The problem of understanding political foundings is situated at the nexus between political philosophy and political science. This thesis rethinks founding by asking both the philosophical question of how political order comes into being, and the political science question of how to understand particular founding moments. These two questions stimulate and structure a dialogue between the works of Leo Strauss, Hannah Arendt and Eric Voegelin. The approach of founding in all three has a common starting point: they begin from ordinary experience and outline a political science that is mindful of the phenomenality of political life. I show that Strauss’s return to ordinary experience is partial. By limiting political life to the normative claims raised in it and submitting them to philosophical judgment, Strauss moves too quickly beyond political phenomena. His account of founding, as a consequence, vacillates between understanding particular founding acts and conceiving the perfect founding moment in abstract thought. Arendt’s work decisively shifts the problem on the side of practical understanding. Yet, her ontological account of action as appearance subtly displaces her concern for understanding historical actions. I move away from approaching historical foundings as a mode of appearing in the world, by recovering an account of action as experience. On that basis, I suggest a hermeneutics of experience which approaches foundings in light of the quest for meaning. With Voegelin founding is recovered as a symbol that exists only in the quest of understanding. Founding occurs in the experience of struggle to restore a reality that has become symbolically opaque. This experience is shared by the philosopher and the political actor; therefore to understand moments of founding requires the interweaving, and not separation, of political philosophy and political science. At the end, the quest of understanding founding moments is neither derivative, nor preparatory, but encompassing the philosophical question of how order comes into being.

本研究希望以鄂蘭的政治思想的研究途徑作為討論的對象，試圖從方法論的角度循著鄂蘭自己的反思歷程，來釐清鄂蘭對政治理論的貢獻。首先在第二章中說明她在極權主義的研究中所產生的理解問題，以及鄂蘭如何對政治哲學傳統以及現代社會的科學化努力進行強烈地批判。第三章我們將看到鄂蘭對實踐生活的重新考察，藉由重新找回政治行動的意義與重要性，鄂蘭同時也發現了行動難以消解的困境，成為了新的政治思想亟需克服的重要問題。第四章則是聚焦「說故事」（storytelling）的討論上，將討論說故事的主要功能以及以說故事為政治思想途徑的一些問題。

This essay will present a discussion about why critical thinking is crucial for student’s long-term development with the subject religion and science in high school religion as an example of how this can be fulfilled. Three different theories will be applied in this essay in order to form a comprehensive discussion. The three different theories presented in the theoretical framework are, John Dewey ‘s pragmatism, Hannah Arendt’s Natality and Paulo Freire’s Marxist theory. The subject religion and science was only recently added to the most updated curriculum, which has led to teachers taking it more seriously. Prior to that it was only a topic, which could or could not have been excluded. Now that it is included in the curriculum, new teaching approaches and learning strategies are necessary because of its density. The relationship between religion and science has several different perspectives and attitudes meaning that student’s can freely adapt their own because basically, no opinion or answer is wrong. Student’s can analyze, think critically and then develop his or her own understandings of the topic. The teacher must remain unbiased when teaching this topic so student’s can eventually develop his or her own creative views and opinions on the subject being studied. The schools curriculum emphasizes the fact that student’s are to develop his or her own creative opinions in life that will eventually contribute to society. The curriculum also stresses the importance of developing critical thinking and the ability to reflect. Critical thinking is a useful skill for all subject and matter and life however, it is not something that can develop on its own. Through reflection, and sufficient amount of guidance, the student’s ability to think critically will develop and progress into life long knowledge. Moreover, new knowledge that is reflected upon and critically analyzed will be memorized competently.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-11-23T18:51:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ricardo Pietrowski Ferreira.pdf_.pdf: 856058 bytes, checksum: fdb920f07ee487b8a59983386cdb174d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-11-23T18:51:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ricardo Pietrowski Ferreira.pdf_.pdf: 856058 bytes, checksum: fdb920f07ee487b8a59983386cdb174d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / PROSUP - Programa de Suporte à Pós-Gradução de Instituições de Ensino Particulares / O presente trabalho se propõe a fazer uma análise crítica de como a fundamentação dos direitos humanos se esvaiu perante o evento do totalitarismo e de como o pensamento de Hannah Arendt pode contribuir para se pensar a (re)construção de tais direitos. Pretende-se compreender como se deu o processo de enfraquecimento do pensamento sobre direitos humanos, diagnosticado por Hannah Arendt, e como suas reflexões se fazem indispensáveis para uma construção dos direitos humanos pautados em ação política, liberdade, pluralidade e igualdade, dentro de um espaço público que possa garantir a dignidade humana. Este trabalho contemplará diretamente o pensamento da filósofa alemã; contudo, serão consideradas algumas leituras do comentador da filosofia arendtiana Celso Lafer, cujas obras convidam a compreender melhor o tema dos direitos humanos. Para melhor esclarecer tal problemática, o presente trabalho se organiza em três momentos: o primeiro objetiva demonstrar como os direitos humanos justificados e baseados nas declarações de 1776 e 1789, que tornaram o homem como fonte de toda lei e por isso inalienável, mostraram-se insuficientes frente ao fenômeno totalitário (fenômeno de ruptura), principalmente no que se refere à questão dos apátridas. Já o segundo momento está diretamente vinculado à explanação dos principais conceitos de Arendt, tais como: espaço público e privado, ação e discurso, relações humanas e responsabilidade, e, por fim, o sentido da política e da liberdade. Finalmente, o terceiro momento dessa investigação volta-se à concepção de Arendt sobre a ideia de cidadania, a qual conceitua como “direito a ter direitos”. Quando desenvolvida, a cidadania torna possível a existência da liberdade que, segundo ela, pode ser exercida através do sistema de conselhos. Para concluir os apontamentos, as considerações finais da pesquisa demonstram como a atividade do “juízo reflexivo”, que Arendt busca em Kant, pode ajudar na orientação do pensamento político-filosófico como afirmação de liberdade e, dessa maneira, ser de suma importância para administração da justiça e da História. / This dissertation aims to perform a critical analysis of how human rights’ foundation faded with the establishment of totalitarianism, and how Hannah Arendt’s thought can contribute to reflecting on (re)building such rights. It is intended to understand how the weakening of human rights ideas, diagnosed by Hannah Arendt, has developed, as well as how her reflections are essential for a construction of human rights guided by political action, freedom, plurality and equality, in a public space that guarantees human dignity. This study covers mainly the German philosopher’s thoughts; however, it is also considered some readings made by Celso Lafer, a scholar of Arent philosophy, whose works contribute to better understand human rights issues. In order to properly clarify this problem, this dissertation is organized in three parts: the first one aims at demonstrating how human rights justified and based on the declarations published in 1776 and 1789, which consider men as the source of every law and therefore as inalienable individuals, were insufficient before the totalitarian phenomena (rupture phenomenon), especially concerning stateless persons issues. The second part concerns the explanation of Arendt’s main concepts, such as: public and private space, action and discourse, human relations and responsibility, and, finally, the purpose of politics and freedom. The third part if this study focuses on Arendt’s concept of citizenship, which is defined by her as “the right to have rights”. When properly developed, citizenship enables the existence of freedom, which may be exercised through a council system. To conclude these considerations, the closing comments demonstrate how the activity of “reflective judgment”, formulated by Kant and taken into consideration by Arendt, may help with reviewing the political and philosophical thought as an assertion of freedom; therefore, it can be extremely important for administration of justice and History.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruth Kelson.pdf: 920154 bytes, checksum: 207a341e9ab105b0b58f0319d1c443df (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-27 / This dissertation intends to enlarge the scope of the concept Banality of Evil, a term coined by Hannah Arendt to qualify an Evil that had not yet been detected as a particular form and that she had observed in the Nazi Adolph Eichmann during his trial in Jerusalem in 1962. She called it an Evil without roots, which is like a fungus in the surface. She found it in a nonperson, in someone that doesn t think , that doesn t perform the dialogue me-with-myself and acts in heteronomy, under an external command to which it obeys without assuming personal responsibility for its moral consequences. This concept helps to elucidate the way totalitarianisms of the modern era acts and the attitude of those that only follow orders , without considering the monstrosities that they can embed. The first condition for this new form of Evil was man s preceding transformation in a pure animal laborans, dedicated nearly exclusively to his survival as a species. Transformed in a thing, as a mean and not an end in itself, man acquired the condition of superficiality from which it could derive the logic of extermination. The second condition was the destruction of the sacredness of man in modern times. With the death of God, he was transformed into a simple thing, able to be molded, used and discarded. The third condition is the predominance of the process in the world today which has an autonomous dynamics and is independent of man and his decisions. Zigmunt Baumann added to Hannah Arendt s vision a new comprehension of the mechanisms and motives that can slip into this form of Evil: the fight against the indeterminate, the chaotic and the ambivalence, trying to create a controlled and less threatening world. But, in the fight against ambivalence, an even greater chaos is created around this orders that are built. In this world on which one wants to impose the order of a deterministic law or project, the bureaucrat is the main agent of this form of Evil. The question of the Banality of Evil raises the question of what are the means at our disposal to oppose it / Com esta dissertação, pretende-se ampliar a abrangência do conceito de Banalidade do Mal, um termo criado por Hannah Arendt para qualificar um Mal que não fora ainda detectado com uma forma própria e que ela observou no nazista Adolf Eichmann durante seu julgamento em Jerusalém em 1962. Ela o chamou de um Mal sem raízes, que é como um fungo na superfície. Localizou-o em uma não-pessoa, em alguém que não pensa , que não realiza o diálogo de mim-comigo-mesmo e age em heteronomia, sob uma determinação exterior à qual obedece sem se responsabilizar pessoalmente por suas conseqüências morais. Este conceito ajuda a elucidar a forma de agir dos totalitarismos da era moderna e a atitude daqueles que somente cumprem ordens , sem levar em conta a monstruosidade que elas podem trazer embutidas. A primeira condição para esta nova forma do Mal foi a transformação prévia do homem num puro animal laborans, dedicado quase que exclusivamente à sua sobrevivência como espécie. Transformado em coisa, em meio e não em fim em si mesmo, o homem adquiriu a condição de superfluidade da qual pode derivar a lógica do extermínio. A segunda condição foi a destituição da sacralidade do homem na modernidade. Com a morte de Deus, o homem se tornou simples coisa, passível de ser moldado, usado ou descartado. A terceira condição é o predomínio do processo no mundo atual, que tem uma dinâmica autônoma e independe do homem e de suas decisões. Zigmunt Baumann acrescentou à visão de Hannah Arendt uma nova compreensão dos mecanismos e motivos que podem resvalar para esta forma de Mal: a luta contra o indeterminado, o caótico e a ambivalência, com o objetivo de criar um mundo controlado e menos ameaçador. Porém, na luta contra a ambivalência, cria-se um caos ainda maior em torno a estas ordens que são construídas. Neste mundo em que se pretende impor a ordem de uma lei determinística ou de um projeto, o burocrata é o principal agente da Banalidade do Mal. A questão desta forma de Mal suscita a pergunta de quais meios dispomos para nos contrapormos a ela

Despite historians describing the 1970s as a time of détente, both National Security Advisors that dominated America’s foreign policy pursued harsh stances against the Soviet Union. Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski sabotaged peace talks in order help the United States keep its edge against the other world superpower. Most historians point to the similarities between these two men, but what is most often left out of the narrative is that both men witnessed persecution at the hands of totalitarian governments: Kissinger by the Nazis and Brzezinski by both the Nazis and the Soviets. This influence is strong in their first works written at Harvard University, where they met Dr. Carl J. Friedrich and Hannah Arendt, both German émigrés. This paper will explore how European intellectuals, as well as their own European heritage, predisposed both Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski in their hawkish stances against the Soviet Union.

作為20世紀最具有原創性的思想家之一，Hannah Arendt的政治理論提供我們不同的視角來審度公共事務，本文所討論的自由課題亦可凸顯Arendt這一與眾不同之處。從「自由與政治是否相容」這一根本問題出發，Arendt的立場首先與自由主義呈現出區隔。據自由派主流意見，自由是政治領域外的選擇自由（freedom of choice），強調干涉闕如及個人獨立；但Arendt認為，自由與政治彼此重疊，自由須透過政治參與纔能獲得實現。然而，從政治與自由相互契合、倡議積極公民權及公民德行的角度觀之，學者普遍同意Arendt隸屬共和主義陣營，但這卻不足以完整勾勒其自由概念的內涵。Arendt的政治自由要求積極參與政治，但政治自由本身卻非一有待完成之特定目的。所謂政治參與，即是要求公民勇於行動，使政治這一必然有限的空間能保持在永久開放的狀態，而非一閉鎖之領域。當行動不斷挑戰既有政治邊界，變易的可能性便得以在政治空間中裡持續發生。基於此，本文分兩個方向來處理Arendt的自由概念：首先，自由既然在行動當中獲得彰顯，就必須先對行動有所了解，如此方能確切掌握自由概念的內涵；另一方面，每當體現在行動中的自由對政治邊界產生衝撞時，自由／秩序這一組傳統政治思想當中的對立概念似乎在Arendt這裡獲得了肯定，但這點有待商榷。傳統政治思想在論及自由時，經常將幾個與自由極其相關的基本概念一同納入討論，Arendt亦不例外，但我們必須注意這些概念在Arendt這裡已做了大幅度修正。為化解傳統對行動的敵視，以及理解Arendt的自由如何可能，我們必須將第二個面向中所討論的幾項概念納入做一整體考量，這是自由可以持續發生的幾項基本政治條件。

Zugl.: Würzburg, Univ., Diss., 2004

Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-11T18:47:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Karina Souzaseg.pdf: 467180 bytes, checksum: 86aad574118d56e6f1b1733299df0d05 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Alice Ribeiro(malice@ufba.br) on 2013-05-02T16:02:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Karina Souzaseg.pdf: 467180 bytes, checksum: 86aad574118d56e6f1b1733299df0d05 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-02T16:02:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Karina Souzaseg.pdf: 467180 bytes, checksum: 86aad574118d56e6f1b1733299df0d05 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / A entrada na esfera pública brasileira de novos fatos e relatos sobre a violação dos direitos humanos cometidos na ditadura militar tem um significado para além da comprovação desses excessos e do julgamento dos responsáveis. A luta pelo resgate das memórias subterrâneas também diz respeito à possibilidade de dar sentido às experiências vividas por quem sofreu a violência de Estado. A discussão teórico-metodológica sobre relações entre memória, esquecimento e linguagem, parte das propostas metodológicas de Hannah Arendt, segundo a qual, somente as histórias narradas dão significado ao passado e possibilitam a compreensão necessária à reconciliação com o mundo e consigo mesmo. Entretanto, outros autores aportam importantes contribuições à discussão, como a idéia de fragmentos da memória em Walter Benjamin, a discussão da relação entre memória e história em Michael Pollak, o conceito de vida nua de Agamben, etc. Buscamos ver, nas falas de três filhos cujos pais sofreram o arbítrio estatal, o que os move e o que os dificulta na transmissibilidade de suas narrativas. / Salvador

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-12-04T14:50:44Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Anna Caroline Queiroz Dias - 2018.pdf: 2575144 bytes, checksum: 6485f70351943c9aa22d944d707909fc (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-12-05T10:22:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Anna Caroline Queiroz Dias - 2018.pdf: 2575144 bytes, checksum: 6485f70351943c9aa22d944d707909fc (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-05T10:22:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Anna Caroline Queiroz Dias - 2018.pdf: 2575144 bytes, checksum: 6485f70351943c9aa22d944d707909fc (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-11-09 / The present study seeks to understand why the human rights of prisoners in Brazil are not fulfilled even in the face of extensive domestic legislation and international oversight of bodies such as the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The hypothesis raised in the study is that one of the reasons justifying the numerous attacks on specific rights of people imprisoned in Brazil is in the fact that these people, in committing their crimes and being imprisoned, have their character of belonging in the original political community denied. In order to understand these processes, a historical retrospective of the sedimentation of the prison sentence was carried out in the period of Western modernity, and it was found that this penalty served not only to attend to liberal discourses of humanity, but also to a utilitarian discipline of bodies for a new society supported by values of the bourgeoisie that required an economy of punitive power. The discourse that the prison sentence from then on removed only the right of "freedom", dialogues with the liberal political philosophy in vogue in the eighteenth century. However, not only the withdrawal of individual liberty was in check in prison, but also political freedom. The effects of this suppression of political freedom in correspondence with the decadence of the individual as a citizen sustained by contractualist theories, for which the criminal would be a traitor or enemy, generated effects of exclusion that transcend the punitive segregation of prison bars. To analyze this, an Arendtian re-interpretation was proposed to understand how the human condition of action, dialogue and plurality is obstructed in the prison context and how the internal expulsion of the political community itself corresponds to the expulsion of humanity itself, leaving the person in prison in a state of abstract nudity. Finally, considering the Arendtian concept that there is no human life when it cannot be lived among men, a brief reflection was proposed in Putnam on the mitigation of the effects of political exclusion through associativism and fomenting a virtuous circle that can instill cooperation and mutual trust between prisoners and nonprisoners and between society at large. / O presente estudo busca compreender a razão pela qual direitos humanos de pessoas presas no Brasil não são efetivados mesmo diante de uma extensa legislação interna e vigilância internacional de órgãos como a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. A hipótese levantada no estudo é de que uma das razões justificadoras dos inúmeros ataques a direitos específicos de pessoas presas no Brasil está no fato de que estas pessoas, ao cometerem seus delitos e serem aprisionadas, tem sua qualidade de pertencimento na comunidade política originária negada. Para entender este processo foi realizada uma retrospectiva histórica da sedimentação da pena de prisão no período da modernidade ocidental e ali se constatou que esta pena serviria não só para atender discursos liberais de humanidade, como também de disciplina utilitarista de corpos para uma nova sociedade sustentada pelos valores da burguesia que requeria uma economia do poder punitivo. O discurso de que a pena de prisão a partir de então retirava apenas o direito de “liberdade”, dialoga com a filosofia política liberal em voga no século XVIII. No entanto, não apenas a retirada da liberdade individual se via em xeque na prisão, mas também a liberdade política. Os efeitos desta supressão da liberdade política em correspondência à decadência do indivíduo em sua qualidade de cidadão, sustentada por teorias contratualistas, para as quais o criminoso seria um traidor ou inimigo, gerou efeitos de exclusão que transcendem a segregação punitiva das grades das prisões. Para analisar isto foi proposta uma releitura arendtiana para se compreender como a condição humana da ação, do diálogo e da pluralidade é obstruída no contexto prisional e como a expulsão interna da própria comunidade política corresponde à própria expulsão da humanidade, deixando a pessoa presa na condição de abstrata nudez. Por fim, considerando o conceito arendtiano de que não há vida humana quando esta não pode ser vivida entre os homens, propôs-se uma breve reflexão em Putnam sobre a mitigação dos efeitos da exclusão política através de associativismos e fomento de círculo virtuoso que possa incutir a cooperação e a confiança recíproca entre os cidadãos presos e não presos, e entre a sociedade em geral.