Orientador: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Anna Maria Martinez Correa / Resumo: O advento da Revolução Cubana em 1959 representou um ponto de inflexão na trajetória dos movimentos sociopolíticos da América Latina no século XX. Inspiradas pela vitória dos rebeldes em Cuba, várias organizações de extrema esquerda do continente aderiram à luta armada e à teoria do foco guerrilheiro nos anos 60 e 70. No Brasil, após o Golpe de Estado de 1964, diferentes grupos promoveriam ações revolucionárias contra a ditadura militar instaurada. As idéias de Che Guevara, Fidel Castro e Régis Debray desencadeariam intermináveis debates político-ideológicos entre as diversas correntes de orientação marxista. No presente trabalho procuramos avaliar como a experiência da Revolução Cubana foi apropriada pelas organizações clandestinas brasileiras e, da mesma forma, como seu exemplo serviu para legitimar determinadas posições de setores do movimento comunista no país. / Abstract: The Cuban Revolution advent in 1959 represented a point of inflection in the trajectory of sociopolitical movements in Latin America in the century XX. Inspired for the rebel's victory in Cuba, several extreme left wing organizations of the continent adhered to the armed combat and the theory of guerrilla focus in the 60's and 70's. In Brazil after the "coup d'etat" in 1964, different groups would promote revolutionary actions against the established military dictatorship. Che Guevara's, Fidel Castro's and Régis Debray's ideas would trigger endless political-ideological arguments among several groups of Marxist orientation. In the present work we try to evaluate how the experience of the Cuban Revolution was appropriate to the Brazilian clandestine organizations and, in the same way, how their example served to legitimate certain positions of the communist movement in the country. / Mestre

This article studies the ideology which oriented the revolutionary activity of the guerrillas in Peru in 1965. The article argues that in those areas where there were strong peasant organizations the guerrillas were not successful because they were viewed as outsiders. The social and ideological composition of the principal actors (the peasants and the guerrillas) are analyzed, as well as the interaction between the two. The article aims to provide a new reading of the radical leftist guerrilla movements which arose in the mid-sixties. / La ideología que guió la acción revolucionaria de las guerrillas en el Perú en 1965 es el tema del presente artículo. Este sostiene que en aquellas zonas donde hubo una fuerte organización campesina, la guerrilla no tuvo éxito porque fue vista como un elemento externo. En el texto se analizan la composición social e ideología de los principales agentes sociales (campesinos y guerrilleros) y la interacción entre ambos. En suma, se trata de una nueva lectura del accionar de los grupos de izquierda radical a mediados de la década de 1960.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo estudar a trajetória do Grupo de Osasco, grupo que reunia operários, estudantes e estudantes-operários. Para o desenvolvimento de nosso projeto utilizaremos fontes documentais provenientes de inquéritos policiais e material produzido pelas organizações revolucionárias (periódicos, manifestos, programas). Estes documentos são encontrados em arquivos como o Arquivo do Estado de São Paulo e o Centro de Documentação e Memória da UNESP (CEDEM). Também trabalharemos com História Oral, com base em depoimentos colhidos com personalidades que estiveram diretamente envolvidas com os eventos analisados em minha pesquisa. O recorte cronológico abrangerá o período que vai de 1966, início das atividades políticas do Grupo de Osasco, até 1971, quando praticamente todos os seus membros estavam exilados, presos ou mortos. Em setembro de 1971 tomba a última grande liderança remanescente de Osasco, José Campos Barreto, juntamente com Carlos Lamarca, no sertão da Bahia. Ao longo da segunda metade da década de sessenta, o Grupo de Osasco foi o principal movimento de esquerda nesta cidade. Em meados de 1968 dominava o movimento estudantil local, reunido em torno do CEO; dominava o sindicato dos metalúrgicos, e expandia sua influência a outras categorias através da criação de comissões de fábrica, mecanismo de representação que articulava os trabalhadores pela base, a margem do sindicato. Possuíam um vereador e vários representantes seus nas secretárias municipais. Pouco antes do AI-5, este grupo estava organizando associações de bairro sob sua influência, e nessas associações ministravam cursos de marxismo para populares. Coube ao Grupo de Osasco a organização da greve de julho de 1968, que se somou a onda de manifestações anti-ditadura que sacudiram o país. A repressão pós greve de julho jogou praticamente todos os militantes do Grupo de Osasco na clandestinidade, e estes acabaram por se integrar a VPR e partiram para a luta armada. / This research aims to study the trajectory of the Group of Osasco, group bringing together workers, students and student-workers. For development of our project will use documentary sources from of police investigations and material produced by organizations revolutionary (journals, manifestos, programs). These documents are found in archives and the Archive of State of São Paulo and the Documentation Center and Memorial of UNESP (CEDEM) . Also work with oral history, based on testimonies gathered with personalities who were directly involved in the events analyzed in my research. The outline will cover the chronological period from 1966, beginning of political activities of the Group of Osasco, until 1971, when virtually all of its members were exiled, imprisoned or killed. In September 1971 falls the last great remaining leadership of Osasco, Joseph Campos Barreto, along with Carlos Lamarca, in the interior of Bahia. Throughout second half of the sixties, the Group was the main Osasco leftist movement in this city. In mid-1968 dominated the movement local student, gathered around the CEO; dominated the union metallurgical, and expanded its influence to other categories by creating workplace committees, representation mechanism which articulated the workers at the base, the margin of the union. They had a city councilman and several their representatives in the municipal secretaries. Shortly before the AI-5, this group was organizing neighborhood associations under its influence, and these ministered associations for popular courses on Marxism. It fell to Group Osasco organizing the strike in July 1968, which added to the wave anti-dictatorship protests that rocked the country. The repression of post strike July played virtually every militant group in Osasco underground, and these will eventually join the VPR and went to battle armed.

A agricultura urbana encontra-se presente em diversas civilizações e períodos da História. Entretanto, é na segunda metade do século XX, no contexto dos movimentos contraculturais (com início nos anos 1960/1970), que ela se materializará enquanto resultado de ativismos urbanos, destacadamente via guerrilha verde/guerrilla gardening, ou seja, mediante ações em terrenos públicos ou privados sem permissão prévia. Com isso, hortas comunitárias se tornaram símbolos da luta pela reestruturação do espaço urbano e ampliaram as reflexões sobre a apropriação do espaço público, a origem e qualidade dos alimentos, a cooperação cidadã e o direito à cidade. Esta dissertação tem por objetivo principal melhor compreender a agricultura urbana enquanto expressão ativista, destacadamente na cidade de São Paulo, onde ela se tornou mais evidente a partir da segunda década do século XXI, sobretudo com a emergência da rede Hortelões Urbanos e com a materialização da Horta das Corujas (horta comunitária em praça pública no território da Subprefeitura de Pinheiros), que também ajudaram a impulsionar mudanças legislativas e na composição de conselhos participativos. A partir de um recorte histórico-temporal adequado, empreendeu-se uma análise referente às dinâmicas da metrópole; atentou-se à problemática socioambiental; e regataram-se diferentes conceituações de agricultura urbana, evidenciando suas múltiplas soluções para a questão urbana. A partir da metodologia da pesquisa-ação, desenvolveu-se, por fim, o estudo de caso da Horta das Corujas, apresentando os seus diferentes aspectos socioespaciais vividos e percebidos cotidianamente. Na utopia das revoluções tranquilas, a referida horta comunitária sinaliza outra maneira de se apropriar do espaço público e de viver a cidade, pautada na experiência comunitária de caráter solidário. / Urban agriculture can be found in different civilizations and historical periods. However, it was not until recent times, from the countercultural movements of the 1960s and 70s onwards, that it became associated with \"green guerrilla\" or \"guerrilla gardening\", an activity that includes political actions in publicly or privately-owned land without prior permission. The resulting community gardens came to symbolise the struggle for the re-organisation of the urban space, including the reflection on the uses of public space, the origin and quality of food, the citizens\' rights to cooperate and intervene in the city. This dissertation will focus on urban agriculture as an activist expression, notably in Sao Paulo city, where it has experienced a remarkable development in the last two decades, especially with the emergence of the \"Hortelões Urbanos\" (Urban Gardeners) network and the founding of the Corujas Community Garden on a public square in the subprefecture of Pinheiros, which has contributed to legislative changes and to the reorganisation of participatory councils. My approach will question the adequacy of the historical approach, proposing instead an analysis based on the dynamics of the metropolis, the evaluation of environmental problems and of the different concepts of urban agriculture. Multiple solutions to urban issues will be suggested along the way. Guided by the methodology of the action research, the last section will be devoted to the case study of the Corujas Community Garden, giving pride of place to its socio-spatial aspects as perceived in daily life. I will conclude by addressing the utopia of the \"peaceful revolution\", i.e., the possibility that community gardens can provide a better kind of relationship with the public space and urban life, based on the communal sharing of assets and experiences.

Depuis la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, la Colombie se trouve submergée dans un conflit interne permanent qui s´étend pour plus de cinquante ans. Dans celui-ci convergent des divers acteurs armés : l`armée colombienne, les groupes paramilitaires et la guérilla, qui jouent un rôle central dans la définition du conflit et de la réalité sociale et politique du pays. Pourtant, l’image que chacun se fait autant du conflit que d’eux-mêmes dépend de l’interprétation que chacun donne aux faits et à la manière dans laquelle ils se perçoivent en intervenant dans la construction de cette réalité. Ainsi, avec le but d’indaguer dans l’interprétation d’une partie des acteurs du conflit, et cherchant faire un apport à la compréhension de cette période de l`histoire de la Colombie, une approche à l`imaginaire insurgé du Movimiento 19 de Abril, M-19, est ici proposé. Ce groupe étant l’une des guérillas les plus actives dans le pays, étant donné la magnitude de ces opérations armées, est aussi l’une des premières à établir depuis seize ans d’activité militante, des accords avec le gouvernement de la Colombie, signant un accord de paix et se transformant finalement en parti politique (1990). Pour ce faire, des récits des exmilitants de l’organisation s’incluent dans l’investigation afin de que ceux-ci apportent, depuis ses perspectives, à une meilleure compréhension et à la reconstruction de l’histoire du pays ; de cette façon on peut comprendre aussi ce qui les a amenés au soulèvement en armes et sa vision du monde. Dans la quête de faire connaître ses propositions et ses interprétations de ce qui se passait dans l`époque en Colombie, le M-19 déploie des actions et des discours, avec lesquels fait allusion aux ressources symboliques et matérielles afin de se représenter en tant que groupe insurgé et exprimer ainsi, ses dénonciations, ses propositions et ses interprétations de la réalité. C’est à partir de ces éléments que l’on peut constater l’existence d’une narrative insurgent ainsi que certaines pratiques encadrées dans les rites de passage. C’est donc à travers l’analyse de ces rites qui marquent les transformations internes du groupe, ainsi qu’à travers la reconstruction du mythe insurgent, compris en termes d’un réseau discursive construit à partir du langage, des symboles et des pratiques avec lesquelles les ex-militants se souviennent des années actives dans la guérilla, qu’une approche à l’imaginaire du M-19 peut se faire. / During the second half of the XXth Century, Colombia was submerged into a permanent internal conflict that has extended for much of half a century. In such conflict, there are different converging armed actors: The Colombian army, the guerrilla and paramilitary groups, who have played a significant role defining the conflict and the social and political reality of the country. However, the image each one creates of it and of themselves, depends profoundly on the interpretation that each one makes of the facts, as well as on the way in which they picture themselves intervening in the construction of this reality. Thus, aiming at getting insight of the interpretation of this reality made by one of the groups in the conflict, while contributing at the same time at understanding further this historical moment in Colombia, a study of the insurgent imaginary of the Movimiento 19 de Abril, M-19 is proposed. The M-19 was one of the most active guerrillas in the country due to the scope of its operations and one of the first that, after 16 years of militancy, establishes accords with the central government, signing a peace agreement and finally, becoming a political party (1990). In order to proceed, accounts from the organization`s ex militants are the main source of information integrated in the research so that they can contribute, from their perspective, to better understand and reconstruct the history of Colombia, and in this way, understand what led them to raise in arms and their vision of the world. In the search to make public their proposals and their interpretation of what was happening in Colombia during that time, the M-19 deploys several actions and discourses in which they make reference to symbolic and material resources in order to establish themselves as an insurgent group; and to express in this way, their demands, their proposals and their interpretations of the reality. From these elements, the existence of an insurgent narrative as well as of certain practices framed in what is known as rites of passage can be ascertained. Thus, It is through the analysis of these rites that mark the internal transformations of the group, as well as through the reconstruction of the insurgent myth –understood here in terms of a discursive patchwork composed by the language, the symbols and the practices through which the ex-militants recall their active years in the guerrilla- that an approach of the collective imaginary of the M-19 can be made. / A partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, Colombia se encuentra sumegida en un conflicto interno permanente que se extiende por más de medio siglo. En él, convergen diferentes actores armados: ejército, paramilitares y guerrilla, que juegan un rol principal en la definición del conflicto y de la realidad social y política del país. Pero la imagen que cada cual se hace de este y de sí mismos depende de la interpretacion que cada cual da de los hechos y de la manera en que ellos se ven interviniendo en la construcción de dicha realidad. Con el fin de indagar en la interpretación de una parte de los actores del conflicto y aportar en la comprensión de este periodo histórico en Colombia, se propone aquí realizar un acercamiento al imaginario insurgente del Movimiento 19 de Abril, una de las guerrilas más activas dada la magnitud de sus operativos y un de las primeras, que tras 16 años de militancia, logra entablar acuerdos con el gobierno, firmar la paz y transformarse a un movimiento político (1990). Para hacerlo, se incluyen los relatos de ex militantes de la organización para que, desde su perspectiva, aporten a un mejor entendimiento y a la reconstrucción de la historia del país y así comprender qué los llevo al alzamiento armado y cuál era su visión de mundo. En la búsqueda de dar a conocer sus propuestas e interpretaciones de lo que estaba ocurriendo en Colombia en esa época, el M-19 despliega diferentes acciones y discursos, en donde hace alusión a recursos simbólicos y materiales para representarse como grupo insurgente y expresar así sus denuncias, sus propuestas y sus interpretaciones de la realidad. A partir de estos elementos se constata la existencia de un relato insurgente y de ciertas prácticas que se enmarcan dentro de lo que se conoce como ritos de paso; a través del análisis de estos ritos que marcan las transformaciones internas del grupo y de la reconstrucción del mito insurgente, entendido como un entramado discursivo construido por el lenguaje, los símbolos y las prácticas con los que se reviven los años en la guerrilla, se hace un acercamiento al imaginario colectivo del M-19.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Since World War II, the Philippines has confronted threats from communist insurgents, Muslim secessionists, and a few other agitators. Recently, however, a new threat has emerged-- this time coming from a terrorist organization known as the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Although the ASG is a relatively small group, it has wrought great injury to the Philippine image as of late. Common among the groups presenting a threat to internal security are that their strategies and tactics tend to be unconventional and asymmetric. This thesis seeks to determine how special operations can improve the AFP's capability to address internal security threats. The study begins by examining the security environments in which the AFP currently operates, and then proceeds to study emerging security environments in which it will likely operate. The current special operations capability of the AFP is explored and assessed, while inquiring whether it needs enhancing. Case studies of past AFP special operations against groups which posed major internal threats are analyzed to determine whether or not the doctrine and strategy of the AFP was correct, especially regarding its use of Special Operations Forces (SOF). Furthermore, this study considers the United States (U.S.) model for special operations, namely the U.S. Special Operations Forces, in proposing a special operations strategy for the AFP that is feasible, suitable, and sustainable. It is suggested that such an examination will produce a strategy that is relevant, adaptable, and responsive to dealing with the internal security environments likely to be encountered by the Philippine government. / Major, Philippine Army

This thesis is an in-depth study of Shona fiction about the liberation war in Zimbabwe. It looks at the way Zimbabwe’s liberation war is portrayed in Shona fiction and focuses on the factors that shaped writers’ perspectives on that war. It is argued that Shona war fiction writers romanticised the war and in the process simplified and distorted history. The researcher postulates that writers’ perspectives on this liberation war were shaped by factors that include the mood of celebration and euphoria, the dominant ideology of the time, the situations of independence and freedom, and literary competitions. The thesis further raises and illustrates the point that writers produced romances of adventure because they were writing on the theme of war, and if one writes on the theme of war one ends up writing an adventure story. However, it is also acknowledged that because authors were writing on a historical event they could not ignore history completely. Some aspects of history are incorporated into the fiction, thereby retaining a semblance of historical realism. The post-independence period is also seen as a time of cultural revival and this is considered as the reason behind the authors’ tendency to celebrate Shona traditional institutions and culture. The celebration of Shona traditional religion and culture introduced into the fiction the element of the supernatural that strengthened the romance aspect of the novels. Shona war fiction writers also perpetuate female stereotyping. Female characters are depicted as everything except guerrilla fighters. It is argued that there are no female characters that play roles of guerrilla fighters because during the actual war women were not visible at the war front, fighting. The thesis argues that men, who were pioneers of the guerrilla war and writers of the war stories, excluded women from liberation war discourse and ultimately from literary discourse as well. A few writers who comment on the quality of Zimbabwe’s independence and freedom show the disillusionment and despair of the peasants and ex-combatants as they struggled to settle down and recover from the war. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil.

The years i 920-22 constituted a period of unprecedented conflct and political change in Ireland. It began with the onset of the most brutal phase of the War ofIndependence and culminated in the effective miltary defeat of the Republican IRA in the Civil War. Occurring alongside these dramatic changes in the south and west of Ireland was a far more fundamental conflict in the north-east; a period of brutal sectarian violence which marked the early years of partition and the establishment of Northern Ireland. Almost uniquely the IRA in the six counties were involved in every one of these conflcts and yet it can be argued was on the fringes of all of them. The period i 920-22 saw the evolution of the organisation from a peripheral curiosity during the War of independence to an idealistic symbol for those wishing to resolve the fundamental divisions within the Sinn Fein movement which developed in the first six months of i 922. The story of the Northern IRA's collapse in the autumn of that year demonstrated dramatically the true nature of the organisation and how it was their relationship to the various protagonists in these conflcts, rather than their unceasing but fruitless war against partition, that defined its contribution to the Irish revolution.

This study scrutinizes the drug-terrorism nexus critically with intent to conceive possible remedies for the problem. The vast turnover of the global illicit drug industry constitutes the largest portion of organized crime enterprises' income. Different circles have argued that these enterprises are not the sole actors of the drug business, but terrorist groups, whose ultimate aim is a political change rather than financial strength, also profit from the “business.” The controversial nature of the problem fuelled heated debates and requires an in depth and impartial analysis, which was the main subject of the current study. At the first stage, three different cases, the PKK, the LTTE, and the SL, were studied either to prove or deny the alleged phenomenon. The sampled groups' ideology, structure, and operations helped understand the motives pushing the organizations into the ‘business.' Subsequently, several recommendations capturing vital issues both in countering terrorism and breaking terrorism-drugs link were spelled out.

This study was a qualitative examination of social, economic, political, and cultural dilemmas that face Peruvian survivors of the Communist Shining Path Revolution, an internal armed conflict that cut a swath of terror and destruction during the years 1980-2000, with a reported loss of 69,000 residents either killed or considered “disappeared.” The conflict affected primarily poor, uneducated Andean campesinos and townspeople in the highland areas of the Ayacucho District. In this study, I looked closely at the responsibilities of both government and NGOs in the facilitation of readjustment during and after times of instability. In addition, specific challenges the elderly, women and campesinos face in a post-conflict world are analyzed and possible social policies are discerned that might be developed to better implement the transition to a new form of community. Ideas that emerged from this research may assist policy shapers in other less developed countries involved in similar conflicts by examining how Peru dealt with its own issues. Methodology included participant observation and interviews with long-term Ayacuchan residents who stayed-in-place during war time, along with migrants who went to live in shantytowns in more urban areas. The government-mandated Truth and Reconciliation Commission report serves as a framework as it outlined those ultimately deemed responsible and detailed what those affected may expect in the way of appropriate reparations and compensation in the future. Much emphasis is given to the emerging role of women and how ensuing shifts of gender specific cultural roles may affect familial and communal bonds in small-scale societies.