The purpose of the study is to contribute with knowledge about how children aged 4-5 years build in preschool, what attracts the play and what they use their designs to. While also looking at whether it differs something between girls and boys construction play. For the study, participant observation was selected as the method and observations have been conducted in the mornings and afternoons, after the children taken breakfast and snacks. Participant observation was chosen as the method because I wanted to be able to question the children things while I observed in order to get as broad picture as possible out of the construction play, but also to get a picture from the children's perspective. The results show that childrens construction play is a big part of the everyday life in preeschool, and is characterized by many different factors, such as fine motor abilities, concentration and of course much play between children. Children are not aware of how important the game is for the construction of their own experiences and learning, but see it as a fun activity they love to engage in because they think it's fun and that they are good at what they do. Differences emerge between boys and girls play and is most clear when the girls and boys play together.

This diploma work was performed at the department for radiation physics at the Health University in Linköping. Its aim was to develop a method to retrospectively quantify the absorbed dose in coral. Coral is a material which suites well as a retrospective dosimeter because when exposed to radioactivity its induced free radicals are stable in time. The number of radicals is proportional to the accumulated dose so the dose can be calculated by quantifying the radicals. Therefore, coral can tell us something about the past environment and also be used in dating purposes. A young, modern coral from the Red Sea was studied and also a fossil one which I was given from the Natural History Museum in Stockholm. It was estimated to be originated from the Tertiary period, i.e. 2-65 million years old. To accurately calculate the corals’ accumulated doses I had to gain knowledge in a number of separate areas. The radicals were analyzed using electron spin resonance. This was possible because of the fact that free radicals contain unpaired electrons. Initially, the main goal was to study how to prepare the coral without neither mechanically inducing new radicals nor destroying the radiation induced radicals. When the preparation method was considered optimal the dose response was then crucial, i.e. how the number of radicals corresponded to radiation. To accurately quantify the absorbed doses the spectra needed to be modified and elaborated with signal analyses. By adding artificial irradiations to the samples the initial doses could be calculated. To estimate the age of a coral an assessment of the natural dose rate must be done. This was done by measure the disintegration activity of the samples. It was found that its main contributor was the 238U-series. The fossil’s minimum age was estimated to 3 million years whereas the ESR-noise made it impossible to calculate the dose in the modern coral. The detectable dose limit of the method was approximately 0.5 Gy, i.e. a minimum age of about 500 years. However, the modern coral was determined as an Elkhorn coral (family Acropora) which is a species with a fast growth rate. The coral’s size implicated its age to be about 100 years old. In addition, the method was put to the test by irradiating the young coral with an unknown dose. After modifying the method the absorbed dose was calculated to be 1.3 ± 0.3 Gy. The real dose was 1.2 Gy. Thus, the method exhibited large scales of uncertainties but it did nevertheless work sufficiently enough.

I studien har vi undersökt flickor och pojkars val av lekar och val av material samt olika kommunikationsmönster mellan könen. Vi har observerat barnens val av lekmaterial och lekar i förskolan. Flickornas och pojkarnas kommunikation mellan varandra observerades i tre utvalda miljöer. Dessa tre miljöer innefattade ett typiskt flickrum (dockvrå), ett typiskt pojkrum (byggrum) och ett neutralt rum. Utifrån egna erfarenheter väljer flickor ofta att leka i dockvrån medan pojkar ofta väljer att leka i byggrummet. Genom att observera i olika miljöer kunde vi undersöka miljöns betydelse för flickor och pojkars kommunikation mellan varandra. Studien utgår från den sociala inlärningsteorin som menar att barn gör som vi gör. Det vill säga att barn har förebilder och genom dem lär dem sig snabbt innebörden av vad som anses vara flicka eller pojke. I resultatet visar det sig att det förkommer olika könskoder i barnens val av lekar och material samt i kommunikationen. I observationerna visade det sig att flickorna och pojkarna ofta valde att leka samma sorts lekar samt leka med samma material. Pojkarna lekte dock mer våldsamt och lekte mycket tävlings och krigslekar. Flickorna lekte mer försiktigt och stillsamt samt lekte mycket omvårdnad och skönhetslekar. Trots att de båda könen använde sig av samma material kunde man se tydliga könsmönster i deras beteenden. Ett exempel på detta kan vara att flickorna ofta formade leran som bakverk och mat medan pojkarna ofta formade denna som bollar och gubbar. Flickorna använde även mycket rosa, gula, vita och lila färger i sitt skapande medan pojkarnas val av färger dominerades av blåa, gröna, bruna och röda färger. Vi kunde även se tydliga kommunikationsmönster mellan flickor och pojkar. Detta då barnen vid några tillfällen diskuterade manliga och kvinnliga egenskaper och beteenden med varandra. Vi har diskuterat miljöns betydelse i barns skapande av genus i förskolan. Barn samtalar om det som finns omkring dem vilket betyder att det är viktigt att pedagoger skapar en miljö där barnen kan få en bredare syn på manligt och kvinnligt. / In this study we investigated girls and boys choices of games and choice of materials as well as different patterns of communication between the sexes. We have observed the children’s choice of play materials and games in preschool. Girls ' and boys' communication between each other were observed in three environments. These three environments comprised a typical girl playroom which included kitchen supplies, dolls and dress up clothes, a typical boy playroom which included building supplies, cars, and toy tools and a neutral room. Based on personal experience, girls often play in the girls’ playroom while boys often choose to play in the construction area. By observing in different environments, we could examine the importance of the environment for girls and boys of communication between each other. The study is based on the social learning theory which argues that children do as we do. That is children have role models and through them learn quickly the meaning of what is considered to be a girl or boy. This result shows that the pre various gender codes of the children's choice of games and materials, and in communication. I could see that the girls and boys often chose to play the same kind of games and play with the same material at the preschool. The boys were playing, however, more violent and played many racing and war games. The girls played more gently and quietly and played more care and beauty games. Despite the fact that both sexes used the same materials you could see clear gender patterns in their behavior. An example of this would be that the girls often shaped clay as pastries and food while the boys often shaped this as balls and old men. The girls also used the very pink, yellow, white and purple colors in their creations while the boys' choice of colors dominated by blue, green, brown and red. One could also see clear patterns of communication between girlsand boys. This is when the children on some occasions discussed the male and female characteristics and behaviors with each other. We have discussed the importance of the environment in children's creation of gender in preschool. Children talk about what's around them and it is important to create an environment where children can get a broader view of masculinity and femininity.

Syftet med föreliggande studie är att analysera Bourdieus teori om den sociala och politiska reproduktionen i relation till det senmoderna svenska utbildningssystemet. Uppsatsens tes är att denna reproduktion begränsades och reglerades under den svenska välfärdsstaten, där skolan sågs som ett centralt verktyg för att motverka samhällets klasshierarki, men att den idag frigjorts genom modernitetens radikaliserade processer. Med utgångspunkt i den dialektiska metoden, samt i teorier om rationalisering, marknadsstyrning, individualisering och avpolitisering, utreds giltigheten i Bourdieus teori samt den senmoderna reproduktionens förändrade uttryck. Ett urval av de senaste decenniernas utbildningspolitiska reformer och läroplaner utgör det primära empiriska materialet, men uppsatsen diskuterar och kompletteras även av tidigare studier i ämnet. Analysen av den senmoderna utbildningskonceptionen visar på en ökad rationalisering vad gäller styrning och kunskapssyn, samt en normalisering av och anpassning till marknadsprinciper i utbildningssystemet. Detta får sociala och politiska konsekvenser i form av en tydlig ansvarsförskjutning från stat till individ, samt en övergripande avpolitisering gällande utbildningens syfte och funktion. Vi drar slutsatsen att utbildningssystemets sociala reproduktion har stärkts och att förändringarna i samhällets strukturella ordning medfört en reproduktion som visar sig i form av ökad individualisering och avpolitisering.

Det övergripande syftet med studien var att kartlägga vilka specifika metoder förskollärare och barnskötare i förskolan använder sig av i sin matematikundervisning, för att uppnå läroplanens mål för matematik i förskolan. Som datainsamlingsmetod har studien lutat sig mot en kvalitativ metod där tre pedagoger, barnskötare och förskollärare har intervjuats enskilt. Intervjufrågorna belyste bland annat förskollärarens och barnskötarens undervisningsmetoder i matematik. Efter intervjuerna skedde en transkribering och sammanställning av de inspelade intervjuerna. När intervjusvaren hade transkriberats och sammanställts började studiens analysarbete, där intervjusvaren jämfördes och bearbetades mot varandra. Studiens resultat visade att barnskötarnas och förskollärarnas matematikundervisnings metoder hade stor variation och spontanitet, dialog och samspel var viktiga aspekter. Resultatet visade även att pedagogerna i studien inte använde sig av undervisnings begreppet i sitt vardagsarbete på förskolan samt att den fria leken inte sågs som en metod i matematikundervisningen.

As mudanças implementadas nas políticas externas sul-africana e brasileira a partir dos anos 1990 têm sido acompanhadas por parte de diplomatas e acadêmicos. A África do Sul e o Brasil são grandes países em vias de desenvolvimento e estão se posicionando como potências regionais, constituindo espaços qualificados e pólos específicos nos marcos de um sistema multipolar. No final dos anos 80, em um quadro extremamente desfavorável, o Brasil, após um longo período, volta a eleger seu presidente da República. O sistema internacional, nesse contexto, atravessa um momento de intensas transformações com as perspectivas do final da bipolaridade. Diante desse novo quadro internacional que se anuncia, Fernando Collor de Melo passa a efetivar, em termos de política exterior, uma revisão nas tradicionais linhas diplomáticas. O período de transição democrática, portanto, situa-se entre duas fases bem definidas: anteriormente, o paradigma diplomático do regime militar e, depois, a inserção neoliberal no período da globalização, iniciada pelo governo Fernando Collor de Mello. Trata-se, portanto, de dois momentos diferenciados que constituem importância fundamental para o entendimento das relações exteriores do Brasil. A África do Sul, a seu turno, apresenta uma das evoluções mais singulares da História Contemporânea. Nesta sociedade, uma espécie de “colonialismo interno” criou um sistema de opressão institucionalizada contra a maioria negra e, em menor medida, mestiça e asiática, que foi tolerada pelo Ocidente durante a Guerra Fria, por razões geopolíticas. Curiosamente, o fim da bipolaridade seria o ponto culminante da crise do Apartheid, abrindo espaço para uma transição negociada, embora extremamente difícil, rumo à democracia. O governo do African National Congress (ANC), encabeçado por Nelson Mandela, acabou com a segregação jurídico-política e reinseriu o país no contexto das nações. Novamente “africana”, a África do Sul pôde tornar-se uma potência regional capaz de contribuir para o desenvolvimento da África Austral e do Terceiro Mundo, através da Cooperação Sul-Sul e da defesa dos seus valores. Todavia, a estrutura sócio-econômica, com suas formas particulares e impessoais de marginalização, bem como os interesses internacionais a ela vinculados, tem se mostrado muito resistente e difícil de alterar. Mais ainda, um governo progressista, atrelado a políticas neoliberais e a necessidades objetivas (nacionais e internacionais) do poderoso business branco, não deixa de sofrer um progressivo desgaste. Contudo, é inegável a construção de um novo cenário sócio-político, com a multiplicidade de atores e a participação da maioria da população, outrora “não-cidadã”, e a geração de novas contradições. Desta forma, este impactante país, em que contrasta o convívio da modernidade com o subdesenvolvimento, ainda se encontra em transição, em busca de um novo modelo societário. O movimento de reordenamento internacional dos anos 1970 e 1980 teve um significado específico para os países que alcançaram o status de Potências Médias e aqueles de industrialização recente. A partir desse movimento é que se definiram os processos específicos que atingiriam a base da política externa sul-africana e brasileira. O rompimento das regras econômicas vigentes desde o pós-guerra, acrescido à rápida mudança tecnológica nos anos 1970 e 1980, a distensão estratégica e o final da Guerra Fria na segunda parte dos anos 1980, foram os dois principais fenômenos que tiveram impacto sobre a definição do posicionamento externo das Potências Médias e dos países recém-industrializados. Em decorrência desse processo, alteram-se aspectos importantes do ordenamento internacional e, conseqüentemente, a dinâmica, as formas, os instrumentos e as estratégias internacionais dos Estados. Dentro desse contexto, África do Sul e Brasil recebem o impacto dessas transformações que viriam a afetar significativamente a sua inserção internacional. / The changes promoted in the South-African and Brazilian foreign policies since the 1990’s have been followed by diplomats and academics throughout the world. South Africa and Brazil are developing countries and they have placed themselves as regional forces building qualified spaces and specific poles in terms of a multipolar system. In the end of the 1980’s, when facing a dificult situation, Brazil finally elects a president after a long period of military government. The international system, in this context, faces a moment of intense changes with the perspectives of the end of the bipolarity. Based on this international scenery that arouses, Fernando Collor de Melo rules, in terms of foreign policy, a review in the traditional diplomatic approaches. Therefore, the period of democratic transition is placed between two distinct moments: earlier, the military government diplomatic paradigm; later, the neo-liberal insertion in the globalization period, started up by Fernando Collor de Melo. As a result, there are two distinct moments that make crucial importance to the understanding of Brazil foreign relations. South Africa, on the other hand, presents a singular evolution in the comtemporary history. In this society, a kind of “internal colonialism” created an established oppression system against the majority of black people and, up to a certain level, half-blooded and asiatic, which was tolerated by the western countries during the Cold War because of geopolitical reasons. Curiously, the end of the bipolarity would be the edge of the Apartheid crisis, creating the opportunity for a negociable transition, yet extremely dificult, towards democracy. The African National Congress (ANC) government, leaded by Nelson Mandela, finished with the juridical-political segregation and reinserted the country in the context of the nations. “African” again, South Africa was allowed to become a regional force able to contribute for the third world and southern african development based on the South-South Cooperation and on the defense of their values. However, the social economical structure, containing exclusion processes on its own and international interests linked to them, has presented itself resistant to changes. Moreover, a progressist government linked to neo liberal policies and to objective needs (either national or international) from the powerful white business is unable to avoid a progressive abrasion. Yet, is undeniable the construction of a new social political scenery which counts on the multiplicity of actors and the co-peration of the majority of the population considered not-citizen in other times and the generation of new contraditions. In this way, this peculiar country, where the contrast betweem the modern and the poverty is a reality, is still in transition, seeking for a new social model. The movement of international rearrengement in the 1970’s and 1980’s had a specific meaning for the countries that reached the Medium Forces status and recent industrialization. From this moment on were defined the specific processes which would touch the base of South African and brazilian foreign policies. The rupture of the economic rules standing since the end of the War and the rapid technological changes in the 1970’s and 1980’s, the strategic distension and the end of the Cold War in the middle 1980’s were the two main phenomenons that had impact on the definition of the Medium Forces and just industrialized countries foreign policies. As a result, important aspects of the international arrangement change and, consequently, the dynamic, the instruments and the State international approaches also change. In this context, South Africa and Brazil receive the impact of these changes that would affect their international reinsertion.

Esse trabalho se ocupa do processo de construção dos Estados letão e estoniano após o fim da URSS, tendo como pano de fundo a exclusão da minoria russa residente nesses países. O objetivo da presente dissertação é compreender as razões para a existência de pessoas em um limbo social, político e jurídico, definidas como “não-cidadãs” no Báltico. Sugere-se que essa situação decorre da contradição inerente ao processo de independência de Letônia e Estônia no pós-Guerra Fria: por um lado, marcado por características próprias da constituição do Estado moderno excludente e, por outro, permeado pelas condicionalidades para associação às instituições europeias. A partir de uma perspectiva teórica pós-estruturalista, entende-se a construção dos Estados como uma prática performática resultante de relações de poder. No caso em tela, essas relações podem ser identificadas em nível “interno” e “externo”. Internamente, demonstra-se que a construção dos Estados letão e estoniano ocorreu por meio do estabelecimento de leis de cidadania excludentes contra a minoria russa, alimentada por um cenário político de legitimação das elites nacionais no poder. Em nível “externo”, a adequação dessa construção estatal excludente foi modificada pelos critérios para adesão às instituições europeias. Porém, paradoxalmente, essa pressão externa não foi suficiente para que as minorias russas adquirissem os direitos defendidos pelas instituições europeias, exatamente em razão de a própria identidade europeia ser construída a partir da oposição à Rússia. Por isso, o lugar dos “não-cidadãos” na construção estatal do Báltico é a fronteira moral entre o “interno” e o “externo”, o nacional e o pós-nacional. / This study deals with the construction process of the modern Latvian and Estonian states after the end of the USSR, using as a backdrop the exclusion of the Russian minority residing in these countries. This dissertation’s aim is to understand the reasons for the existence of people in a social, political and legal limbo, defined as "non-citizens" in the Baltic countries. It is suggested that this situation arises from the inherent contradiction in Latvia and Estonia’s independence process in the post-Cold War: on the one hand, marked by the characteristics constitution of the modern exclusionary State, and, on the other hand, permeated by membership conditionalities of European institutions. From a post-structuralist theoretical perspective, this study understands the construction of states as a performative practice resulting from power relations. In this case, these relationships can be identified internally and externally. Internally, it is demonstrated that Latvian and Estonian states’ construction occurred through the exclusionary citizenship laws establishment against the Russian minority, fueled by a political scenario of legitimizing the national elites in power. At the external level, the adequacy of this exclusionary state construction was modified by the criteria for membership of the European institutions. However, paradoxically, this external pressure was not enough for the Russian minorities to acquire the rights defended by the European institutions, precisely because the European identity itself was built from the opposition to Russia. Therefore, the place of the "non-citizens" in the construction of the Baltic States is the moral boundary between the internal and the external, the national and post-national.

Orientador: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: James Woodard / Banca: Jean Tible / Banca: Reginaldo Nasser / Banca: Tullo Vigevani / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: As relações Brasil-Estados Unidos intensificaram-se a partir do século XX, também por causa dos intercâmbios promovidos pelos governos dos dois países, que levaram a uma convergência na forma de ver o mundo em vários momentos daquele período. O objetivo desta Tese é contar a história de parte dessas relações, a partir da segunda metade daquele século, no contexto da Guerra Fria, por meio da formação da United States Information Agency (USIA) em 1953, e sua atuação no Brasil até 1964, ano do golpe militar. A principal fonte para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa foi a consulta aos documentos de arquivos norteamericanos e brasileiros em Washington DC, Nova York e Rio de Janeiro, além de estudos de personagens relevantes no período. A USIA, até então a agência norte-americana com maior representação no exterior, foi exemplo de como os Estados Unidos, mesmo em um dos momentos mais críticos de sua história, escolheu em investir e sofisticar os programas de informação e propaganda em outros países, como instrumento complementar à sua política externa. O caso da USIA no Brasil é emblemático, pela sua capacidade de agir, influenciando diversos e heterogêneos grupos da sociedade brasileira de acordo com o interesse norteamericano, durante um período fundamental na história política brasileira, entre os anos de 1953 e 1964. / Abstract: Brazil-United States relations had been intensified after the XXth Century, also because of the exchanges promoted by the governments of those countries, that led to a converging way of seeing the world in several times during this period. The purpose of this thesis is tell the history of part of those relations from the second half of that century, in the context of Cold War, through the formation of the United States Information Agency (USIA) in 1953, and its actions in Brazil until 1964, the year of the military coup d'etat. The main source for this thesis development was the consultation of the American and Brazilian archives in Washington DC, New York and Rio de Janeiro, and also of studies from relevant actors of that period. The USIA, until then the American agency with the broadest representation outside the country, was an example of how the United States, even in one of the most critics moments of its History, had made the choice of investing and sophisticating the information and propaganda programs in other countries, as an complementary tool of its Foreign Policy. The case of USIA in Brazil is emblematic, for its capacity of acting and influencing several and heterogeneous groups of the Brazilian society according to the American interest, during a fundamental period of Brazilian History, from 1953 to 1964. / Doutor

Denna uppsats behandlar det fria kulturlivets förutsättningar i den postindustriella staden. Studiens syfte är att undersöka det fria kulturlivets rumsliga förutsättningar att bedriva kulturverksamhet i svenska städer idag. Detta har undersökts genom en fallstudie av Göteborgs Stad med fastigheten Sockerbruket i stadsdelen Majorna som exempel. Fallstudien har skett i två led, dels genom en dokumentanalys av Göteborgs stads budget, kulturplanen och det kommunala bostadsbolaget Higabs styrdokument för att titta på hur begreppet kultur och det fria kulturlivet adresseras i de olika styrdokumenten, dels genom intervjuer med fria kulturaktörer, kommunala politiker och tjänstemän vid Göteborgs stad och Higab. Resultatet visar att Göteborgs stads uttryckliga vilja att skapa goda villkor för det fria kulturlivet, där kulturutövarnas oberoende ställning ska främjas, är ett spel för galleriet. Det finns tydliga brister när det kommer till att skapa förutsättningar för att det fria kulturlivet långsiktigt ska kunna bedriva verksamhet i centrala Göteborg. Genom studien framkommer det att kultur som egenvärde får allt lägre prioritet i stadsrummet samt att den politiska viljan att inkludera och prioritera rum för fria kulturaktörer är låg – vilket tyder på en situativ politik. Detta bottnar i en social acceleration av stadsrummet, som drivs på av neoliberala ideal, där kulturverksamhet konkurreras ut i strävan att generera mer vinst genom den verksamhet som bedrivs i stadsrummet. Detta gör att det fria kulturlivet får en sårbar plats i staden.

Submitted by Rodrigo Martins Cruz (rodrigo.cruz@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2016-01-04T16:44:44Z No. of bitstreams: 2 paula_fernandes_aguiar.pdf: 1304398 bytes, checksum: b5ba032ae507e6546623de36ad29645a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Martins Cruz (rodrigo.cruz@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2016-01-04T16:45:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 paula_fernandes_aguiar.pdf: 1304398 bytes, checksum: b5ba032ae507e6546623de36ad29645a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-04T16:45:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 paula_fernandes_aguiar.pdf: 1304398 bytes, checksum: b5ba032ae507e6546623de36ad29645a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Apesar da falta de conhecimento sobre os mecanismos da imers?o dos membros inferiores em ?gua fria (IAF) p?s-exerc?cio, este m?todo de recupera??o se faz presente ap?s o exerc?cio f?sico, principalmente no meio esportivo. Os objetivos de sua pr?tica s?o baseados nas poss?veis redu??es da inflama??o muscular, edema, dor e acumula??o de metab?litos, acelerando assim a recupera??o p?s-exerc?cio. Neste contexto, n?o est? claro se a IAF interfere nas adapta??es em n?vel molecular do conte?do da prote?na de choque t?rmico 72 kDa (Hsp72) do tecido muscular esquel?tico. Sendo assim, o presente estudo avaliou se a IAF ap?s as sess?es de exerc?cio, durante um programa de 4 semanas de treinamento intervalado de alta intensidade (HIIT), altera a resposta adaptativa do desempenho f?sico e da Hsp72 do tecido muscular esquel?tico. Foram selecionados 17 volunt?rios, do sexo masculino, adultos (idade: 23 ? 3 anos; peso corporal: 68.7 ? 9.2 kg, estatura: 171 ? 7 cm; gordura corporal: 23.5 ? 5.2%), n?o treinados e saud?veis para participar deste estudo, que assinaram o termo de consentimento livre e esclarecido. Os volunt?rios foram pareados em dois grupos de acordo com o desempenho no teste de 15 km em cicloerg?metro. Um grupo foi submetido ? IAF dos membros inferiores ap?s o exerc?cio (n=8), e o outro grupo serviu como controle (CNTRL, n=9). O programa de treinamento f?sico consistiu de 4 semanas de ciclismo intervalado de alta intensidade, com frequ?ncia semanal de 3 vezes. Cada sess?o de HIIT foi composta por 8-12 est?mulos com intensidade entre 90-110% da pot?ncia pico por 60 segundos, seguidos por intervalos de recupera??o ativa de 75 segundos ? 30W. A IAF compreendeu em imergir os membros inferiores em ?gua a 10 ?C, por 15 minutos, ap?s cada sess?o de treinamento. Os volunt?rios do grupo controle ficaram sentados em uma cadeira, na sala de treino a temperatura ambiente. As vari?veis medidas foram consumo m?ximo de oxig?nio (VO2max), desempenho no teste de 15 km e resist?ncia de for?a muscular localizada. Al?m disso bi?psias musculares foram realizadas 3 dias antes e 3 dias ap?s o per?odo de treinamento para avalia??o do conte?do muscular de Hsp72. O tempo para completar o teste de desempenho de 15 km diminuiu com o treinamento, mas n?o foi diferente entre os grupos (CNTRL 42.9?1.9 para 38.7?2.9 min e IAF 42.4?2.5 para 37.7?3.0 min, pr? versus p?s-treino, respectivamente). O VO2max aumentou com o treinamento em ambos os grupos, mas tamb?m n?o foi diferente entre os grupos (CNTRL 48.7?5.6 para 51.2?4.8 ml?kg-1?min-1 e IAF 45.7?5.6 to 50.4?4.8 ml?kg-1?min-1, pr? versus p?s treino, respectivamente). Quanto ? resist?ncia muscular localizada, o pico de torque m?dio aumentou com o treinamento em ambos os grupos, sem diferen?a entre as situa??es (CNTRL de 92,7?15,6 n/m para 96,7?14,5 n/m e IAF de 86,0?19,8 n/m para 91,3?13,2 n/m pr? versus p?s-treino, respectivamente). Mas o ?ndice de fadiga (CNTRL 70,0?6,1 % para 67,1?6,8 % e IAF 65,8?8,0 % para 69,3?6,6 % pr? versus p?s-treino, respectivamente) n?o alterou com o treinamento. O conte?do muscular de Hsp72 aumentou com o treinamento, mas n?o foi diferente entre os grupos (CNTRL 100?28% para 124?37% e IAF 100?31% para 131?23%). Sendo assim, n?s conclu?mos que a imers?o em ?gua fria p?s-exerc?cio n?o alterou as adapta??es de desempenho e moleculares avaliadas ap?s 4 semanas de treinamento intervalado de alta intensidade. / Disserta??o (Mestrado) ? Programa Multic?ntrico de P?s-gradua??o em Ci?ncias Fisiol?gicas, Universidade Federal dos Vales do Jequitinhonha e Mucuri, 2014. / ABSTRACT Despite a general lack of understanding of the underlying mechanisms, cold water immersion (CWI) is a recovery strategy commonly employed by athletes. The purpose of its use is based on possible reductions in muscle inflammation, oedema, pain and metabolite accumulation, thereby hastening recovery. Furthermore, it is not clear if CWI can interfere with training adaptation and intramuscular heat shock protein. The purpose of the present study was to evaluate the effect of CWI in training adaptation and intramuscular heat shock protein after 4 weeks of high intensity interval training (HIIT). All subjects provided written informed consent and the study was approved by the research ethics committee. Seventeen healthy, young subjects (age: 23 ? 3 years old, body weight: 68.7 ? 9.2 kg, height 171 ? 7 cm; body fat: 23.5 ? 5.2%) were allocated into 2 groups: control (CON, n=9) and cold water immersion (CWI, n=8). Training adaptation was evaluated before and after 4 weeks of HIIT through an individualized ramp test and 15 km cycling time trial (workload set at 50% of peak power), VO2max, and maximal knee extension and flexion of the dominant leg on an isokinetic dynamometer. Additionally, vastus lateralis biopsies were obtained one week before the first and 3 days after the last training session to evaluate intramuscular content of heat shock protein 72 kDa (Hsp72). Each HIIT session consisted of 8-12 cycling exercise bouts with intensity set between 90-110% of the peak power for 60 seconds followed by active recovery intervals of 75 seconds at 30W. HIIT occurred 3 times per week. After each HIIT session, the CWI group had their lower limbs immersed in cold water (10?C) for 15 minutes and the CON group recovered at room temperature. Time to complete the time trial reduced with training, but was not different between recovery methods (CON 42.9 ? 1.9 to 38.7 ? 2.9 min and CWI 42.4 ? 2.5 to 37.7 ? 3.0 min, pre versus post, respectively). VO2max increased with training in both groups, but was not different between recovery methods (CON 48.7 ? 5.6 to 51.2 ? 4.8 mL?kg-1?mim-1 and CWI 45.7 ? 5.6 to 50.4 ? 4.8 mL?kg-1?mim-1, pre versus post, respectively). On the localized muscle strength test average of peak torque increased with training in both groups, with no difference between the situations (CON 92.7 ? 15.6 n / m to 96.7 ? 14.5 n/m and CWI 86.0 ? 19.8 n/m to 91.3 ? 13.2 n/m pre versus post-training, respectively). The relative work per repetition decreased with training (CON 37.6 ? 9.0 J to 32.1 ? 7.6 J and CWI 33.0 ? 8.4 J to 28.0 ? 4.4 J pre versus post -training, respectively) while the fatigue index (CON 70.0 ? 6.1% to 67.1 ? 6.8% and 65.8 ? CWI 8.0% to 69.3 ? 6.6% pre versus post-training, respectively) didn?t change with training. The Hsp72 muscle content increased with training, but was not different between recovery methods (CON 100 ? 28% to 124 ? 37% and CWI 100 ? 31% to 131 ? 23%, p=0.29), without interaction between groups. We conclude that the HIIT protocol was effective in improving performance and increasing muscle Hsp72, and that CWI did not affect the adaptations induced by the training protocol.