The aim of the thesis was to identify used types of Guerilla marketing in Czech market on the basis of theoretical material and its practical application in the Czech Republic and to suggest options for a particular company.

Colombia vive un conflicto armado desde hace más de cuarenta años, involucrando grupos guerrilleros, paramilitares y el gobierno. Los grupos armados ilegales están muy involucrados en actividades económicas ilícitas. Por eso resulta interesante investigar la tesis de Collier y Hoeffler de que las insurgencias son motivadas principalmente por avaricia, aplicándola al caso colombiano, ya que esta tesis ha influenciado mucho la discusión sobre los movimientos insurgentes en la última década.

O melodrama histórico O que é isso, companheiro? (Bruno Barreto, 1997) e o documentário Hércules 56 (Silvio Da-Rin, 2006) adotam gêneros cinematográficos distintos para representar uma das mais importantes ações da luta armada durante o regime autoritário no Brasil (1964-1985): o sequestro do embaixador dos EUA, Charles Elbrick, promovido por MR-8 e ALN em 1969. Produzidos em tempos democráticos, os filmes têm o testemunho como matriz de suas imagens, e a tensão entre os gêneros já sugere, em si, uma disputa em torno da fidedignidade da memória. Adaptação do relato pessoal homônimo de Fernando Gabeira publicado em 1979, O que é isso, companheiro? mobiliza o modo melodramático hollywoodiano em uma encenação do acontecimento que vilaniza a guerrilha, distribui inocências aos sujeitos sociais e redime os torturadores. Nessa imagem desculpadora da memória, o passado é moralmente julgado como um lapso aberrante superado na década de 1990, quando governava a ordem (neo)liberal. Em resposta, Hércules 56 reúne os protagonistas da ação e os presos políticos libertados em troca do diplomata em uma montagem de entrevistas e imagens de arquivo cuja coesão tende a instituir a totalidade narrativa do sequestro e a unidade teleológica da luta armada em geral. Inclinado ao tom da celebração, o documentário realinha os sentidos dos atos passados, enquadrando-os na trilha do longo percurso rumo ao triunfo democrático-institucional do PT nos anos 2000. Presta, assim, justíssima homenagem à militância pretérita, mas acaba neutralizando o dissenso crítico e transformando a luta incisiva em relíquia de um tempo extinto. Embora essencialmente antagônicas em termos estéticos e ideológicos, a memória desculpação e a memória monumentalizante elegem de forma paralela as respectivas conjunturas de produção dos filmes como ápices do devir histórico, sem discordar significativamente acerca das bases concretas da conciliação democrática brasileira. Encerrada aquela história, o embate fica circunscrito ao âmbito das representações cinematográficas da memória, restando intocada a real permanência da impunidade das violações dos direitos humanos no Brasil. / The historical melodrama Four days in September (Bruno Barreto, 1997) and the documentary Hércules 56 (Silvio Da-Rin, 2006) adopt different film genres to represent one of the most important actions of the guerrilla warfare throughout the authoritarian regime led by the military in Brazil (1964-1985): the kidnapping of the U.S. ambassador Charles Elbrick, carried out by MR-8 and ALN revolutionary organizations in 1969. Produced during democratic times, the underlying imagery and tension between genres of both films suggest, in themselves, a battle over the reliability of memory. Based on the 1979 memoir of Fernando Gabeira, Four days in September uses a melodramatic style to stage the event in a way that vilifies the left-wing guerrillas, confers innocence upon the social actors and redeems the torturers. In this apologist version of the memory, the past is morally judged as an abhorrent lapse that was totally overcome in the 1990s when the neoliberal order was in charge of the country. Reacting against this vision, the editing of Hércules 56 presents the kidnapping protagonists and the political prisoners freed in exchange for Mr. Elbrick in such a coherent way that both the interviews and the archive footage establish the full story of the episode along with the teleological unity of the entire political struggle opposed to the regime. Preferring to celebrate the accomplishment, the documentary realigns the meanings of these past acts, as if they had only set the stage for the electoral triumph of PT at the turn of the century. In doing so, the film pays homage to past militancy but the final outcome neutralizes critical controversy and turns the incisive uprising into a relic of a bygone era. Although aesthetically and ideologically opposed, the exculpatory and the monumentalizing memories run in parallel in each film, assuming their respective political junctures as the culmination of history and with no significant disagreements over the concrete foundations of the Brazilian democratic conciliation. In bringing this history to a close, the conflict stays enclosed inside the scope of the representations of memory on films, leaving behind the legacy of impunity for human rights violations in Brazil.

The ethics of war may be considered to be emperical ethics where the ethical values are determined by circumstances. Actions unthinkable under normal conditions are often permitted in war. Certain criteria are important in conducting a just war. These are legitimate authority, just cause, proportionality and the initiation of war, last resort, proportionality in the waging of war and the immunity of non-combattants. Gen C.R. de Wet was a soldier and military commander during the Anglo Boer War 1899-1902. From the ethical historical correlation it appears his military tactics greatly adhered to the principles of a just war. In his encounters with the enemy, he always acted according to a military plan. He also respected the enemy and in general no excessive force was used. In his published memo’s the impression is created that prisoners of war were taken to prevent unnecessary bloodshed. Another reason was to retain the element of surprise in military action. It seems that the prisoners were treated the same way as the burghers. The safety of his men was always a priority for De Wet. In his military operations he applied the principle of proportionality in order to ensure the safety of his men as far as possible. Civilian lives were taken into consideration in the sense that De Wet did not engage the enemy where the lives of civilians were endangered. He was opposed to the presence of women and children in their camps. The reason was that they were exposed to danger and their presence may have influenced military operations negatively. Although De Wet was a fierce warrior, he submitted himself to the peace proposals of the Peace of Vereeniging. He depended on Brittain as the victor to have compassion for the citizens of the conquered republics. / Dissertation (MA (History))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

What leads a person to become an armed guerrilla? This qualitative case study utilizes select elements of a hermeneutic and existential phenomenology—through a lens of Freirean critical theory and transformative research—to investigate the commonalities in the material, psychological, artistic, and spiritual motivations behind Kurdish guerrillas in the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party). Other key elements are the search for an incipient turning point in their early pre-guerrilla lives that placed them on the road to rebellion, and the grounded theory that there exists an ‘Guevarian Archetype’ (derived from Che Guevara) personified by those who are driven to join the PKK. Through an in-depth dissection of Turkey’s historical oppression of Kurds in occupied Northern Kurdistan (southeastern Turkey), and extensive use of direct quotations by those affected, the author hopes to provide practitioners in the discipline of conflict analysis a new holistic template with which to analyze the metastasizing components behind other armed insurgencies. This prism includes comparison of the testament dataset acquired through in-depth focused interviews with 20 veteran PKK guerrillas, against corresponding testimony of their opposition in the Turkish Army, an anecdotal narrative of episodic vignettes, and a literary exegesis of several metaphysical concepts with their own original definitions. Drawing on the ideas of diverse theorists, philosophers, and past revolutionaries, the author hopes to provide a revelatory milieu for exploring the PKK’s governing ideology of democratic confederalism as espoused by imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, and the emancipatory avant-garde impulses that counterintuitively lead compassionate guerrillas to defensively kill out of universal love.

Over the last few decades the importance of human rights has increased considerably in international relations. With globalization and democratization, more states and individuals develop concerns about the fundamental rights every human is entitled to; regardless of sex, religion and ethnicity. Latin American countries began obtaining their independence over 200 years ago while progressing into becoming working democracies. Yet, they have been plagued by oscillating authoritarian regimes and social conflicts that constrain and inhibit their hopeful development. The majority of the Latin American states have reached a point where further positive growth was expected; yet human violations have taken a backseat within the government of such countries. The case studies shed light on the three main causes of human right violations in Latin America. These are: the abuse of power by the government and the subsequent changes to the constitution to gain further control and authority; the government's inadequacy in dealing with subversive groups; and the deficiency of subsequent democratic governments to bring past offenders to trial for crimes against humanity while giving pardons to those who did face trial. By understanding why the violation of human rights occurred, future infringements can be avoided and fundamental rights will be awarded to all humans.

Insurgency has two main strategies, guerrilla warfare and terrorism, which should be treated as linked, but distinct, strategies. This thesis examines the role of incumbent violence in leading insurgents to select one, or both, of these strategies. It argues that incumbent violence can create support for insurgency by causing fear and a desire for revenge and reshaping the social structures of a community. It also argues that incumbent violence increases popular support for terrorism in particular by creating outbidding incentives and desires to respond in kind to civilian deaths and as a way of punishing norm violations against attacking civilians on the part of the incumbent. The paper tests this theory with a qualitative case study of the conflict in Northern Ireland during the 1970s and a quantitative analysis of insurgent violence in the Kirkuk, Diyala, Babylon, and Salah al Din provinces during the 2003-2009 Iraq conflict

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No description available.

During the United States Civil War, southwestern Virginia was mired in a bloody guerrilla conflict that involved Confederate irregular combatants defending the region from invading or raiding Union Army forces. Simmering for the entirety of the war, this conflict revolved around the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad (VandT), a critical railway that ran through southwestern Virginia and connected the southwestern Confederacy with Richmond and the rest of Virginia. As the war progressed, this railway moved increasingly large amounts of foodstuffs and minerals vital to the Confederate war effort, and by the later stages of the war it was the most important railway in the South. Union Army commanders in West Virginia recognized the incredible importance of the VandT to the Confederacy, and launched a multitude of major and minor invasions and raids into southwestern Virginia with the intent of crippling the railroad. Confederate partisan rangers, bushwhackers, and home guards played separate roles in weakening, distracting, and hampering Union Army operations in southwestern Virginia, thereby helping to defend the VandT from attacks. Their actions played a crucial role in ensuring the survival of the railroad until nearly the end of the war, and thus Confederate guerrillas had a strategic effect on the course of the war in southwestern Virginia. / Master of Arts