O tema das mulheres e sua relação com a guerra e a política começou a ser investigado na Colômbia durante a última década. Com o objetivo de colaborar para a compreensão deste fenômeno mais especificamente, a participação de mulheres em grupos guerrilheiros , nesta dissertação se busca analisar a trajetória de vida de cinco mulheres que ingressaram no Exército de Liberação Nacional entre os anos de 1980 e 1990. As categorias centrais manejadas neste trabalho foram: trajetórias de vida, gênero e conflito armado, concepções desenvolvidas com base nos postulados teóricos de Joan Scott e Pierre Bourdieu. Metodologicamente foram utilizadas ferramentas da história oral na abordagem dos relatos de histórias de vida com o fim de traçar pontes entre o sujeito, as condições sociais e a estrutura. Da mesma forma, realizou-se uma análise do Exército de Liberação Nacional como um campo social a partir do qual se pode abordar as relações entre homens e mulheres em temas como sexualidade, maternidade, relações de casais e referentes identitários. Enquanto se avançou em direção a uma aproximação à história dessas cinco mulheres dentro do grupo guerrilheiro, surgiram novas perguntas relacionadas com a trajetória política de cada uma delas no âmbito da vida civil. / El tema de las mujeres y su relación con la guerra y la política comienza a ser investigado en Colombia durante la última década. Con el fin de aportar en la comprensión de este fenómeno y específicamente en la participación de las mujeres en los grupos guerrilleros, con esta disertación se busca analizar las trayectorias de vida de cinco mujeres que ingresaron al Ejército de Liberación Nacional entre los años de 1980 a 1990. Las categorías centrales fueron: trayectorias de vida, género y conflicto armado, desarrolladas dentro de los postulados teóricos de Joan Scott y Pierre Bourdieu; metodológicamente se utilizaron herramientas de la historia oral y los relatos de vida con el fin de trazar puentes entre el sujeto, las condiciones sociales y la estructura. De igual forma, se realizó un análisis del Ejército de Liberación Nacional como un campo social para realizar el abordaje de las relaciones entre hombres y mujeres en temas como sexualidad, maternidad, relaciones de pareja y referentes identitarios. Si bien, se avanzó en una aproximación a la historia de estas cinco mujeres dentro del grupo guerrillero, surgen nuevas preguntas relacionadas con la trayectoria política de cada una de ellas en el ámbito de la vida civil.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O presente trabalho tem como objeto os guerrilheiros de esquerda â sobretudo da ALN (AÃÃo Libertadora Nacional) e PCBR (Partido Comunista Brasileiro RevolucionÃrio) â no Cearà durante a Ditadura Militar, precisamente entre 1968 e 1972. Interpreta suas trajetÃrias e experiÃncias, bem como estas foram mudando com o aumento da repressÃo por parte do Regime AutoritÃrio existente no Brasil desde 1964. Por meio da anÃlise de entrevistas, jornais e documentos oficiais, igualmente tenta compreender os vÃnculos entre os ideÃrios de solidariedade e anseio dos militantes por uma sociedade mais justa com tradiÃÃes antigas, sobremaneira da cultura judaico-cristÃ, sem descartar as influÃncias diretas de familiares, amigos, espaÃo escolar, Igreja catÃlica e nacionalismo. TambÃm estuda o contexto em que se deu a guerrilha e as principais aÃÃes praticadas pelos revolucionÃrios no estado. / The present work has as object the guerrilla fighters of left â mainly of the ALN (National Liberating Action) and the PCBR (Communist Revolutionary Brazilian Party) â in the state of Cearà during the military dictatorship, necessarily between 1968 and 1972. It interprets its trajectories and experiences, as they had been changing with the increase of the repression on the part of the existing authoritarian regimen in Brazil since 1964. By means of analysis of interviews, official periodicals and documents, it equally tries to understand the bonding between the model of solidarity and the yearning of militants for a fair society with old traditions, mostly of the Jewish-Christian culture, without discarding the direct influences of family, friends, the schoolâs space, the Catholic Church and Nationalism. It also studies the context in which the guerrilla occurred and the main actions of the revolutionaries in the state.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thomaz_Joezer_Herler.pdf: 2198063 bytes, checksum: 935518ce2a15c6470da052d2b9280865 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-27 / This master‟s thesis deals with the formation and trajectory of the first MR-8 (Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro), an armed group that was formed in order to confront the dictatorship established by the Coup of 64, attempting its overthrow and the construction of socialism in Brazil. Beginning as a PCB Dissent in Rio de Janeiro (DI-RJ) in 1964, at a time when the party was suffering cracks in many states of Brazil, its members rallied several frames of other organizations, such as Dissent of Paraná (DI-PR), Polop, Ação Popular (AP) and the Ligas Camponesas, proposing constitute a "revolutionary front". Having the break from the PCB been motivated by differences not only with the concept of "revolution through peaceful means" adopted by the party, as well as the paradigm of "revolution by stages", the MR-8, which advocated direct transition to socialismo, sought inspiration in several international revolutionary experiences. Being attracted by the recent success of the Cuban Revolution, members of the movement sought in the "theory of guerrilla focus", developed by Ernesto Guevara and Régis Debray, a starting point for building a revolutionary vanguard in a country ravaged by a Corporate-Military Dictatorship, as was the case in Brazil. However, during the development of their actions, the militants of the MR-8, due to the difficulties and limitations found in concrete experiences, would adapt the theory of guerrilla focus the possibilities afforded at that historic moment. Having its downfall in August 1969, Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro was one of the first Brazilian armed Marxist organizations to fight the Corporate-Military Dictatorship, as well as one of the first to be destroyed by repression. To better understand the theoretical discussions taking place among its members, we will articulate the discussion of "party" developed by Lenin with the "theory of guerrilla focus", from the perspective of Ernesto Guevara and Régis Debray. To rebuild his career, we use a number of historical sources, some produced by the organization, by other law enforcement agencies as well as books written by people who took part or had contact with the group in question / Esta dissertação aborda a formação e trajetória do primeiro MR-8 (Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro), grupo armado que foi formado visando o enfrentamento à Ditadura instaurada pelo Golpe de 64, intentando a derrubada da mesma e a construção do socialismo no Brasil. Tendo seu início enquanto Dissidência do PCB no Rio de Janeiro (DI-RJ) no ano de 1964, num momento em que o partido estava sofrendo rachas em vários estados, seus membros arregimentaram diversos quadros de outras organizações, tais como a Dissidência do Paraná (DI-PR), Polop, Ação Popular (AP) e Ligas Camponesas, propondo constituir uma frente revolucionária . Tendo a ruptura com o PCB sido motivada por divergências não apenas com o paradigma de revolução por via pacífica adotado pelo partido, como também pela concepção de revolução por etapas , o MR-8, que pregava a transição direta ao socialismo, buscou inspiração em diversas experiências revolucionárias internacionais. Sendo atraídos pelo recente sucesso da Revolução Cubana, os quadros do movimento buscaram na teoria do foco guerrilheiro , desenvolvida por Ernesto Guevara e Régis Debray, um ponto de partida para a construção de uma vanguarda revolucionária em um país assolado por uma Ditadura Empresarial-Militar, como era o caso do Brasil. Contudo, durante o período de desenvolvimento de suas ações, os militantes do MR-8, a devido às dificuldades e limites encontrados nas experiências concretas, adaptariam a teoria do foco guerrilheiro às possibilidades propiciadas naquele momento histórico. Tendo sua derrocada em agosto de 1969, o Movimento Revolucionário 8 de Outubro foi uma das primeiras organizações armadas brasileiras de inspiração marxista a lutar contra a Ditadura Empresarial-Militar, bem como uma das primeiras a serem destruídas pela repressão. Para melhor compreender as discussões teóricas que ocorriam entre seus membros, articularemos a discussão de partido desenvolvida por Lenin com a teoria do foco guerrilheiro , partindo da percepção de Ernesto Guevara e Régis Debray. Para reconstituir sua trajetória, utilizaremos uma série de fontes históricas, algumas produzidas pela organização, outras pelos órgãos repressivos, bem como livros escritos por pessoas que fizeram parte ou tiveram contato com o grupo em questão

RESUME en français : La confrontation armée en Colombie se distingue par sa durée, son intensité et sa complexité. L’un des acteurs principaux de cet affrontement est la guérilla des FARC. Leur étude, à partir de la théorie de la reconnaissance d’Axel Honneth, permet de prendre en compte le rôle des besoins de reconnaissance, exprimés par ce groupe et ses membres, dans le développement du conflit. En effet, la violence guérillera plonge ses racines dans des dénis de reconnaissance dans les sphères de l’affection (maltraitance infantile, violence intrafamiliale, exactions des groupes armés), du droit (privation de droits-exclusion) et de la solidarité (indignité-injustice). Les aspects de la lutte pour la reconnaissance, menée par ce mouvement, ont évolué dans le temps, en fonction des interactions avec d’autres acteurs comme le gouvernement colombien et des variables comme le narcotrafic, passant d’une lutte pour l’obtention de la dignité et de l’égalité, à une lutte pour le prestige et l’affirmation d’identités idéalisées. / The armed confrontation in Colombia is characterized by its duration, intensity and complexity. FARC is one of the main actors of this war. The study of the Colombian guerrilla from the perspective of Axel Honneth's theory, the struggle for recognition, allows us to take into account the role of recognition needs, as expressed by this group and his members, in the conflict evolution. Guerrilla violence plunges its roots into denials of recognition in the spheres of love (ill-treatment of children, domestic violence, exactions by armed groups), of rights (denial of rights, exclusion) and solidarity (denigration, insult). The FARC’s struggle for recognition gradually change over time depending on new variables, like drug trafficking, and the interactions with other actors (government, civil populations, etc.) passing from a struggle for dignity and equality to a struggle for status and the assertion of idealized identities.

Uppsatsen är inriktad på den militära delen i upprorsbekämpning och tar sin utgångspunkt i två stycken militärteoretikers teorier inom ämnet. Teoretikerna är John Mackinlay och David Kilcullen, som under 2009 utkom med varsin ny bok inom området, The Insurgent Archipelago samt The Accidental Guerilla. Den metod som arbetet vilar på är kvalitativ textanalys. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning som teorin och doktrinerna stämmer överrens. Därför har först teoretikernas syn på hur en utifrån kommande intervenerande styrka påverkar lokalbefolkningen analyserats. Det som framkommit av detta är dels Mackinlays uppfattning att samtliga styrkor av denna karaktär kommer att betraktas som ockupanter av lokalbefolkningen. Dels Kilcullens uppfattning att styrkan påverkar lokalbefolkningen till att gripa vapen mot dem. Detta trots att även de har en avig inställning mot upprorsrörelsen. Som lösning på problemet för Kilcullen fram bildandet av en strategisk tjänst i likhet med Office of Strategic Services. Från dessa teorier har ett antal kriterier valts ut vilka sedan använts som analysverktyg för att undersöka doktrinernas syn på områdena. De doktriner som har analyserats är Storbritanniens Joint Doctrine Publication 3-40, USA:s Joint Publication 3-24, samt NATO:s i nuläget gällande styrdokument BI-SC Cointerinsurgency Joint Operational Guidelines. Av analysen har framkommit att en viss överrensstämmelse mellan teori och konceptuell verklighet förekommer. Dock att teorin snarare rör sig inom en eventuell framtid emedan doktrinerna är fast inom nulägets ramar. / The essay focuses on the military part of counter-insurgency and is based on two theories by the military theorists John Mackinlay and David Kilcullen. Who both in 2009 published a new book on the subject, The Insurgent Archipelago and The Accidental Guerrilla. The method used in the essay is qualitative text-analysis. The purpose of this essay is to examine whether resemblance between theory and doctrine exists. Therefore first of the theorists view in how an exogenous intervening force affects the local population has been analyzed. What emerged from this is partly Mackinlay's view that all forces of this nature will be seen as occupiers by the local people. Partly Kilcullen's view that the force affects the local population to resort to arms against them. This despite the fact that they’re original attitude towards the insurgent movement, which is the reason for the intervening forces presence, is of negative. As a solution to the problem Kilcullen brings forward the constitution of a strategic service, like the Office of Strategic Services. From these theories, a number of criteria have been selected which are then used as analytical tools to examine the doctrines. The doctrines which have been analyzed is the UK's Joint Doctrine Publication 3-40, U.S. Joint Publication 3-24 and the currently governing NATO document BI-SC Counterinsurgency Joint Operational Guidelines. The analysis has shown that some resemblance between theory and conceptual reality exist. However that theory, rather involved in a possible future while the doctrines are restrained by the framework of the present day.

The thesis is based on a multi disciplinary study involving both particulars regarding military history and certain psychological theories. In order to be able to discuss the psychological experiences of Boers during the guerrilla phase of the Anglo-Boer War, the first chapters of the thesis strive to provide the required background. Firstly an overview of the initial conventional phase of the war is furnished, followed by a discussion of certain psychological issues relevant to stress and methods of coping with stress. Subsequently, guerrilla warfare as a global concern is examined. A number of important events during the transitional stage, in other words, the period between conventional warfare and total guerrilla warfare, are considered followed by the regional details concerning the Boers’ plans for guerrilla warfare. These details include the ecological features, the socio-economic issues of that time and military information about the regions illustrating the dissimilarity and variety involved. In the chapters that follow the focus is concentrated on the psychological impact of the guerrilla war on the Boers. The wide range of stressors (factors inducing stress) are arranged according to certain topics: stress caused by military situations; stress caused by the loss of infrastructure in the republics; stress caused by environmental factors; stress arising from daily hardships; stress caused by anguish and finally stressors prompted by an individuals disposition. Then the psychological theories regarding an individual’s resistance resources (or general resistance resources ─ GRRs) and the means of using these resources to cope with stress are applied to the actual circumstances that the Boers were faced with. This discourse is arranged according to material resources, motivational issues and intrapersonal resources. Subsequently the complete guerrilla warfare phase is considered, the accent being placed on the psychological effect that the Boers’ strategies, as well as the British counter strategies, had on the republican forces. The phase is subdivided into four stages according to the course of the war, while still furnishing an overall account of the guerrilla phase ─ ranging from the initial successes on Boer side, the gradual decline in Boer initiatives to the final months, when the few successful encounters that the Boers launched, came too late to change matters. In the final chapter the impact of the guerrilla warfare on a selected group of Boers is examined in the form of case studies. The group includes President M.T. Steyn, whose health failed him in the end and Generals C.R. de Wet and J.C. Smuts, where their positive conduct is considered from a psychological perspective. The result of the continuous pressure on the young Commandant G.J. Scheepers is examined and the stress related experiences of Chief Field Cornet H.S. van der Walt, Burghers P.J. du Toit and R.W. Schikkerling are analysed. / Thesis (DPhil(History))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Jurisprudence / unrestricted

Thesis provides an overview of viral marketing. It describes the process by which you can be inspired to implement viral campaign. The thesis includes analysis of specific viral Web project. The aim of this thesis is to create a breakdown of the various components of viral marketing, to establish conditions that should be satisfied for the viral marketing to success, suggesting how to use viral marketing on social network Facebook and evaluate the various components of this service for the promotion possibilities, to analyze own viral projects and map out the key factors for their success. The main benefit of the thesis is to provide basic information about viral marketing, an overview of the use of Facebook services for viral marketing and viral analysis of running applications and their resulting knowledge.

(in English): This work studies the genesis of the FARC's ideological nature and the consequences of changes in its development which have had an impact on the conduct of warfare. A number of aspects which, in varying degrees, affect the direction of the guerrilla group are analysed successively. Firstly, the roots of the movement are discussed along with events which led to the creation of the FARC and the legitimacy of its political program. Thereafter, the functionality of the security policy of Colombian presidents for the last thirty years is examined. Participation in the illegal drug trade, which constantly changes the guerrilla's mechanism of functioning, has had appreciable influence on the process of forming the movement and consequently on the public view of the organization. Based on the study of the stated aspects and the analysis of three key constituents of guerrilla movement - political, military and economic components - a scheme describing the hierarchic realignment that has resulted in the consequent transformation of the organization was created.

Hezbollahs success during the second Lebanon war in 2006 caused a great stirr through the field of military theorists and analysts. The organization was by most numericals clearly out-gunned and out-numbered compared to the combat-experienced Israel defense forces. The Lebanese forces however managed to not only stifle the Israeli offensive actions but held their ground through the 34 days long war resulting in a stalemate and a United Nations resolution. Theories have evolved from or in ways of explaining this puzzling case. Dual approaches have been identified as some theorize that hybrid warfare is a completely new phenomenon where others state it’s a flavor of the month expression for the same old tactics seen many times before. This study seeks to further explore the complex nature of irregular conflicts and find whether a new theory of hybrid warfare ’Unrestricted warfare’ or a senior compendium’On guerrilla warfare’ best can explain this.The findings of this study concludes that neither theory can be out-ruled and opens for further research within the the second Lebanon war as well as on the theories ’On guerrilla warfare’ and ’Unrestricted warfare’.

This thesis is a study of the nature of guerilla activity, guerilla tactics in the lower North, guerillas on the middle southern border (Kentucky and Tennessee), guerilla war in Kansas and Missouri, and the guerilla in the Southwest.