This study examines the responses of European intellectuals since the 1880s to an increasingly virulent and organized anti-Semitism in Europe, and the ways in which they sought to understand the character and origins of the hatred, and to fathom and work out the problems, terms and possibilities for Jewish identity. Focusing on the French figures Bernard Lazare and Marcel Proust from the time of the Dreyfus Affair and then on the Frankfurt School of social theory and Hannah Arendt from the period around and after the Second World War, the thesis argues that these thinkers created a common historical-psychological discourse on anti-Semitism, which attempted to confront, comprehend and explain the historically critical issues of anti-Semitism and Jewish identity. The study explores the discourse’s fundamental assumptions, insights, and arguments regarding the origins, character, and magnitude of anti-Semitism. It also analyzes its contentions concerning the contradictions, sources, and alternatives for Jewish identity. But, more, it claims that, despite their frequent perceptiveness, these figures’ interpretations of the two concerns proved limited, deficient, even deeply flawed. The thesis seeks to show that its intellectuals’ attempt to understand the twin issues was hence a failure to grasp and interpret them adequately, and to resolve them. It contends further that what impaired the authors’ engagements with anti-Semitism and Jewish selfhood were ideas that were fundamental to their thinking. These intellectual factors, moreover, connected the figures solidly to important historical contexts that they inhabited, thereby implicating the significant settings in the epistemological errors and defeats. These momentous ideas thus operated as both contextualizing and destructive forces—linking the intellectuals to their home contexts and transforming their understanding of their historic problematic into a misunderstanding. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2009-04-16 08:34:25.821

In this thesis, Lisa Figge analyzes the political space of ecological citizenship by theorizing her art practice. Beginning with an Arendtian lens, Figge creates projects in the vein of New Genre Public Art, to trace the qualitatively-distinct activities of the public sphere, in which ecological citizens appear. The art practices of Mierle Laderman Ukeles, Colette Urban, Pat Aylesworth, Helen and Newton Harrison help move this critique along. Then, taking Judith Butler’s thinking on the bond between speech and action, or speech acts, Figge situates her art practice and thesis writing as an account of herself as an ecological citizen. Figge is interested in finding ways to multiply opportunities, for her and others, to perform concerned engagement with the world. In order to begin this process Figge acts out and analyses her three art interventions: Madame E and her suit of environmentally conscious a(r)mour, Ecological Citizen in Training, and 86 Hands on Wolfe Island. In giving an account of herself, she shows how our aptitude for sorting things should not be used to override our capacity to make a meaningful life. The art exhibition Dust to Dust, 2010 is the twin of this accounting, which was held at Queen’s University’s Union Gallery. / Thesis (Master, Environmental Studies) -- Queen's University, 2010-09-06 18:48:33.277

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O direito à verdade frente a graves violações de direitos humanos foi criado recentemente e tem um significado jurídico que permanece incerto em diversos aspectos relevantes. As divergências em torno do seu conceito, que ainda está em formação, geram problemas práticos quando se busca tornar esse direito efetivo. A tese analisa a questão que está na base do debate jurídico-dogmático sobre esse direito, a saber, o significado que o termo verdade adquire ao se tornar o seu objeto. É feita uma investigação sobre a forma como este tema é abordado pelos estudos sobre justiça de transição e sobre como se deu a emergência e o desenvolvimento do direito à verdade no direito internacional dos direitos humanos, nas esferas universal e interamericana. O objetivo é, depois, buscar compreender o que, de um ponto de vista teórico, fez com que surgisse na história e no pensamento político-jurídico a necessidade de sua criação e passou a alimentar o esforço para a sua conceituação. Essa análise aponta que a verdade almejada com o direito em estudo tem outras dimensões para além da busca de informações desconhecidas sobre casos individuais de violações a direitos humanos. Como o tema da verdade, sabidamente, é de enorme extensão no campo filosófico, o presente trabalho faz uso de temas de reflexão de Hannah Arendt, que para essa temática tem tido grande repercussão inclusive em sede doutrinária, com o fim de, por meio de um desenvolvimento extensivo, examinar as diferentes dimensões do problema. / The right to the truth concerning gross human rights violations was created recently, and has a legal meaning that remains uncertain in many relevant aspects. The disagreements about its concept, which is still in development, cause practical problems when one tries to make this right effective. The thesis analyses the issue that underlies the legal-dogmatic debate about this right, i.e., the meaning of the term truth when it becomes its object. An investigation is undertaken on how this theme is addressed by studies on transitional justice and also on the emergence and development of the right to the truth in international human rights law, in the universal and in the inter-American systems. The goal is then to try to understand what, from a theoretical point of view, led to the emergence in history and political-legal thought of the need for its creation, and began to feed the effort to its conceptualization. This analysis indicates that the truth sought with the right examined here has dimensions other than the search for unknown information about individual cases of human rights violations. The theme of truth being, as known, a subject of enormous extension in the philosophical field, the present study makes use of topics of reflection by Hannah Arendt, which have had a great repercussion on this subject even in legal dogmatic thought, in order to examine, through an extensive development, the different dimensions of the problem. By doing so, it is intended to shed light on the way the conceptualization of the right to the truth is being consolidated and on the difficulties it faces.

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No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Hadelândia Milon de Oliveira.pdf: 1683623 bytes, checksum: da0751a5925710f319d2a96b5cc37749 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-25 / CNPq - Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The Family Health Strategy is a model reorientation, operated by the establishment of multidisciplinary teams in primary care units. According to Arendt, the coexistence between human beings is a prerequisite for that power exists, and have social roles that have some semblance to the others. This idea is a foundational concept in Arendt thought: the space of appearance, it is the gathering of human beings to a front end .. Objective - To raise the power relations between professional groups and its implications for teamwork in the ESF within the State of Amazonas, on the basis of the explanatory model of power relations espoused by Hannah Arendt. Methods - qualitative research with focus hermeneutic-dialectic. To collect data, we applied the technique of focus group interviews and individual semi-structured interviews with health professionals of the FHS in the municipalities of Manacapuru, Parintins Coari Sao Gabriel da Cachoeira in the State of Amazonas. Were also conducted interviews with managers in order to capture the organizational process of the ESF in the municipalities. The analysis was based on hermeneutic-dialectic Results - in practice teamwork shows weakness, the joints of the shares are fragmented and with little involvement of the dentist, the nurse with the team leader in charge of managers, each professional performs its function isolated, not shared., The Power does not occur in a shared co-responsibility in the actions of health promotion and lack of teamwork, high turnover of professionals, political pressure on team managers, shortage of inputs and human resources, lack of training for teamwork, interpersonal relationship favorable, but there is competition among profissionais.Há the distance from the recommendations of what is actually done by bringing discredit to FHS. Conclusion It is hoped that this work will provide a reflection of the space of appearance that is being produced in the ESF, viewing the speech, legitimized by the ordinances governing the National Health System and the Federal Constitution, with the action, which is the practice exercised by management, health staff and users of SUS with sharing of responsibilities. / A Estratégia Saúde da Família é uma reorientação do modelo assistencial, operacionalizada mediante a implantação de equipes multiprofissionais em unidades básicas de saúde. Segundo Arendt, a convivência entre os seres humanos é condição indispensável para que o poder exista, e possuem papéis sociais, que têm certa aparência aos demais. Desta idéia vem um conceito fundante no pensamento arendtiano: o Espaço de aparência, que se trata da reunião de seres humanos frente à uma finalidade.. Objetivo -levantar as relações de poder entre as categorias profissionais e suas implicações para o trabalho em equipe na ESF no interior do Estado do Amazonas, com base no modelo explicativo de relações de poder defendidos por Hannah Arendt. Métodos - pesquisa qualitativa com enfoque hermenêutico-dialético. Para coleta de dados aplicaram-se a técnica de Grupo focal e entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com os profissionais de saúde da ESF nos municípios de Manacapuru, Parintins, Coari e São Gabriel da Cachoeira no interior do Estado do Amazonas. Também foram realizadas entrevistas com gestores a fim de captar o processo organizacional da ESF nos municípios. A análise foi pautada na hermenêutica-dialética Resultados - na prática o trabalho em equipe apresenta fragilidade, as articulações das ações são fragmentadas e com pouco envolvimento do odontólogo, o profissional enfermeiro com líder da equipe por imposição dos gestores, cada profissional exerce sua função de forma isolada, não compartilhada., O Poder não ocorre de forma compartilhada com coresponsabilidade nas ações de promoção de saúde e ausência de trabalho em equipe, grande rotatividade dos profissionais, pressão política dos gestores sobre a equipe, escassez de insumos e recursos humanos, falta de capacitação para o trabalho em equipe, relação interpessoal favorável, porém existe competição entre os profissionais.Há o distanciamento do preconizado para o que é efetivamente realizado trazendo descrédito a ESF. Conclusão Espera-se que este trabalho venha proporcionar uma reflexão do espaço de aparência que está sendo produzido na ESF, visualizando o discurso, legitimada pelas portarias que regem o SUS e pela Constituição Federal, com a ação, que é a prática exercida pela gestão, equipe de saúde e usuário do SUS com compartilhamento das responsabilidades.

Victimes et bourreaux témoignent de la double dégradation, anthropologique et morale, subie par la figure de l’homme à Auschwitz. Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas, tous deux Juifs et nés en 1906, ont tenté de retrouver le sens de la dignité humaine après la Shoah. Partageant la même admiration embarrassée pour la pensée de Martin Heidegger, dont ils ont suivi l’enseignement, ils s’engagent dans des voies philosophiques très différentes. Alors qu’Arendt met en avant l’espace politique comme lieu d’expression de la pluralité et de reconnaissance publique des différences individuelles, Lévinas fait de l’éthique la « philosophie première » et situe le proprement humain dans la responsabilité infinie pour autrui. Là où Arendt insiste sur l’importance de la pensée et du jugement dans la recherche des normes morales, Lévinas soutient que la lutte contre le mal est indissociable de la réponse à l’appel du Bien.Deux axes problématiques guident, dans ce travail, la confrontation entre les deux philosophes : l’articulation entre universalité et diversité d’une part ; le lien entre éthique et politique d’autre part. L’enjeu étant l’organisation d’un monde commun pour l’expression et la préservation de la dignité humaine. / The victims and the torturers attest to both the human and moral degradation suffered by the figure of man at Auschwitz.Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Lévinas, both Jews and born in 1906, attempted to recover the meaning of human dignity after the Holocaust. Despite sharing the same embarrassed admiration for the thought of Martin Heidegger, whose courses they followed, they choose very different philosophical paths.While Arendt emphasizes the political space as the place where plurality is expressed and individual differences are publicly acknowledged, Lévinas makes ethics « first philosophy » and situates what is essentially human within infinite responsibility for the Other. Where Arendt insists on the importance of thought and judgment in the search for moral standards, Lévinas holds that the struggle against evil is inseparable from responding to the call of the Good.In this thesis, two critical themes guide the comparison between each philosopher: the connection between universality and diversity on one hand; and, the link between ethics and politics on the other. The issue at stake is the organization of a shared world for the expression and the preservation of human dignity.

Dans cette thèse de doctorat, je m’attache à interpréter, à systématiser et à soumettre à un examen critique la pensée politique du droit de Hannah Arendt. En effet, alors que le versant politique de cette œuvre a fait l’objet d’une attention tout à fait considérable, on n’a toujours pas pris la mesure de l’intérêt évident de la philosophe pour le droit et les institutions juridiques et judiciaires les plus essentielles. Or, selon la thèse que je défends, l’une des raisons qui expliquent l’originalité de cette pensée et son caractère stimulant est à chercher du côté du positionnement qu’elle adopte vis-à-vis de la question du droit.<p><p>Pour atteindre ces différents objectifs, ma thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties qui correspondent à deux points de vue que l’on peut adopter par rapport au droit et qui se révèlent tout à fait opératoires si l’on accède à une vision panoramique des écrits dispersés qu’Arendt a consacrés au droit. Je distingue ainsi, et ne cesse de faire dialoguer dans ma thèse, le « pôle objectif » (première partie) et le « pôle subjectif » (seconde partie) de la philosophie du droit de Hannah Arendt.<p>1/ Dans la première partie de mon étude, je montre comment la philosophe s’attache, dans ses livres les plus célèbres, à construire des modèles politiques qui ont tous pour particularité d’être aussi – et de manière indissociable – des modèles juridiques. a) Mon premier chapitre est dédié à l’intérêt manifesté par Hannah Arendt pour les sources de l’Antiquité, et vise en particulier à clarifier le rapport qu’elle entretient vis-à-vis des sources romaines. b) Dans mon deuxième chapitre, je propose une interprétation de sa réflexion consacrée aux deux grandes révolutions modernes de la fin du XVIIIe siècle, les Révolutions française et américaine. Je mets en lumière de quelle façon Arendt, en s’inspirant du précédent américain, élabore un modèle républicain et peut ainsi approfondir sa conception de l’articulation entre droit et politique. c) Dans mon troisième chapitre, je précise les contours d’un contre-modèle élaboré par Arendt dans ses premiers écrits politiques d’envergure, ceux qu’elle a consacrés au totalitarisme.<p>2/ Dans la seconde partie de mon étude, je me concentre sur le « pôle subjectif » de la philosophie de mon auteur :j’indique comment Arendt mobilise des situations existentielles limites pour penser la condition de l’homme contemporain. a) Dans mon quatrième chapitre, je montre que c’est à partir de la situation des réfugiés et des apatrides de l’entre-deux-guerres que Hannah Arendt nous invite à repenser non seulement les droits de l’homme, mais aussi leur titulaire, que j’appelle l’« homme des droits de l’homme ». b) Dans mon cinquième chapitre, je m’attache à mettre en évidence, dans toutes ses nuances, la figure du « juge » que Hannah Arendt s’attache à reconstituer après avoir assisté au procès d’Adolf Eichmann, après avoir ressenti ce que je nomme le « choc » du procès Eichmann. c) Dans mon sixième et dernier chapitre, enfin, je m’interroge sur les raisons profondes qui incitent Arendt à voir dans les grandes campagnes de désobéissance civile qui éclatent aux États-Unis durant les années 1950 et 1960, non le signe d’un déclin des institutions, mais, au contraire, la marque d’une renaissance de l’action citoyenne.<p><p>Je conclus en synthétisant l’apport de Hannah Arendt à notre pensée juridique. Dans cette œuvre, le droit n’apparaît jamais comme une simple contrainte extérieure pour la politique, ni comme son « supplément d’âme », mais comme sa condition d’existence :en conférant à la liberté politique ses limites, limites spatiales mais aussi relationnelles et temporelles, en lui offrant un cadre stable au sein duquel elle peut s’épanouir, le droit n’ampute pas la politique d’une part d’elle-même mais, au contraire, participe de sa constitution. Me fondant sur trois catégories centrales de la réflexion juridique (législation, constitution, juridiction), je souligne en outre tout l’intérêt d’une confrontation approfondie et détaillée entre l’œuvre arendtienne et les questions classiques et contemporaines qui animent le champ de la théorie et de la philosophie du droit, ce qui me permet d’ouvrir un certain nombre de perspectives de recherches futures.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Sammanfattning Utgångspunkten i masteravhandlingen är att mellanmänsklig dialog är en förutsättning för tänkande i konstnärliga processer. Mitt syfte är att undersöka vilka dialogiska former som är verksamma i tänkande och hur relationen mellan dialog och tänkande kan interagera i olika konstnärliga kontexter. Masteravhandlingen är uppbyggd med tre spår: teorispåret, samtalsspåret och dramatikspåret. I teorispåret utgår jag ifrån Martin Bubers, Michail Bachtins och Hannah Arendts texter om dialog och tänkande. I samtalsspåret diskuterar jag teoretikernas idéer med en fokusgrupp bestående av yrkesverksamma konstnärer inom skilda konstnärliga discipliner. Informanternas erfarenheter kommer i dialog med teorierna. I dramatikspåret presenterar jag exempel på hur sceniska dialoger kan tillföra ytterligare en komplexitetsnivå i diskussionen om vår förmåga och oförmåga till mellanmänsklig dialog. De tre spåren visar tillsammans, utifrån skilda infallsvinklar, att dialog i konstnärligaprocesser inte är möjlig utan en ömsesidig tillit. Tilliten ska i sammanhanget förstås som en aktiv handling att vilja samtala, för att kunna samtala. Det framkommer också hur betydelsefull frågan och lyssnandet är för att kunna tänka och ha en dialog. När vi ställer frågor behöver vi öppna oss för att vi inte vet och lyssna för att höra även det vi inte förväntar oss. De oväntade frågorna och det oväntade lyssnandet. Spåren visar också hur tänkande inbegriper ett görande, i en konkret och fysisk bemärkelse, som en förutsättning för att fördjupa tankeprocesser. Kroppen som en del av tanken. Till detta utmärks konstnärligt arbete av att ha en riktning utanför sig själv, en riktning vars vilja är att kommunicera med den andre. Utan riktning till konstverkens mottagare faller dialogen samman. / Abstract The premise of this master’s thesis is that - within the context of the artistic process -interpersonal dialogue is a prerequisite for the act of thinking. My aim is to investigate which dialogue forms are active in such acts of thinking and how dialogue and thinking can interact in different artistic contexts. The thesis consists of three tracks: a theory track, a conversation track and a drama track. In the theory track, I expand on Martin Buber’s, Michail Bachtin’s and Hannah Arendt’s texts on dialogue and the act of thinking. In the conversation track I discuss these theories with a focus group of professional artists active in a variety of fields. Here the practical experiences of the informants come into dialogue with the theories expressed in the thesis. In the drama track, I show how different scenic dialogues are able to add yet another level of complexity to the discussion of our ability (or inability) to participate in interpersonal dialogue. The three tracks show from a variety of perspectives that dialogue within the artistic process is not possible without mutual trust. In this context trust is understood as an act of intending to engage in dialog. Mutual trust also exposes the importance of questioning and listening in order to be able to think and participate in dialogue. When we ask a question we must be open to that which we do not know and to that we do not expect to hear. The tracks also show that the act of thinking is also an action, in a physical, practical sense, which is itself a prerequisite to being able to think more deeply. It is also important that artistic work be characterized by having an aim beyond itself - an ambition to communicate with an Other. Without such an aim, dialogue can only fail.

The central aim of this dissertation is to introduce tools for studying a form of political violence in Michel Foucault's genealogical methodology. This is accomplished by reformulating theories from Hannah Arendt on violence to sync with Foucault's understanding of power, knowledge and experience. Violence is shown to be a relationship where one subject is prevented from fulfilling a strategy by another, which over time accumulates into widespread power relations, or nexuses of violence, within a society. This is contrasted with power, which is when one subject attempts to control the outcome of a situation, and as such it is productive. This method of genealogy is then employed in the case of national identity (i.e., nationalism) in Turkey. Tracing its historical emergence, the late Ottoman Empire becomes the focal point. A network of allegiances, referred to as sultanic power, constituted the relationships that were exercised prior to the nineteenth century. While one pledged their loyalty and subservience to their ruler, this required their ruler to offer them security and prosperity in return. Over the Long Nineteenth Century, a new network of power relations emerged based on representation through the practices and discourses that developed. I come to outline what I term representative power....

This dissertation offers a philosophical analysis of the ecological crisis through the lens of Hannah Arendt. It frames the ecological crisis as a struggle for situated cohabitation. By analyzing the work of Arendt, this dissertation shows the ways in which the ecological crisis is entwined with the political crisis of plurality. I suggest that these two issues are interconnected and that we need to address both for situated cohabitation. This dissertation is an interdisciplinary work, drawing from environmental philosophy, feminist philosophy, and educational practice. The work is intended to provide novel insight into the current ecological crisis in three ways. First, it grounds its theory in the work of Arendt, a thinker not usually situated in the prevue of environmental scholarship. Second, by synthesizing Arendt's account of plurality with the work of Judith Butler and Ricardo Rozzi, this dissertation explores a politics of plurality that can take account of social and ecological conditions of plurality. Third and finally, the dissertation merges theory with praxis by offering a practical program for doing environmental philosophy with children, a program derived from my sustained experiences working as a facilitator of a philosophy for children (P4C) program. This dissertation does not seek just a theoretical understanding of the ecological crisis, but also a practice of situated cohabitation in the crisis.