Depuis la fin des années 1980, les Coopératives de production agricole (CPA) du Mouvement des travailleurs ruraux sans-terre (MST) au Brésil symbolisent, selon celui-ci, une « forme supérieure de coopération ». Pour le MST, la Cooperativa de Produção Agropecuária Nova Santa Rita (Coopérative de production agricole Nova Santa Rita, COOPAN) représente un modèle de réussite socio-économique d’une coopérative entièrement gérée selon le modèle du « travail collectif » : une communauté stable, rentable économiquement, respectant les principes environnementaux de l’agroécologie et où le travail et la vie quotidienne sont organisés de manière collective et démocratique. Une enquête de terrain attentive révèle, cependant, les soubassements conflictuels de la construction d’une communauté démocratique. Dans ce que nous appelons une « dialectique du conflit », les acteurs sociaux du MST doivent constamment équilibrer le rapport fragile et mouvant entre l’individuel et le collectif, l’horizontalité et la verticalité, l’économique et le politique. Appuyée sur une enquête de terrain s’étalant sur cinq ans et inspirée d’un cadre théorique construit principalement à partir de la phénoménologie politique de Maurice Merleau-Ponty et complété par les pensées de Claude Lefort et d’Hannah Arendt, cette thèse propose la phénoménologie politique comme méthode ethnographique. Nous examinons ainsi la construction de la communauté COOPAN en tentant de comprendre l’institution politique d’une communauté et de ses sujets. Les trente et une familles qui composent COOPAN font la route ensemble depuis presque trois décennies. Nous avons reconstitué cette trajectoire de vie et son fonctionnement actuel dans le but de saisir les différentes formes d’apparition et de transformation du politique ou, autrement dit, les manières par lesquelles se construisent les liens sociaux, les sentiments d’appartenance, les pratiques et les normes à partir desquels se déploie une communauté politique et ses sujets, toujours en mouvement. En d’autres mots, le but est de saisir comment les expériences politiques des sujets participent à instituer un ordre social autour d’un projet politique commun, en construction permanente.

I den här essän försöker jag få en förståelse och en inre struktur för mitt yrke och min praktiska kunskap som musiker och sångare i Tyskland. Det handlar om mitt dilemma om att vara utlandssvensk i Tyskland och om min hemlängtan till Sverige. Med hjälp av Aristoteles, Hannah Arendt, Hans Larsson m.fl, binder jag ihop känslorna med kunskapen och får på så sätt nya perspektiv på hur det är att leva mellan två världar. Ja att få tillgång till två länder och att förstå och omvandla min längtan till något kreativt.

Emil Lederer (1882 - 1939), born in Pilsen, Czech Republic, was an important figure of German social sciences. A close colleague of Max Weber and friend of Karl Mannheim or J. A. Schumpeter, he taught at universities in Heidelberg, Berlin and Tokyo. After fleeing Germany, he helped Alvin Johnson, director of the New School for Social Research, found the "University in Exile." Lederer's research centered on contemporary social problems, approaching them in a critical, objective, empirically- based way. One of the first to study the new middle classes before World War I, he also dealt with unemployment, technological progress and business cycles. Additionally, his analysis of state and its sovereignty in war lead him to study the question of totalitarianism. The present thesis first offers a detailed look at the events in Lederer's life which influenced his scientific work. Its central section presents the main ideas of Lederer's posthumous, and sociologically most important, monograph State of the Masses. Placing it within the context of his previous work, the thesis demonstrates the evolution of Lederer's thinking. By comparing the work with Hannah Arendt's Origins of Totalitarianism the thesis confirms existing assumptions that Lederer's text served as an unrecognized inspiration for Arendt. The...

Le présent mémoire interroge le conditionnement exercé par la violence sur la capacité d’action humaine à travers les pensées des philosophes Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon. Nous entendons approfondir l’étude de ces deux concepts centraux en philosophie politique ainsi qu’en phénoménologie en vue de futures recherches. Si ces deux penseurs majeurs du 20e siècle ont souvent été mis en dialogue sur le concept de la violence, leurs philosophies de l’action respectives n’ont presque jamais fait l’objet d’une discussion. Notre objectif est donc de combler ce manque et de démontrer que, malgré des divergences flagrantes, qui s’expliquent, entre autres, par un rapport au corps et à la subjectivité politique différent, leurs pensées peuvent interagir et se rencontrer lorsque les bons outils analytiques sont mobilisés. Il s’agira d’abord de dégager deux formes d’action en tant que déterminant de la condition humaine, ainsi que comme moteur de la construction d’un monde commun et condition à la liberté chez Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon. Ensuite, parce que l’action humaine possède un pouvoir en face de la violence, il sera question de révéler les potentiels de libération et de liberté de l’action dans des contextes violents, tels qu’envisagés par les deux philosophes. Nous souhaitons en somme illustrer comment Hannah Arendt et Frantz Fanon fournissent ensemble les clés d’utilisation de l’action contre la violence, pour la liberté et et la construction d’un monde commun. / This Master’s thesis explores the conditioning exercised by violence on the human capacity for action through the writings of two major philosophers of the twentieth century: Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon. Often placed in dialogue for the differences between their thought on the concept on violence, Arendt and Fanon have however rarely seen their philosophy of action been the object of a discussion in political philosophy. We thus aim at bridging this gap for further research in political thought and phenomenology, two fields in philosophy to which they have both hugely contributed. In the following chapters, we will first define in detail two forms of action, as well as different incarnations of violence in the major works of Arendt and Fanon. Even though important conceptual discrepancies can be identified between their respective lines of thought, it will appear that their conclusions can interact and share common grounds when the right analytical lenses are taken. We will then move on to prove that with both thinkers, human action holds a power against violence, and possesses potentials for liberation from oppressive political contexts. In the end, we wish to illustrate how Hannah Arendt and Frantz Fanon can provide together, by the means of their distinct yet complementary philosophies, the keys for human action to fight violence in the goal of establishing new communities and attaining radical forms of freedom.

The thesis revolves around the question of whether state and non-state actors’ responses to the refugee crises are restricting the rights of refugees by introducing privatization of security. The thesis studies the experiences of refugees in offshore immigration detention centres of Australia and the UN operated refugee camps, which are highly privatized or are in a process of privatization. The thesis rests on the theoretical framework provided by Hannah Arendt which explains why human rights are failing refugees in this context, and how they remain meaningless until the 'right to have rights' is incorporated as a basic right. The thesis argues that privatization of security is harmful and results in increased human rights violations and that the private military and security companies are a way of delegating as well as deflecting responsibility that state actors and non-state actors have towards refugees. The thesis also raises the possibility of private resettlement programs as one of the solutions to ensure the right of belongingness is translated practically by giving refugees a community. / Graduate

This paper aims to analyze the philosophical implications of the atomic bomb in the thinking of three German post-war philosophers: Günther Anders, Hannah Arendt, and Karl Jaspers. Although they differ greatly in interest and philosophical perspective, the atomic bomb can be discerned as a problem of humanity's technological, ethical, and political conditions in the intersection of their authorships. In the examination of their ideas, they are situated within a diachronic tradition of philosophy of technology. Their common entanglement with phenomenological-hermeneutic philosophy is also considered, most notably in the form of the influence of Martin Heidegger. For Anders, the atomic bomb is the defining feature of the ethical and political conditions of post-war humanity, yet humans are unable to grasp its reality. In the thinking of Jaspers, the bomb necessitates a supra-political principle grounded in the faculty of reason. For him, politics in the nuclear age must rest upon the responsibility of the many individuals, in an ethical re-birth of humanity. Arendt primarily understands the bomb as a product of the increasing power of the thoughtless instrumentality of science. The destructive potential of atomic weapons solidifies to her a crisis in the meaning of politics, in which brute force has undermined political power. All three thinkers share the view that the atomic bomb must be understood in conjunction with a certain thought- and meaninglessness in the science and politics of their contemporary. The bomb also signifies to them a technological obscuring of human agency, the implications of which are exacerbated by the fact that it has also immensely improved the ability of one individual to commit heinous acts. In impairing the conditions for ethical action and meaningful politics for lasting peace, the bomb necessitates these very same principles. By threatening to make humanity as mortal as only individuals had been before, the bomb has made radical change in human thinking and activity urgent. However, to what extent sufficient adaptations are probable, or even possible, is a question in which the philosophers discussed in this paper diverge.

<p>  </p> <p>This dissertation is a series of articles that put Hannah Arendt’s political thought in conversation with current social and political phenomena, namely the refugee crisis, political action under the circumstances of oppression, and the neoliberal turn in feminism.</p> <p>My first chapter joins the contemporary Arendt scholarship that parallels her account of the refugee condition and the current global refugee situation. I first analyze the image of human rights and plurality in <em>The Origins of Totalitarianism</em> and discuss the cosmopolitan response to the issues raised by Arendt. I then argue that <em>The Human Condition </em>offers an opening for a new understanding of Arendtian action that is not tied to traditional citizenship and will thus be more accommodating of refugees.</p> <p>My second chapter explores the possibility of Arendtian political action under oppression. I offer an analysis of Arendt’s separation of society versus politics and point out the limitation that this distinction places on what forms of action count as properly political. I then argue that in order to overcome this restriction, Arendt needs to recognize that 1) for marginalized groups, navigating both the social and political obstacles involves sacrifices that constitute political action, and 2) our discriminated against identity can become an instrument of political action.</p> <p>My third chapter offers an Arendtian analysis of neoliberal feminism. I begin by identifying three main ways neoliberal feminism strips the feminist movement of its collective, egalitarian, and emancipatory character. I then introduce Arendt’s account of modern capitalist labor, exclusive and inclusive solidarity, and individual self-transformation in the face of systemic obstacles. I use these Arendtian concepts to point out flaws in neoliberal feminism and offer an alternative that promotes the liberatory goals of the feminist movement. </p>

Enthält die Ansprachen zur Gründung des Hannah-Arendt-Instituts für Totalitarismusforschung an der TU Dresden e.V., die Satzung, den Landtagsbeschluss zur Gründung, Organisationsplan, Pressestimmen.

政治行動（或政治實踐）這個觀念，自希臘至今，經濟眾多思想家以各種不同的基礎 、途徑與關懷在探討著，也獲得了眾說紛云的成果，並被引用作為政治的抗爭（在政 治史與思想史這兩方面，都同時呈現出政治行動在理論與實際、理論與實踐之間的關 係）。本論文便是在解析當代最受爭議的政治哲學家－－漢娜•阿蓮（Hannah Aren- dt，１９０６－７５）－－的最主要課題－－政治行動論。 本論文的處理方式，是將探討主題安置在整個政治哲學的發展歷程中，來拆解漢娜• 阿蓮政治行動論的繼承、誤解、混淆與特色，也就是試圖對漢娜•阿蓮作一政治哲學 意義上的評價。它的處理內容是：一、政治哲學（傳統－現代－當代）在理論與實踐 的對比關係；二、政治實踐在傳統（以亞里斯多德為代表）、現代（以康德為代表） 及當代（以馬克斯為代表）的意義及其差異，並作為漢娜•阿蓮政治行動論的比較基 礎；三、漢娜•阿蓮政治行動論所包含的三項課題：政治行動的內容，政治行動的異 化，以及政治行動的當代意義；四、比較前兩項結果，來探討漢娜•阿蓮政治行動論 的繼承，誤解特色與混淆，並以當代政治哲學在理論與實踐的關係之研究成果，作為 對漢娜•阿蓮的最後評價與定位。

Glossarartikel über die Philosophin und Professorin für politische Theorie Hannah Arendt mit besonderer Berücksichtung ihrer Positionen zur Frauenfrage