The study goes beyond knowledge existing in the literature study of the philosophy and theory of knowledge, knowledge management, African knowledge and the management of knowledge by African institutions, including the peace and security architecture of Africa, to reveal a coherent conceptual framework and themes to guide the field research. During the field studies of specific cases in the Great Lakes region of Africa, principles and practices emerged that formed a framework for a constructed Trans-dimensional Knowledge Management Model (TDKM-M) to develop a theoretical model for the management of knowledge for conflict resolution as the first step towards the revival of Africa. The study proposes practical solutions for the management of knowledge that would empower decisionmakers to intervene successfully in conflict situations. Furthermore, the study serves to expand the knowledge base in the field of trans-disciplinary African studies, transcending the boundary between political science and epistemology to navigate the middle ground between disciplines and the space that lies beyond all disciplines and dichotomised thinking towards a new holistic understanding. A systems approach using MIT (multi-disciplinarity, interdisciplinarity and trans-disciplinarity) and qualitative research methodology on a transnational level was followed. The study consists of a literature study and a field study consisting of a pilot study, semi-structured interviews and participation in communities of practice to access the worldviews of diverse cultures. An observable knowledge dimension, consisting of a normative foundation, empirical knowledge domain and analytical knowledge domain, is identified. Furthermore, a tacit metaphysical knowledge dimension is identified that is informed by the observable dimension. The two dimensions transacts with each other to attain a higher level of trans-dimensional knowledge. The TDKM-M proposes principles and practices of how trans-dimensional knowledge, including indigenous African knowledge and external knowledge, can be managed in a collective middle ground to produce holistic understanding. This higher level of understanding can activate intervention into the causes and consequences of conflict. Innovation of African society could follow, achieving desired outcomes such as peace, justice, human rights, self-empowerment and innovation towards transformative growth, competitiveness and negotiate equilibrium with the global community, and ultimately the revival of Africa. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)

L’objet de cette thèse en science politique est de dégager, à partir de l’histoire politique du Rwanda et de ses influences ou relations extérieures africaines et internationales (notamment avec le Burundi, la RD du Congo, l’Ouganda, l’Allemagne, la Belgique, la France, le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis, l’ONU, l’UE, l’UA), les causes de l’effondrement de l’État rwandais (lors du génocide de 1994) et les pistes de solutions qui pourraient aider à sa reconstruction et/ou reconstitution. Cela pourrait aussi servir d’exemple à d’autres pays (notamment d’Afrique, d’Asie et d’Amérique latine) qui utilisent l’appartenance ethno-raciale et/ou régionale de la population, la mobilisation des gens sur base de leurs identités réelles ou supposées, la politisation des races ou des différences, la racialisation de la politique, le copinage politique ou tout simplement les ‘’voies négatives’’ de l’ethnopolitique comme fondement intellectuel ou label idéologique du pouvoir. Une réponse durable aux sanglants affrontements et aux crises politiques incessantes qui agitent le Rwanda et le Burundi pourrait être un projet politique autre qu’ethno-racial (basé plutôt sur la paix, la démocratie et le développement humain), la séparation géographique de type "Hutuland" et "Tutsiland" « par des moyens pacifiques et par voie d'accord », (selon les accords d'Helsinki de 1975 de l’OSCE dans le prolongement de la Charte de l’ONU sur le droit des peuples à disposer d’eux-mêmes de 1945, art.1 et de 1966, art.1) dans le scénario de l’ancien Ruanda-Urundi, mais avec chacun une seule communauté, et l’intégration régionale à l’instar de l’Union européenne, tout en respectant le droit international. / The purpose of this PhD thesis in political science is to pinpoint, based on the political history of Rwanda and its external influences or relations at african and international level (particularly with Burundi, the DR of Congo, Uganda, Germany, Belgium, France, the United Kingdom, the United States, the UN, the EU and the AU), the causes of the collapse of the Rwandan state (during the 1994 genocide) and the potential solutions that could help to rebuild and/or reform it. This could also serve as an example to other countries (particularly those in Africa, Asia and Latin America), which use the ethno-racial and/or regional affiliation of the population, the mobilization of people based on their real or supposed identities, the politicization of races or differences, racialization of politics, political cronyism or quite simply the “negative ways” of ethnopolitics as an intellectual basis or ideological label of power. A sustainable response to the bloody conflicts and endless political crises afflicting Rwanda and Burundi could be a political project rather than an ethno-racial one (based more on peace, democracy and human development), geographical separation in the style of "Hutuland" and "Tutsiland" “by peaceful means and through agreement” (according to the 1975 Helsinki Accords of the OSCE in the extension of the UN Charter on the right of peoples to self-determination in 1945, Art.1 and 1966, Art.1) in the setting of the former Ruanda-Urundi, but each with a separate community and regional integration in a manner similar to that of the European Union, while respecting international law.

This dissertation studies the intersection of knowledge, culture, and power in contested coastal and estuarine space in eighteenth-century northeastern North America. It examines the interdependence of vernacular pilot knowledge and directed hydrographic survey, their integration into practices of warfare and governance, and roles in assimilating American space to metropolitan scientific and aesthetic discourses. It argues that the embodied skill and local knowledge of colonial and Aboriginal peoples served vital and underappreciated roles in Great Britain’s extension of overseas activity and interest, of maritime empire. It examines the maritimicity of empire: empire as adaptation to marine environments through which it conducted political influence and commercial endeavour. The materiality of maritime empire—its reliance on patterns of wind and current, on climate and weather, on local relations of sea to land, on proximity of spaces and resources to oceanic circuits—framed and delimited transnational flows of commerce and state power. This was especially so in coastal and riverine littoral spaces of northeastern North America. In this local Atlantic, pilot knowledge—and its systematization in marine cartography through hydrographic survey—adapted processes of empire to the materiality of the maritime, and especially to the littoral, environment. Eighteenth-century British state agents acting in northeastern North America—in Mi’kmaqi/Acadia/Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Labrador, Quebec, and New England—developed new means of adapting this knowledge to the tasks of maritime empire, creating potent tools with which to extend Britain’s imperial power and influence amphibiously in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. If the open Atlantic became a maritime highway in this period, traversed with increasing frequency and ease, inshore waters remained dangerous bypaths, subject to geographical and meteorological hazards that checked overseas commercial exchange and the military and administrative processes that constituted maritime empire. While patterns of oceanic circulation permitted extension of these activities globally in the early modern period, the complex interrelation of marine and terrestrial geography and climate in coastal and estuarine waters long set limits on maritime imperial activity. This dissertation examines the nature of these limits, and the means that eighteenth-century British commercial and imperial actors developed to overcome them.

Thesis (M. of Military Art and Science)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. / The original document contains color images. Also available via the Internet.

L’histoire de l’intégration régionale dans les Grands Lacs est récente. Il faut attendre la colonisation pour voir le Burundi et le Rwanda entrer véritablement dans ce processus. Le mandat belge oriente les deux territoires vers le cœur de l’Afrique. Cette période va influencer la première intégration institutionnelle avec la Communauté Economique des Pays des Grands Lacs. Il convient toutefois de rester mesuré, puisque celle-ci est avant tout une intégration de papier. Elle est similaire aux autres adhésions des deux pays à cette période, qui se révèlent être en inadéquation avec leurs circuits commerciaux. Les organisations régionales sont également inefficaces pour régler la problématique des réfugiés. Les années 1993 et 1994 sont des ruptures internes pour le Burundi et le Rwanda. Elles provoquent également un renversement régional, avec la désintégration de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs : ce sont les guerres congolaises. Dans le même temps, les deux pays se réorientent vers l’Afrique de l’Est, où l’EAC leur permet enfin un réel désenclavement. L’intégration du Rwanda semble toutefois plus efficace que celle du Burundi. / The history of regional integration in the Great Lakes is recent. To see Burundi and Rwanda truly enter into this process you have to wait the colonization. The Belgian mandate turns the two territories to the heart of Africa. This period will influence the first institutional integration with the Economic Community of Great Lakes Countries. However, we should remain cautius, since it is primarily paper integration. It is similar to other memberships of the two countries in this period, which is proving to be inadequate with their commercial channels. Regional organizations are also ineffective to resolve the refugee issue. The years 1993 and 1994 are internal ruptures for Burundi and Rwanda. They also cause a regional reversal, with the disintegration of the African Great Lakes : these are the Congolese wars. At the same time, both countries are shifting towards East Africa, where the EAC finally allows them a real opening up. The integration of Rwanda, however, seems more effective than that of Burundi.

La fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la guerre froide, la cohabitation pacifique, les mouvements d’indépendances, la fin du monde bipolaire, les crises multiformes et successives (culturelle, sociale économique et financière), voici autant d’événements qui ont changé les conceptions et la vision même du monde. L’initiative privée est à nouveau plébiscitée sur la scène mondiale. En effet, la rencontre entre le savoir-faire (financier et technique) du secteur privé et un secteur public ambitieux mais très limité, symbolisée dans le sigle « PPP », devient la formule gagnante.De nouveaux espaces font leurs apparitions, encouragées par le vent de l’intégration régionale et économique. Le mouvement de décentralisation propulsant celui de la coopération transfrontalière, nous assistons de plus en plus à une lente mais très prometteuse reconfiguration des dynamiques transfrontalières un peu partout dans le monde. Certaines régions offrent des perspectives très intéressantes, aussi bien sur le plan de la coopération transfrontalière que des PPP. C’est notamment le cas de la région francophone de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs. Cerner les PPP et la coopération transfrontalière, vérifier leur complémentarité et enfin suivre le mécanisme de réappropriation de ces deux concepts dans la région francophone de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs : voici les principaux objectifs que s’est assigné ce travail de recherche. / The end of the Second World War, the cold war, the peaceful cohabitation, the movements of independences, the bipolar end of the world, the multi-form and successive crises (cultural, social economic and financial), here is so many events which changed the designs and the vision of the world. The private initiative is again approved by a large majority on the world scene. Indeed, the meeting enters the know-how (financial and technical) of the private sector and the ambitious but very limited public sector, symbolized in the initials "PPP", becomes the winning formula.New spaces make their appearance encouraged by the wind of the regional and economic integration. The movement of decentralization propelling that of the cross-border cooperation, we assist more and more a slow but very promising reconfiguration of the cross-border dynamics almost everywhere in the world. Certain regions offer very interesting perspectives, as well from the point of view of the cross-border cooperation as the PPP. It is in particular the case of the French-speaking region of Africa of Great Lakes. Encircle the PPP and the cross-border cooperation, to check their complementarities and finally to follow the mechanism of reappropriation of these two concepts in the French-speaking region of Africa of Great Lakes: here are the main objectives that assigned this research work.

The African continent has been beset with violent conflicts, civil wars and extended periods of instability. The continent’s future depends on the capacity to prevent, manage and resolve conflict. Reacting to conflict has proven highly expensive for the international community and has strengthened the case for a greater focus on conflict prevention. This study will examine the role, relevance and success of preventive diplomacy in responding to and preventing violent and protracted conflicts in Africa, in particular recent international efforts to seek a concrete, comprehensive and all-inclusive peace settlement to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo had resulted in what many analysts considered to be ‘Africa’s First World War’. The aim and objective of this study will be to assess the role of preventive diplomacy, in particular efforts by the international community to resolve the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The study of the success of preventive diplomacy in responding to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo will cover three distinct phases. The first phase will assess the historical development of the crisis in the former Zaïre dating back from 1997 to 1998 and initial steps that were taken to address the conflict. The next phase will cover the period dating from 1999-2000 following the signing of the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, while the final phase will assess developments and efforts to secure peace by the international community from 2001 until 2004, while providing for a brief discussion on possible future developments. The research will commence by examining various theoretical contributions and insights produced on conflict prevention and the concept of preventive diplomacy. The examination of conflict prevention and preventive diplomacy will be rooted in theoretical insights produced by Michael Lund (1996) and other influential contributions on preventive diplomacy. The theoretical framework for this study will be based on Michael Lund’s model of preventive diplomacy. Although Lund’s conceptual framework provides a valuable insight into the theory of preventive diplomacy an additional theoretical consideration may be included into his assessment. Lund’s theoretical framework fails to address the impact of psychological variables and the extent to which prevailing conflict attitudes may exert a negative influence on a conflict situation. This may render the effectiveness of preventive diplomacy at the level of unstable peace obsolete if it fails to take prevailing conflict attitudes into account. This dissertation will also propose the inclusion of social-psychological approaches to augment the strategy of preventive diplomacy as developed by Lund. Very little conclusive and in-depth research has been conducted on how psychological variables, particularly conflict attitudes such as negative images, attitudes, perceptions and conflict behaviour can fuel and exacerbate a conflict situation, especially conflicts in Africa and how this may derail the success of preventive diplomacy in resolving such severe conflicts. In the numerous efforts to secure peace in the embattled Democratic Republic of the Congo scant consideration, evaluation and analysis has been produced on the way in which conflict attitudes such as misperception, fear, distrust, hostility and suspicion, became not only a major stumbling block to the peace process, but also negatively affected the outcome of the various peace agreements that were negotiated. One of the core arguments this dissertation will posit is that preventive diplomacy has not been successfully applied in resolving conflicts in Africa, and will continue to fail, unless greater emphasis is placed on structural prevention, that includes an assessment and strategy for responding to conflict attitudes, such as misperception, hostility, suspicion, fear and distrust. It could be argued that preventive diplomacy initiatives when taken alone and independently of a broader strategy of conflict prevention are likely to fail unless they are linked to measures and actions that tackle the deeper or structural causes of conflict. Greater emphasis should be placed on timely and adequate preventive action, through the vigorous promotion of preventive diplomacy, particularly structural prevention. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is intermittently erupting and will continue to do so, unless the structural causes of the crisis and the various conflict attitudes are effectively dealt with. The study will commence with the theoretical and conceptual framework of the study, consisting of a discussion of conflict, preventive diplomacy, and conflict prevention. The conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo will be discussed as well as the underlying factors that contributed towards the brutal and excessively violent nature the conflict came to assume. The study will also examine the international response to the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo as well as the immediate diplomatic efforts initiated to resolve the crisis from 1998-1999, which culminated in the signing of the Lusaka Cease-Fire Agreement on 10 July 1999. An assessment of the intervention efforts initiated by the United Nations, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and other key African states, in particular South Africa will also be undertaken. The impact of psychological variables and the importance of assessing the crucial contribution of social-psychological approaches towards understanding and resolving conflict will be briefly considered with particular reference to the protracted tensions which persisted between Rwanda and the DRC, despite the conclusion of numerous peace agreements between both countries. The final chapter will form an evaluation of the prospects for peace in the DRC beyond 2004 and will conclude the study with particular reference to the extent to which the research questions have been adequately addressed with final recommendations on the role of preventive diplomacy in addressing conflict. / Dissertation (MA (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

La participation active des enfants aux conflits armés affectant de manière endémique les territoires de la République du Congo et de la RDC est une réalité indéniable. Cette participation des enfants est dûment constatée par les organismes des Nations Unies, le CICR, les ONG de défense des droits de l’Homme, les médias internationaux. Elle est dénoncée par eux comme violation grave des droits de l’Homme et comme crime de guerre. La théorie du choix rationnel et le paradigme interactionniste sont les outils qui permettent le mieux d’appréhender et de comprendre les logiques des recruteurs d’enfants dans les deux Congo.Les seigneurs de la guerre, les leaders des groupes politico-militaires et certains chefs des armées régulières sous-estiment volontairement le phénomène de militarisation des enfants qui n’a cessé de prendre de l’ampleur avec la résurgence des conflits à l’Est de la RDC. Bien que le phénomène ait des origines anciennes, la militarisation de l’enfant dans les deux Congo lui a fait connaître une évolution considérable au cours des deux dernières décennies. Cette évolution a engendré des modifications profondes de l’image et de la fonction de ces enfants, passés du statut de victimes civiles, à celui d’enfants-soldats, indissociablement victimes et bourreaux.L’histoire des deux Congo, depuis longtemps émaillée de conflits sporadiques, semble être désormais entrée dans un cycle continu de guerres larvées ou déclarées, civiles, régionales, ethniques, sociopolitiques, économiques, voire vivrières, que seul l’enrôlement des enfants permet d’entretenir. L’enfant-soldat est devenu un acteur central des conflits actuels de la région. Comment évaluer et comprendre cette évolution fondamentale des conflits congolais ? Quelles perspectives de solution à ce phénomène ? Quelle prophylaxie?Pour éviter que perdure l’enrôlement des enfants, et obtenir la démobilisation de ceux qui servent déjà dans les rangs des armées régulières et des groupes armés de tous bords, l’implication réelle des responsables politiques nationaux et internationaux dans le processus « Désarmement, Démobilisation et Réinsertion » de l’ONU et l’Union Européenne, ainsi qu'une action concertée, rapide et efficace de la Communauté Internationale, sont indispensables. Il s’agit notamment de lobbying sur les Chefs des Armées Nationales et sur les seigneurs de la guerre, pour qui la perspective d’éventuelles poursuites de la Cour Pénale Internationale, et leurs conséquences, constitue une des rares menaces crédibles. / It has become an undeniable reality that the active involvement of children in armed conflict is an endemic problem affecting the countries of the Republic of Congo and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The participation of children has been condemned by the United Nations Organisation, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), international human rights Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), and the international media, because of the human rights violations involved and war crimes perpetrated. Rational choice theories and interactionist paradigm can be used to analyse the logic of the forced recruitment of children in the two Congos. The war barons, the leaders of the politico-military groups and some of the chiefs of the national armies underestimate the phenomenon of the participation of children in armed conflict, which is on the rise with the re-emergence of fighting in the Eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. While the recruitment of child soldiers is nothing new, the role of children in combat has evolved considerably over the past two decades. This evolution has brought about profound changes in the way these children are perceived and used; from being seen as civil victims of the conflicts to being seen as child soldiers -concomitantly victims and perpetrators.The history of the two Congos, which have been beset over a long period with sporadic fighting, seems to have entered into a cycle of simmering conflicts and all-out war having civil, regional, ethnic, socio-political, and economic dimensions. The armies would be, without the forced recruitment of children, too thinly spread to continue these conflicts. The child soldier has therefore become a principal actor in the region. How can we evaluate and understand this fundamental evolution of the Congo conflicts? What solutions can be envisaged to this phenomenon? What can be done to prevent it? Which counter-measures can be undertaken?Real commitment from the national and international political leaders in the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) process of the United Nations and the European Union, as well as quick and efficient concerted action from the international community is required to prevent the continued enrolment of children, and to obtain the demobilisation of those who served in the armies and the armed groups in both countries. This involves lobbying the army chiefs and the war barons, for whom the prospects of being arrested and appearing before the International Criminal Court, and the consequences of subsequent sentencing constitute a real threat.

No description available.

No description available.