Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / A "Bold Case for Unconventional Warfare" argues for the establishment of a new branch of service, with the sole responsibility of conducting Unconventional Warfare. The thesis statement is: Unconventional Warfare is a viable tool for achieving national security objectives under certain circumstances. Hypothesis One states that in order for UW to be effective it must be managed in accordance with specific principles. Hypothesis Two states that to optimize UW a new branch of service under the Department of Defense is required. Chapter II establishes the strategic requirement, laying the foundation by explaining the differences between UW and conventional warfare. Chapter III explains the requirements for dealing with substate conflicts. Chapter IV articulates the operational construct for UW revolving around an indigenous-based force in order for the US to gain influence in a targeted population. The second half of this thesis, Chapters V - VI, analyzes policy, doctrine, and schooling, as well as case studies of USSF efforts in the Vietnam War and El Salvador in order to reveal a conventional military aversion to the use of UW. The conceptual discussion of Chapters I thru IV supported by the research of Chapters V and VI together make "A Bold Case for UW." / Captain, United States Army / Major, United States Army

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Following the cold war a new kind of threat emerged; terrorism became the most important threat used by individuals, organizations and countries to reach their goals. Turkey has suffered from terrorism for years. In Turkey, the main logistic resource for the terrorist is the villages located in remote areas. A search operation is one of the techniques used to capture the terrorists. Five village search operations scenarios are developed based on a previous study done for the New Zealand Army and the author's personal experiences. For this study, the agent-based model MANA (Map Aware Non-uniform Automata) is used. To investigate the effects of 16 variables state-of-the-art Near Orthogonal Latin Hypercube Designs are used. With a personal computer and the computational capabilities of supercomputers run by Mitre for the Marine Corps Warfighting Lab (MCWL) approximately 15000 runs are completed. In comparing the five scenarios, the significant effects on the outcome of a possible skirmish in search operations are the proficiency level of the soldiers, the employment of village guards and the support of the local people to the terrorists. The results of the analysis suggest that the most important factor affecting the Blue casualties is the initial speed and synchronization of the Blue search unit entering the village and the most important factor affecting the Red casualties is the Red Stealth. / First Lieutenant, Turkish Army

This thesis aims to develop a better understanding of insurgency and counterinsurgency warfare through a thorough analysis of the nature and strategies of insurgency and a comparative examination of the current strategic approaches to counterinsurgency warfare. Toward this end, a systems model approach, which views insurgent organizations as open systems, is adapted to the insurgent environment. Popular support, external support, and insurgent organization are determined as the major variables of the insurgency system. The evolution of French counterrevolutionary doctrine and its implementation in the Algerian rebellion is examined under the light of the major variables of the system and strategies of insurgency and counterinsurgency warfare. After an analysis of the F.L.N. tactics and French countermeasures, three important propositions are offered: First, popular support is the primary condition for the success of the insurgent organization; second, political, social, economic, and administrative factors have a primacy over military factors; and, third, domestic factors have a primacy over external factors in the outcome of a rebellion.

This thesis argues that a shift in the doctrine, organization, equipment and training of armies is required due to a shift in the nature of war. This thesis refers to the "new way of war" as Fourth Generation War (4GW) and this analysis is restricted to the army component of the defense forces. Armies at present are geared to fight the earlier generation of attrition and maneuver wars. In 4GW, an army structured for earlier generations of warfare is militarily dysfunctional. The thesis statement is: Infantry based armies practicing unconventional warfare (UW) are essential for the 4GW battlefield. The thesis argues for the conventionalization of UW. Hypothesis One states that heavy armor/artillery based armies should give way to infantry based armies. Hypothesis Two states that the military doctrine of these infantry based armies should be based on UW. The thesis explains 4GW and examines the relationship between terrorism and 4GW. It studies the impact of 4GW on the Principles of War. It examines whether Special Forces (SF) are the panacea for 4GW and whether increasing the size of SF is the solution. Lastly, the thesis discusses the changes required in the army to fight in a 4GW environment and provides recommendations.

In this thesis, we examine the current levels of cultural understanding and irregular warfare being taught in U.S. Army conventional military schools. Given engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is our view that the military needs a deeper understanding of the indigenous people due to the extremely close and on-going interaction between American Soldiers and the local populations. Current analysis of the difficulties being reported suggests U.S. Army Soldiers are having trouble combating irregular warfare due to cultural misunderstandings and a lack of counterinsurgency training, thereby reflecting a likely educational gap in the U.S. Army's formal military educational training system. This thesis analyzes the current problems and difficulties Soldiers are reported to be having while attempting to combat irregular forces in non-western environments. We analyze the amount of training U.S. Army Soldiers receive in cultural understanding and irregular warfare in the military schools pipeline and conclude that there is a connection between problems Soldiers currently face and a lack of training for the conduct of operations in foreign countries. We propose a number of solutions to overcome these suspected gaps in education and suggested changes to the Army's professional education curriculum.

Syfte: Syftet med studien är att analysera sambandet mellan digital gerillamarknadsföring och Word-of-Mouth (WOM). Design/metod/tillvägagångssätt: Data samlades in från 105 deltagare inom Generation Y som svarade på en enkätundersökning online. Resultat: Resultatet visar att det finns ett svagt samband mellan gerillamarknadsföring och WOM. Majoriteten av svaren visar en brist på intresse, vilket vi förklarar som ett tecken för reklamtrötthet i Generation Y. Studien tyder på att det finns en skillnad mellan produkter och tjänster, även om den inte är stor. Av alla reaktioner är ett passivt beteende märkbart. Forskningens begränsningar/implikationer: På grund av storleken på undersökningen och bristen på urvalsgrupper, kan inga generaliseringar göras. Resultatet syftar till att hjälpa till att fylla kunskapsluckor inom forskningsområdet för gerillamarknadsföring och WOM, därmed ämnar vi inte dra några generella slutsatser. Praktiska implikationer: Resultaten från denna studie ger vägledning för företag. Vi föreslår att företag inte ska förlita sig enbart på digital marknadsföring eftersom kunden idag inte är redo för att göra en sådan strategi effektiv. Originalitet/värde: Denna studie är den första att granska gerillamarknadsföring och WOM när det gäller skillnaden mellan produkter och tjänster, samt de olika typer av WOM gerillamarknadsföring genererar. / Purpose: The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between guerrilla marketing and Word-of-Mouth (WOM), through analysing the differences between guerrilla marketing of product and services and what type of WOM it generates. Design/methodology/approach: Data were gathered from 105 participants of the Generation Y who responded to an online survey. Findings: Results show that there is a weak connection between guerrilla marketing and WOM. The majority of the answers showed a lack of interest in the marketing examples, suggestion a advertisement-tiredness in Generation Y. However, guerrilla marketing for services gave slightly higher response than marketing for products, and out of all the reactions a passive behaviour was noticeable. Research limitations/implications: Due to the size of the survey and the shortage in certain sample groups, generalisations cannot be made. Although, the findings aim to help fill in knowledge gaps in the research area for guerrilla marketing and WOM. Practical implications: The results of this study provide guidance for businesses in terms of not relying solely on digital marketing since the customer of today is not yet ready to make such strategy efficient. Originality/value: This study is the first to examine guerrilla marketing and WOM in terms of differences between products and services, and the different types of WOM it produces.

O melodrama histórico O que é isso, companheiro? (Bruno Barreto, 1997) e o documentário Hércules 56 (Silvio Da-Rin, 2006) adotam gêneros cinematográficos distintos para representar uma das mais importantes ações da luta armada durante o regime autoritário no Brasil (1964-1985): o sequestro do embaixador dos EUA, Charles Elbrick, promovido por MR-8 e ALN em 1969. Produzidos em tempos democráticos, os filmes têm o testemunho como matriz de suas imagens, e a tensão entre os gêneros já sugere, em si, uma disputa em torno da fidedignidade da memória. Adaptação do relato pessoal homônimo de Fernando Gabeira publicado em 1979, O que é isso, companheiro? mobiliza o modo melodramático hollywoodiano em uma encenação do acontecimento que vilaniza a guerrilha, distribui inocências aos sujeitos sociais e redime os torturadores. Nessa imagem desculpadora da memória, o passado é moralmente julgado como um lapso aberrante superado na década de 1990, quando governava a ordem (neo)liberal. Em resposta, Hércules 56 reúne os protagonistas da ação e os presos políticos libertados em troca do diplomata em uma montagem de entrevistas e imagens de arquivo cuja coesão tende a instituir a totalidade narrativa do sequestro e a unidade teleológica da luta armada em geral. Inclinado ao tom da celebração, o documentário realinha os sentidos dos atos passados, enquadrando-os na trilha do longo percurso rumo ao triunfo democrático-institucional do PT nos anos 2000. Presta, assim, justíssima homenagem à militância pretérita, mas acaba neutralizando o dissenso crítico e transformando a luta incisiva em relíquia de um tempo extinto. Embora essencialmente antagônicas em termos estéticos e ideológicos, a memória desculpação e a memória monumentalizante elegem de forma paralela as respectivas conjunturas de produção dos filmes como ápices do devir histórico, sem discordar significativamente acerca das bases concretas da conciliação democrática brasileira. Encerrada aquela história, o embate fica circunscrito ao âmbito das representações cinematográficas da memória, restando intocada a real permanência da impunidade das violações dos direitos humanos no Brasil. / The historical melodrama Four days in September (Bruno Barreto, 1997) and the documentary Hércules 56 (Silvio Da-Rin, 2006) adopt different film genres to represent one of the most important actions of the guerrilla warfare throughout the authoritarian regime led by the military in Brazil (1964-1985): the kidnapping of the U.S. ambassador Charles Elbrick, carried out by MR-8 and ALN revolutionary organizations in 1969. Produced during democratic times, the underlying imagery and tension between genres of both films suggest, in themselves, a battle over the reliability of memory. Based on the 1979 memoir of Fernando Gabeira, Four days in September uses a melodramatic style to stage the event in a way that vilifies the left-wing guerrillas, confers innocence upon the social actors and redeems the torturers. In this apologist version of the memory, the past is morally judged as an abhorrent lapse that was totally overcome in the 1990s when the neoliberal order was in charge of the country. Reacting against this vision, the editing of Hércules 56 presents the kidnapping protagonists and the political prisoners freed in exchange for Mr. Elbrick in such a coherent way that both the interviews and the archive footage establish the full story of the episode along with the teleological unity of the entire political struggle opposed to the regime. Preferring to celebrate the accomplishment, the documentary realigns the meanings of these past acts, as if they had only set the stage for the electoral triumph of PT at the turn of the century. In doing so, the film pays homage to past militancy but the final outcome neutralizes critical controversy and turns the incisive uprising into a relic of a bygone era. Although aesthetically and ideologically opposed, the exculpatory and the monumentalizing memories run in parallel in each film, assuming their respective political junctures as the culmination of history and with no significant disagreements over the concrete foundations of the Brazilian democratic conciliation. In bringing this history to a close, the conflict stays enclosed inside the scope of the representations of memory on films, leaving behind the legacy of impunity for human rights violations in Brazil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Sposito Mechi.pdf: 13363580 bytes, checksum: 2b933f3056e51121faf857cabaf52c4f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The guerrilla occurred between 1972 and 1974 in the southern states of Para and Maranhão, and the northern state of Goiás (now Tocantins). It involved about 70 activists of the Communist Party of Brazil, which organized it, and some residents who have joined the movement. Both groups were repressed by the military, who acted in the region arresting, torturing and murdering peasants and guerrillas. This research aims to study the representations and practices of social groups who staged this event: peasants, militants PC do B and the military. The intention was to understand the way that each group walked to get to the Araguaia and the region, which were the goals that were intended to fulfill and the practices adopted to achieve them. The research has as sources the testimonies of the peasants of the region, the documentation produced by the Communist Party of Brazil on guerrilla warfare, and military records on transactions, are official records and reports and books written by some of the army officers involved in the repression / A Guerrilha do Araguaia ocorreu entre 1972 e 1974, na região sul dos estados do Pará e do Maranhão, além do norte do estado de Goiás (atual Tocantins). Envolveu cerca de 70 militantes do Partido Comunista do Brasil, partido que a organizou, e algumas dezenas de moradores que se incorporaram ao movimento. Ambos os grupos foram reprimidos pelas Forças Armadas, que prendeu, torturou e assassinou guerrilheiros e camponeses. Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo as trajetórias, representações e práticas dos grupos sociais que protagonizaram este evento: camponeses, militantes do PC do B e os militares. A intenção foi a de compreender o caminho que cada grupo trilhou para chegar ao Araguaia e na região, quais eram os objetivos que tinham a intenção de cumprir e as práticas que adotaram para atingi-los. A investigação teve como fontes os depoimentos dos camponeses da região, a documentação produzida pelo Partido Comunista do Brasil sobre a guerrilha, além de registros militares sobre as operações, sejam os registros oficiais ou relatos e livros produzidos por alguns dos oficiais do Exército envolvidos na repressão

The diploma thesis deals with the social guerrilla marketing and its aim is to analyze the social guerrilla campaigns and to evaluate the suitability of the guerilla marketing for the social issues. The theoretical part describes marketing communications, new trends in communication, including guerrilla marketing, and also social marketing and social guerrilla marketing. The practical part includes the market research of guerrilla campaigns. The chosen campaigns are introduced and afterwards analyzed. Lastly, the suitability of this form of communication for the social issues is evaluated and the recommendations for future are suggested.

Submitted by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2014-09-30T20:14:17Z No. of bitstreams: 2 dissertação - Naurinete Fernandes Inácio Reis - 2013.pdf: 3302404 bytes, checksum: 45f9f97edea25511b38bba0ccf4a3800 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2014-09-30T20:19:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 dissertação - Naurinete Fernandes Inácio Reis - 2013.pdf: 3302404 bytes, checksum: 45f9f97edea25511b38bba0ccf4a3800 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-09-30T20:19:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 dissertação - Naurinete Fernandes Inácio Reis - 2013.pdf: 3302404 bytes, checksum: 45f9f97edea25511b38bba0ccf4a3800 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The Araguaia region, historically characterized by social and land conflicts, is today marked by the memory of the Guerrilla (1972-1975), since the changes occurring on the Araguaia lands as a result of this movement have wrought the need for organization of peasant movements who seek knowledge and recognition of historical experiences. The peasants of Araguaia, involved in a gunfight between The Communist Party of Brazil (PC do B) militants, who allegedly fought against the military dictatorship in the country and for the construction of a popular revolutionary government, and the military, who were supported by the ideological discourse of national defense and the ensuring of law and order, had their daily lives changed. In this sense, the present work has as its theme the social memory of the Araguaia Guerrilla, triggered at the boundaries of the regions of south and southeast of Pará, north of Tocantins (at the time, state of Goiás) and west of Maranhão and analyzes, through social memory, the perception of those involved, especially the peasants, on the Araguaia guerrilla and on the intervention of the same in peasant life. In this perspective, this study is aimed at understanding the fundamental elements of peasants‘ social memory on the Guerrilla as well as answering the following questions: What is the perception that the peasants had/have about the Guerrilla, about the armed forces in confrontation and their strategic political projects for the region and for the people? What motivations led the peasants to "contribute" to the Guerrilla or to fight against it? And how the memory of the Guerrilla works in peasants‘ everyday life? The methodological procedures used in this study consisted, besides the literature and documents, mainly on interviews with those who lived in the context of the Guerrilla. As a theoretical frame work we consider the assumption that the memory is socially constructed as a result of historical and social processes, being thus an active, selective, reflective and continuously constructed process. We were supported by the contributions of authors like Maurice Halbwachs, Frederic Charles Bartlett, Michael Pollak, Jacques Le Goff, Fernando Rosas and NildoViana, among others. Assuming that social memory should be analyzed taking into consideration its relationship with the historical and social conditions in which it is produced, the social memory was critically analyzed, which enabled us to confirm the hypothesis that the construction of memory on the Araguaia Guerrilla undergoes a process of dispute and conflict involving several forces and agents, and therefore that the perception of peasants on the Guerrilla is constructed from social determinations, as well as individual values and socially constituted feelings. Thus, it is configured as a space of contestation, resistance, meaning construction and class struggle. / A região do Araguaia, historicamente caracterizado pelos conflitos sociais e fundiários, é hoje marcada pela memória da Guerrilha (1972 a 1975), pois as transformações ocorridas nas terras do Araguaia em decorrência desse movimento têm forjado a necessidade de organização de movimentos camponeses visando o conhecimento e reconhecimento de experiências históricas. Os camponeses do Araguaia, envolvidos numa luta armada entre militantes do PC do B, que supostamente lutavam contra a ditadura militar no país e pela construção de um governo popular e revolucionário, e as Forças Armadas, respaldadas no discurso ideológico da defesa nacional e da garantia da lei e da ordem, tiveram seu cotidiano alterado. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho tem como tema a memória social da Guerrilha do Araguaia, deflagrada nos limites territoriais das regiões do sul e sudeste do Pará, norte do estado do Tocantins (à época, estado de Goiás) e oeste do Maranhão e analisa, através da memória social, a percepção dos envolvidos, notadamente dos camponeses, sobre a guerrilha do Araguaia, sobre a intervenção da mesma na vida camponesa. Nesta perspectiva, este estudo é direcionado para a compreensão dos elementos fundamentais da memória social camponesa da Guerrilha, bem como das seguintes questões: Qual a percepção que os camponeses tinham/têm da Guerrilha, das forças armadas em confronto, bem como dos respectivos projetos políticos estratégicos para a região e para a população? Quais motivações levaram os camponeses a ―contribuir‖ com a Guerrilha ou com o combate à mesma? E, de que forma a memória da Guerrilha atua no cotidiano dos camponeses hoje? Os procedimentos metodológicos utilizados nesse estudo consistiram, além da pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, principalmente, na realização de entrevistas com os que viveram e conviveram no contexto da Guerrilha. Como referencial teórico, parte-se do pressuposto de que a memória é construída socialmente, como resultados de processos históricos e sociais, consequentemente um processo ativo, seletivo, reflexivo e em contínua construção. Lançamos mão das contribuições de alguns autores, dentre o quais: Maurice Halbwachs, Frederic Charles Bartlett, Michael Pollak, Jacques Le Goff, Fernando Rosas, Nildo Viana, entre outros. Partindo do pressuposto de que a memória social deve ser analisada levando-se em consideração sua relação com as condições históricas e sociais na qual é produzida, a memória social foi analisada criticamente, o que nos possibilitou confirmar a hipótese de que a construção da memória sobre a Guerrilha do Araguaia passa por um processo de disputa e conflitos envolvendo diversas forças e agentes e, por conseguinte, a percepção camponesa da Guerrilha é construída a partir de determinações sociais, bem como de valores e sentimentos individuais constituídos socialmente. Dessa forma, a mesma se configura como espaço de contestação, de resistência, de construção de significados e de luta de classes.