des interactions entre pays rivaux de l’époque, particulièrement entre la France et l’Allemagne. Son incidence sur la politique française est telle qu’elle en affecte les politiques intérieure et extérieure. Les républicains opportunistes adopteront vis-à-vis de la politique bismarckienne une attitude pragmatique leur permettant, de 1878 à 1885, de recouvrer leur rôle d’antan, ainsi que d’encadrer un fort sentiment nationaliste. S’il est souvent reproché aux opportunistes d’avoir préféré le momentané au planifié, il nous semble que la politique des gouvernements Ferry, Gambetta, Waddington et Freycinet réussit au contraire à tirer habilement son épingle du jeu bismarckien. Familiers du caractère éphémère de ce jeu, les opportunistes ont su y trouver des avantages, assurer à la France le recouvrement d’une position diplomatique de choix et l’acquisition de nouveaux territoires coloniaux, tout en préservant une certaine indépendance face au Chancelier. / The European concert is often perceived, at least from the 1871s to 1890, as the unmistakable work of the German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck and the major politicians of his time. The said Bismarckian policy effectively influenced most of the interactions between opposing parties, particularly between France and Germany. Its bearing on the French policy is such that it affects home and foreign policies. The opportunist republicans will personify this ambiguous reaction to new German giant. A pragmatic attitude allows them, between 1878 and 1885, to recover their former role as well as to guide a strong nationalist feeling. If the opportunists are often blamed for having preferred the short term, the governments of Ferry, Gambetta, Waddington and Freycinet governments managed to handle Bismarckian policy skilfully. Familiar with its ephemeral character, opportunist governments knew how to find advantages, insure that France recover its diplomatic position and acquire new colonial territories while protecting a certain independence vis-à-vis the Iron Chancellor.

Due to their desire for a strong Central European nation to counterbalance France and Russia and their belief that any people should have the right to unification, the British supported the German nationalist movement after 1866. Due to French meddling in the affairs of other countries and French opposition to what the British thought was the legitimate aim of the German people, the British became anti-French in the late 1860s. Due to the belief of the British in progress, they could view most of the events on the Continent, even the violent ones, as the gradual advancement of civilization. The Franco-Prussian War required the British to re-evaluate all of these views, as well as many others, and conclude that Germany, not France, constituted the threat to Europe.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal. / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Au lendemain de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, la Sarre fait l’objet d’un traitement spécifique par les vainqueurs. Détachée de la Zone d’Occupation française, elle devient fin 1947 un territoire organisé de manière autonome et économiquement rattaché à la France. Dix ans plus tard, la Sarre réintègre l’Allemagne. Durant cette première décennie d’après-guerre, la perception de la France évolue. Au gré des années et des formations politiques, la France présente le visage du libérateur ou de l’envahisseur, du partenaire ou de l’adversaire, du protecteur ou de l’exploiteur, devenant le lieu d’un conflit de représentations qui se manifestera de façon patente lors de la campagne du référendum sarrois de 1955 portant sur l’avenir du territoire. C’est l’objet de la présente étude. Afin de préciser l’image de la France en Sarre entre 1945 et 1956, nous emprunterons deux voies : nous analyserons d’une part les représentations véhiculées par la France, aidée du pouvoir sarrois, pour favoriser la réalisation de ses desseins politiques et d’autre part les représentations dissidentes diffusées par les partisans du retour à l’Allemagne pour mettre fin au régime spécial en vigueur depuis la fin de la guerre. Considérant que les images visuelles contribuent largement à forger les images mentales, nous proposons une analyse des représentations iconographiques présentes dans les moyens de communication de masse d’alors, presse et affiches essentiellement, qui ont circulé en Sarre entre l’entrée des troupes françaises à Sarrebruck et la fin de la période de l’autonomie. / In the wake of World War II, the Saar was subjected to a specific treatment from the victors. Separated from the French zone of occupation, the territory is managed in autonomy and is economically tied with France from the end of 1947. Ten years later, the Saar returns to Germany. During this first post-war decade, perception of France changes. With the years passing by and depending on the local political forces, official or dissidents ones, France embodies both the face of the liberator and the invader, the partner and the enemy, the protector and the exploiter. France’s image turns into a conflict of representations, which will affect the campaign of the 1955 referendum. This is the main subject of this thesis. In order to determine the way France was depicted in the Saar between 1945 and 1956, we will establish two directions: we will analyse on one hand the depictions France carried out, with the help of the powers in place in the Saar, to subserve its political ambitions. On the other hand, we will study the dissident depictions published by those in favour of a return to Germany to end the special regime that had been in place since the end of the war. Taking into consideration that visual images nourish mental images, we will study iconographic depictions used in the communications means of the time, press and posters essentially, that circulated in the Saar between the arrival of the French troops in Sarrebruck and the end of this period of autonomy.

La politique espagnole de la France de 1957 à 1979 est abordée autour de trois périodes aux temporalités marquées. Trois étapes, trois étages : observation (1957-1963), marchandages commerciaux (1963-1970), engagements politiques et prise de risques (1970-1979). Face aux mutations du franquisme puis de la démocratie, Paris se repositionne sans cesse. La diplomatie espagnole s’avère très incisive : l’Espagne est un voisin instable et pugnace. Néanmoins, le Quai d’Orsay perçoit un atout pour la quête de grandeur gaullienne. Pays de haute croissance économique, l’Espagne reste un débouché propice aux exportations françaises. Pays méditerranéen, l’Espagne est susceptible de modifier le centre de gravité de l’Europe communautaire au profit d’une France dont le rôle de carrefour serait renforcé. Pays latin, l’Espagne est un relais des ambitions françaises en Amérique du Sud. Pays en développement, l’Espagne apporte un appui aux élans tiers-mondistes de la politique française. Sous l’angle bilatéral, cette thèse recentrer et d’actualiser des travaux qui balisent l’étude. Par ailleurs, il ne serait pas judicieux d’ignorer les griefs ou les attentes des Espagnols à l’égard de la France. Dans le domaine multilatéral : parrainage européen fourni par la France ; tactique espagnole de surenchères attisées entre Washington, Bonn, et Paris ; désirs d’une coopération méditerranéenne articulée autour de Madrid, Rome et Paris. Aussi cette recherche s’insère-t-elle dans trois champs historiographiques : l’histoire des relations franco-espagnoles, l’histoire politique de l’Espagne, l’histoire des représentations parmi les élites françaises. / France's Spanish policy from 1957 to 1979 is approached through three very distinct periods. Three steps, three levels : observation (1957-1963), trading negociations (1963-1970 ), political commitments and daring relationships (1970-1979). Confronted with the evolutions of Franco's dictature and then democracy, the French government is constantly adapting. The Spanish foreign policy turns out to be sharp: Spain is a restless and pugnacious neighbour. Yet the French Foreign Affairs Department considers this situation as an opportunity to enhance the prestige of de Gaulle's policy. With a high economic potential, Spain offers many opportunities for French exports. As a Mediterranean country, Spain is likely to change the centre of gravity of the European Community in favour of France, whose role of platform would be reinforced. As a Latin country, Spain represents a link between an ambitious France and South America. As a developing country, Spain provides a support for the French attempt to deal with the Third World. From both perspectives - Spanish and French - this PhD gathers and updates previous works which were used to build this study. Besides, one should not ignore Spanish grievances or expectations regarding France. From a larger perspective : France provides a European partnership, Spain tries to outbid between Washington, Bonn and Paris, while a Mediterranean cooperation structured around Madrid, Rome and Paris is highly wished for. This study is carried out into the frame of three different historiographic schools: the history of Franco-Spanish relationships, the political history of Spain and the history of representations among French elites.

Pendant l’année scolaire 2012/13, la France et l’Allemagne célèbrent le cinquantième anniversaire du Traité de l’Elysée. Ce traité bilatéral, signé le 22 janvier 1963 par le président de la République française Charles de Gaulle et le chancelier allemand Konrad Adenauer, a scellé un partenariat d’exception entre la France et l’Allemagne dans le domaine de l’éducation. A la suite du traité, en 1969, des premiers cursus bilingues français-allemands ont été établis dans les lycées allemands et français. Les élèves allaient ainsi devoir améliorer leurs connaissances de la langue française ou allemande afin de créer une nouvelle élite franco-allemande pour une Europe commune construite comme une troisième puissance dans le contexte de la Guerre froide. L’Enseignement d’une Matière par l’Intégration d’une Langue Etrangère (= EMILE) se répandit rapidement à partir des années 1990 suite au contrat de Maastricht. Aujourd’hui, l’Enseignement d’une Discipline Non-Linguistique (= DNL) existe pour plusieurs langues et matières dans tout l’espace européen. Ce type d’enseignement est très prisé dans le cadre de la politique linguistique européenne afin de promouvoir le « plurilinguisme ». En France, les sections internationales ont été mises en place en 1981 et les sections européennes en 1992. La France et l’Allemagne ont été les premières à créer un double diplôme, « l’abibac » (en 1994), qui permet aux élèves d’intégrer les établissements d’enseignements supérieurs du partenaire plus facilement. La thèse vise à une comparaison et évaluation de la plus-value didactique de l’enseignement bilingue en Histoire en France et en Allemagne. Depuis les origines de ce type d’enseignement, les didacticiens des langues vivantes se mettent facilement d’accord pour affirmer que celui-ci contribue à développer les compétences linguistiques des élèves ; mais les historiens ont des avis divergents concernant l’acquisition des compétences liées à l’apprentissage de l’Histoire. C’est pourquoi cette thèse cherche à donner des éléments de réponse aux questions suivantes : Dans quelle mesure l’enseignement apporte-t-il une plus-value pour le savoir et les compétences historiques de l’élève ? Peut-on parler de l’acquisition d’une compétence franco-allemande ou/ et européenne ? Pour cela, l’auteure emprunte le concept allemand de la « conscience historique » (« Geschichtsbewusstsein ») comme instrument heuristique et le situe dans une perspective européenne. Ainsi, elle constate que l’enseignement bilingue permet aux jeunes de s’orienter dans des contextes européens en s’appuyant sur les savoirs et des savoir-faire historiques spécifiques acquis dans les filières à condition que cet enseignement soit basé sur une coopération étroite entre les acteurs des deux pays. L’auteure présente le développement de cette coopération dans le contexte historique et culturel du rapprochement franco-allemand et situe ainsi la problématique dans une perspective de longue durée / In 2013, France and Germany are celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the Élysée Treaty. This bilateral treaty, signed on 22 January 1963 by the President of the French Republic Charles de Gaulle and the German Chancellor Conrad Adenauer, sealed an exceptional partnership between France and Germany in the field of education. Following the treaty in 1969, the first bilingual French-German classes were established in German and French high schools. The students had to improve their knowledge of the French or German language in order to create new elite for a common Europe built as a third power in the context of the Cold War. The concept of Content and Language Integrated Learning (= CLIL) spread rapidly from the 1990s onwards following the Maastricht contract. Today, it is highly valued in the context of European language policy in order to promote "multilingualism". In France, the international sections were set up in 1981 and the European sections in 1992. France and Germany were the first to create a double diploma, the "AbiBac", created in 1994, enables the students to pass the German and the French Secondary School examination simultaneously. The priority is to develop intercultural skills through the reciprocal knowledge of the two cultures. The thesis aims at a comparison and evaluation of the didactic added value of bilingual education in France and Germany and deals the following questions: To what extent does bilingual teaching add value to the student's historical knowledge and skills? Can we observe an acquisition of a Franco-German and/or European competence? For this, we use the German concept of "historical consciousness" ("Geschichtsbewusstsein") as a heuristic instrument and place it in a European perspective. In the first part of this thesis, we present the development of this cooperation in the historical and cultural context of the Franco-German cooperation. The second part deals with the daily teaching practice and die the cross cultural potential of history teaching as CLIL. Thus, we note that bilingual education enables young people to orient themselves in European contexts by using their specific historical knowledge and skills acquired in school, provided that the education is based on close cooperation between the actors of the two countries. The interdisciplinary and intercultural approach of this project, the association of university research and practical experience in High-schools are the keys of this thesis.

Contrairement à l'idée longtemps répandue selon laquelle le premier boom des jumelages franco-allemands, entre 1963 et 1975, était unique, les années 1985 à 1994 présentent une véritable croissance. Le but de la présente étude est de dresser un tableau précis, fondé sur une sélection représentative de 40 études de cas, de la réussite des jumelages durant la période d'enquête de 1985 f 1994, peu explorée pour l'instant. Qui, pour quelle raison et dans quel contexte a joué un rôle important dans l'essor du deuxième boom des jumelages ? La présente étude a pu ainsi identifier l'origine des jumelages issus d'une combinaison de volonté politique, d'institutions semi-publiques, de réseaux issus de la société civile et de relations privées qui a assuré le succès des jumelages. C'est ainsi que ces partenariats sont devenus un «phénomène de masse» dans le contexte franco-allemand. L'étude met par la suite en lumière les résistances et obstacles existants ainsi que la mise en œuvre des motifs originels de création des jumelages dans la pratique. Elle contredit entre autres l'hypothèse selon laquelle les ressentiments et le motif de la réconciliation n'ont joué aucun rôle dans les années 1980 et 1990 lors de l'établissement des jumelages et montre en même temps que certains partenariats participent activement au travail sur le passé en poursuivant des buts historico-éducatifs, avec, par exemple, la visite de lieux de conflits historiques. Bien que la période étudiée courre de 1985 à 1994, les conclusions soulignent les tendances actuelles du mouvement communal tout en proposant des explications quant au nombre considérable et unique au monde des jumelages franco-allemands. / Contrary to the widely held idea that the first boom of Franco-German twinning between 1963 and 1975 was unique, the years 1985 to 1994 present another increase. The purpose of this study is to provide a clear picture, based on a representative selection of 40 case studies, of the success of twinning during the survey period 1985-1994, little explored so far. Who, why and in what context played an important role in the development of the second twinning boom? The present study has been able to identify the origin of twinning resulting from a combination of political will, semi­public institutions, civil society networks and private relations that all together ensured the success of twinning. Thus, these partnership have become a "mass phenomenon" in the Franco-German context. The study then highlights instances of resistance and obstacles during the survey period as well as the later success of implementation of the original motives mentioned during the creation of twinning. It contradicts, amongst others, the hypothesis that resentments and the motive of reconciliation played no role in the 1980s and 1990s during the establishment of twinning, demonstrating that at the same time some partnerships are actively dealing with the past pursuing historical-educational goals, by, for example, visiting locations of historical conflicts. Although the period studied runs from 1985 to 1994, the conclusions underline the current trends of communal movement as well while offering various explanations to the considerable and unique number of Franco-German twinning arrangements.

Essa dissertação visa investigar o legado do Departamento de Informação e Documentação Artísticas - IDART para a cultura paulistana. Criado em 1975, na cidade de São Paulo, teve uma importante trajetória que foi marcada, no entanto, por uma forte instabilidade institucional. O recorte temporal escolhido cobre de 1975 a 1982, período em que o IDART gozou de autonomia política e conceitual. Embora o Departamento tenha se tornado conhecido pelo seu Centro de Pesquisa, pretendemos demonstrar que ele se constituiu numa instituição muito mais complexa, dotada de uma estrutura organizacional singular. Para atingir nossos propósitos iremos primeiramente analisar o projeto que deu origem ao IDART, os antecedentes institucionais que serviram de base para o estabelecimento de suas matrizes conceituais, bem como a contribuição de diferentes intelectuais que estiveram envolvidos em sua concepção, com destaque para o papel preponderante desempenhado por Maria Eugênia Franco. Iremos também detalhar as atividades do Centro de Pesquisa (Centro de Documentação e Informação sobre Arte Brasileira Contemporânea), ressaltando o caráter pioneiro das metodologias e das rotinas de trabalho adotadas. Por fim, tentaremos evidenciar de que modo o IDART buscou conjugar as funções de centro de documentação às atribuições de uma instituição museológica, no que se refere à formação de coleções e difusão de conhecimento por meio de publicações e exposições didáticas. Em relação às fontes, utilizamos documentos de arquivos institucionais, sendo que uma parte deles foi tornada pública apenas recentemente, além de termos recorrido a um levantamento minucioso de matérias publicadas na grande imprensa com o intuito de cobrir certas lacunas. Todo o nosso esforço concentrou-se em propor uma revisão crítica da história institucional do IDART, em seus primeiros anos, como uma contribuição pontual para o estudo das políticas públicas da cultura no estado de São Paulo ao longo do século XX. / This dissertation aims to investigate the legacy left by the Departamento de Informação e Documentação Artísticas - IDART (Department of Artistic Information and Documentation) for São Paulo\'s cultural scene. Established in 1975 in the city of São Paulo, it had an important trajectory however marked by its strong institutional instability. We have chosen to focus on the years between 1975 and 1982 when IDART enjoyed a greater political and intellectual autonomy. Even though the Department has been recognized for its Research Center, we intend to show that it was indeed a much more complex institution with a singular organizational structure. In order to achieve this goal, we will first analyze IDART\'s original project, the organizational background that laid the ground for its conceptual matrix, and also the contribution offered by many intellectuals and scholars who were involved in its foundation, especially Maria Eugênia Franco who played a crucial role in this process. We will also further describe the activities of the Research Center (Center for the Documentation and Information on Brazilian Contemporary Art), highlighting how groundbreaking its methods and activities were. Finally, this dissertation aims to shed some light on how much IDART sought to combine the functions of a documentation center with the assignments of a museum institution, especially concerning the collections development, and the dissemination of knowledge through its publications and pedagogical exhibitions. As for the sources used for this work, we have analyzed documents from the organization\'s archives, recently made public, and a comprehensive overview of newspaper articles published about IDART that helped us to fill in some gaps left by the investigation. Our focus was on providing a critical perspective on IDART\'s institutional history during its first years, as well as on its contributions towards cultural policies implemented by the State of São Paulo in the 20th century.

Si la question de l'organisation de l'action collective, qui constitue un problème autant scientifique que public, a été largement étudiée notamment en sociologie et en sciences politiques, elle a été peu analysée dans des contextes socio-urbains transfrontaliers. Pourtant, sur le plan opérationnel, la question de l'organisation se situe au coeur de l'aménagement du territoire transfrontalier, en particulier en Europe occidentale. Un travail scientifique sur ce sujet semble d'autant plus pertinent que la question de l'organisation est rendue beaucoup plus complexe par la présence de frontières : démultiplication des acteurs et des échelles,conflits de positionnement, etc. Nous verrons que loin de disparaître, ces frontières sont en mutation et jouent un rôle essentiel dans la manière dont l'action s'organise. Dans cette perspective, ce travail explore de manière fine les mécanismes de coopération entre acteurs institutionnels d'une part, et s'interroge d'autre part sur le rôle des frontières dans la production d'une métropole transfrontalière, à travers le cas de l'agglomération franco-valdo-genevoise / If the question of the organization of collective action, which constitutes a problem at once public and scientific, was largely studied particularly in sociology and political sciences, it remains poorly studied in transfrontier socio-urban contexts. However, operationally, the question of the organization is at the heart of the transfrontier urban planning, especially in Western Europe. A scientific research on this subject seems even more pertinent that the question of the organization is made more complex by the presence of frontiers: multiplication of actors and scales, conflict of positioning, etc. Far from disappearing, these frontiers are changing and play a crucial role in the way that the action is organized. In this perspective, this thesis explores precisely the mechanisms of cooperation between institutional actors on the one hand, and questions the role of frontiers in the production of a transfrontier metropolis on the other hand, through the case of agglomeration franco-valdo-genevoise

Miguel Franco nasceu em Leiria em 1918, atuou no teatro amador de sua cidade, sendo varias vezes premiado como encenador e como ator. Na década de 60, em plena ditadura salazarista, Franco leva ao Teatro Avenida de Lisboa, por meio da consagrada Companhia Companhia Rey Colaço Robles Monteiro sua mais importante peca de teatro histórico, O motim, que retoma os eventos ocorridos após o levante do povo da cidade do Porto contra a Companhia dos Vinhos do Alto Douro, criada pelo ministro de d. José, o Marques de Pombal. A peca, após poucos dias em cartaz, é brutalmente retirada de cena pelo aparelho de repressão do regime salazarista. Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a peça de Franco, como exemplo do subgênero dramático do teatro histórico, procurando compreender como e por que se dão as relações que se estabelecem entre o tempo da ação da peça (século XVIII) e o tempo de sua escrita (segunda metade do século XX). / Miguel Franco was born in Leiria in 1918, acted in amateur theater of his city, and several times was awarded as director and as an actor. In the 60s, during the Salazar dictatorship, Franco leads to Teatro Avenida de Lisboa, with the consecrated Company Company Rey Colaco - Robles Monteiro his most important play of historical theater, O Motim, which incorporates the events that occurred after the uprising of the people of Porto against the Companhia dos Vinhos do Alto Douro, created by d. José minister, Marques de Pombal. The play, after only a few days on stage, was brutally removed from the scene by the Salazar regime repression apparatus. This paper aims at examining the Franco play as an example of the dramatic subgenre of historical theater, trying to studying how and why occur the relations established between the time of action of the play (XVIII century) and the time of its writing (second half of the twentieth century).