Doctor Legum - LLD / It is rare in law and in other disciplines for a word or a phrase to appear to mean what it does not. This is, however, true when it comes to life imprisonment or life sentence. I Unlike sentences like the death penalty, there have been instances where even those who are expected to know the meaning of the sentence of life imprisonment have misunderstood it.2 This misunderstanding is compounded by the fact that even dictionaries that have always helped us to understand the meaning of the words are of little help when it comes to the definition of life imprisonment. The Oxford Advanced Leamer's Dictionary, for example, defines life sentence to mean 'the punishment by which [some body] spends the rest of their life in prison." It goes ahead to define a 'lifer' as 'a person who has been sent to The ambiguity of life imprisonment could partly explain why the campaign prison for their whole life. The ambiguity of life imprisonment could partly explain why the campaign to abolish the death penalty and substitute it with life imprisonment has option to choose between the death penalty and life-imprisonment, many been successful in many parts of the world. When people are given the option to choose between the death penalty and life-imprisonment, many would oppose the former and favour the latter for various reasons. This is because, inter alia, many people think that an offender sentenced to life imprisonment will be detained for the rest of his natural life. This is of course not true in some cases, and, as Lord Mustil held, The two tribunals that were established after the World War III, the Nuremberg Tribunal and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, the Tokyo Tribunal, were empowered to impose the death penalty and indeed, as will be discussed later in detail, some offenders were sentenced to death." Although these tribunals were not expressly empowered to 2 sentence offenders to life imprisonment, they did sentence some of the offenders to life imprisonment. However, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) all have jurisdiction to sentence offenders to life imprisonment. At the time of writing, the ICC had not completed any case and therefore had no jurisprudence on life imprisonment." The ICTR has sentenced more offenders to life imprisonment and imprisonment for the remainder of their lives than the ICTY. This thesis reviews cases on life imprisonment in international criminal tribunals in order to examine the theories of punishment that these tribunals considered in sentencing offenders to life imprisonment. There are cases where the ICTR has sentenced offenders to imprisonment for the rest of their natural lives. From a human rights perspective the thesis argues that imprisonment for the remainder of the offender's natural life is inhuman punishment. The statutes of the ICTY, ICTR and ICC provide for circumstances where an offender sentenced by any of those tribunals could be released before the completion of his or her sentence. It is on that basis that it is argued that even offenders sentenced to 3 imprisonment for the remainder of their lives by the ICTR could be released.

"Although the United Nations (UN) has often been pivotal in forging the international response to serious human rights crimes in such settings, the justice gap in countries such as the Democratic Republic [of] Congo (DRC) (the focus of this study) underscores the need for more systematic UN efforts. The war in the DRC has resulted in one of the world's worst humanitarian crisis with over 3.4 million displaced persons scattered throughout the country. An estimated 3.5 million people have died as a result of the war. The armed conflict has been characterised by appalling widespread and systematic human rights violations, including mass killings, ethnic cleansing, rape and the destruction of property. The most pressing need to be addressed is the question of justice and accountability for these human rights atrocities in order to achieve a durable peace in the country and also in the Great Lakes region (Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Angola and the DRC, to name just a few). In this respect, this study will address the grave human rights violations committed in the DRC and the mechanisms for dealing with them. It is particularly true in post-conflict situations where justice systems have been either partially or completely destroyed, that national courts are not capapble of arriving at a uniform stance, or willing to provide justice for atrocities in the immediate future. As a result, international justice seems to be a crucial and last resort that must continue to be fortified against efforts to undermine it. ... Chapter one will set out the content of the research, identify the problem and outline the methodology. Chapter two will discuss the state obligations in international law to prosecute gross violations of human rights and gives a summary of the human rights violations situation during the Congolese war. Chapter three will discuss the available naitonal mechanisms for accountaiblity in the DRC. It will discuss if national courts and TRC are able to deal with these atrocities committed in the DRC. Chapter four will analyse the extent to which the ICC could deal with the Congolese case and challenges. Chapter five will discuss the trends towards accountability in the DRC and the way forward. Chapter six will draw a conclusion on how to break the cycle of impunity in the DRC." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Boukongou Jean Didier and Dr. Atangcho Akonumbo at the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaounde, Cameroon / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"The establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Rome in 1998 is a milestone for humanity and a watershed in the life of victims of ongoing violations or wars. The Preamble to the Rome Statute of the ICC acknowledges that 'during this century [20th century] millions of children, women and men have been victims of unimaginable atrocities that deeply shock the conscience of humanity'. This dissertation explores the development and state of victims' rights in international criminal law. ... The study consists of five chapters. Chapter one will provide the context in which the study is set. It oulines the basis and structure of the study. Chapter two endeavours to define some of the basic concepts central to the study: victim, witness, compensation, reparation, redress, restitution, etc. This chapter will give a brief overview of victims' rights in the domestic system. It will also analyse the right to an effective remedy in international law with specific focus on the UN human rights system and on regional systems. Chapter three will outline victims' rights before the ad hoc international criminal tribunals and hybrid courts. These tribunals and courts are the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Special Court of Sierra Leone (SCSL), Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECC), and the Special Pannels for Serious Crimes in East Timor (SPSC). Chapter four is devoted [to] the ICC. It will focus on its provisions dealing with victims' rights and assess whether this mechanism makes effective allowance for victims to be heard and compensated. Chapter five will consist of a summary of the entire presentation and the conclusions drawn from the study. It will make some recommendations for the adequate protection of victims' rights." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Raymond Koen at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This dissertation intends to analyse the practice of amnesties in the context of grave human rights violations using northern Uganda as a case study. It also examines its consistency with the obligation upon states to protect human rights through the prosecution of perpetrators of the said violations. It will, accordingly, analyse the implications of the complementary mandate of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to national jurisdictions. Furthermore, the author also explores the tension which results from national amnesties and the principle of international criminal responsibility, a principle that the ICC has the mandate to enforce. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Ben Kiromba Twinomugisha of the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Disposal with an Investment Claim JUDr. Filip Černý International investment protection is very special legal discipline which stands at the borderline between public and private, international and national (domestic) law. The intersections between these legal areas produce a vast range of questions on the applicable law and the nature of the legal institutes inherent to investment protection. The legal system of investment protection is founded on a matrix consisting of bilateral and multilateral treaties and simultaneously shares some of the customary origins inherent to diplomatic protection of foreigners. The particularity of the investment protection system is given by the existence of the diagonal relations between the host state and the investor of the other state. The combination of the public international law sources and the diagonal relations developing inside the public international law matrix induce questions on the nature of such rights and obligations arising inside of the investment protection system among its actors. Author analyses these relations with an aim to determine the nature of the investment claim as a prerequisite for a volitional disposal of the investment claim by the investor.

Mit den konstituierungsbezogenen Rechtsbehelfen behandelt die Arbeit den Aspekt personeller Konfliktsituationen eines schiedsrichterlichen Verfahrens nach der ZPO. Es geht insbesondere um die Fragen, wie Schiedsrichter bei unterbliebener Mitwirkung einer Partei bestellt werden, auf welchem Weg eine Verfahrenspartei einen Schiedsrichter ablehnen oder dessen Amt sonst beenden kann und wie gegen einen Schiedsspruch vorzugehen ist, wenn die Konstituierung nicht ordnungsgemäß verlief. Definiert und systematisiert werden die Grundsätze und Begriffe der Konstituierung (Kapitel 1 und 2) sowie die Konstituierungshindernisse und Kriterien für die Bestellung von Schiedsrichtern (Kapitel 3 und 4). Im Detail und mit Blick auf die Praxis folgt die Erörterung aller konstituierungsbezogener Rechtsbehelfe (Kapitel 5 bis 8): Während des schiedsrichterlichen Verfahrens handelt es sich dabei um die Verfahren der Ersetzung von Schiedsrichtern (§ 1034 ZPO), der Ersatzbestellung von Schiedsrichtern (§ 1035 ZPO) und der Nachbestellung (§ 1039 ZPO), der Ablehnung von Schiedsrichtern (§ 1037 ZPO) und der Beendigung des Schiedsrichteramts (§ 1038 ZPO). Abschließend wird untersucht, wie Fehler der Konstituierung in den Verfahren nach dem Schiedsspruch geltend zu machen sind, also im Aufhebungsverfahren (§ 1059 ZPO) und im Vollstreckbarerklärungs- oder Anerkennungsverfahren (§§ 1060 f. ZPO). Ausgewertet ist neben der schiedsverfahrensrechtlichen Literatur und Kommentierung insbesondere die umfangreiche Rechtsprechung. / The text discusses the legal remedies for and in connection with the constitution of the arbitral tribunal, in regards to any personal conflict of arbitral proceedings as per the German Code of Civil Procedure (CPO). Hence the focus is on questions of how an arbitrator is to be appointed if one party fails to cooperate, of how a party may challenge an arbitrator or otherwise terminate an arbitrator''s mandate, and of how to proceed with an arbitral award issued by an unduly constituted arbitral tribunal. Chapters 1 and 2 deal with the principles, terms and definitions of the arbitral tribunal’s composition. Chapters 3 and 4 systematise obstacles to such a tribunal’s composition, and the criteria for an arbitrator’s appointment. Chapters 5 to 8 continue with a detailed examination, and focus on current practice with all corresponding remedies. During the arbitral proceedings such remedies make provision for an arbitrator’s replacement (section 1034 CPO), the appointment of an arbitrator (section 1035 CPO) or substitute arbitrator (section 1039 CPO), the challenge of an arbitrator (section 1037 CPO), or the termination of an arbitrator’s mandate (section 1038 CPO). Finally, for cases where an arbitral award has already been granted, the text discusses how an unduly constituted tribunal may be dealt with through proceedings for setting aside an award (section 1059 CPO), or for an award’s enforcement or recognition (sections 1060 f. CPO). In addition to the literature on arbitration and the annotations of the CPO, the substantial amount of legal precedent is particularly evaluated.

<p>Савремени концепти међународног кривичног права одавно су напустили правне оквире, начела и традицију очувања светског мира, јер се међународно право више не примењује, оно се тумачи и то на онај начин који одговара политичким струјама у међународним односима.<br />На који начин је дошло до вулгаризације међународног кривичног права и у којој мери је оно изражено најприближније говоре случајеви покренути пред међународним кривичним судовима. Анализом рада међународних кривичних судова у смислу: конституисања суда, дефинисања материјалних и процесних норми, извођењу доказа, изменом и допуном Правилника о поступку и доказима, истицању одређених кривичних дела, различитим стандардима и начину вредновања наступелих последица, националниј припадности субјеката у поступку... могу се препознати многи проблеми који су дискредитовали постојање начелних питања истине, објективности и правичности. У овим начелима налазе се потенцијална решења ефикасности међународних кривичних судова, али стиче се утисак да би решењем ових проблема правда била достижна и за оне који су проузроковали низ озбиљних сукоба у свету. Сходно томе, потребно је запитати се да ли међународна заједница уопште жели да постоји институција као што је Међународни кривични суд?<br />Међународни кривични судови, до сада су више личили на институције које су биле подређене медијским кампањама усмереним против унапред етикетираних држава и носиоца њихове суверене власти, што се у великом броју случајева показало као идеалан параван за покретање агресивних ратова. Ако је Међународни кривични суд надлежан, између осталог, и за дела агресије, због чега целокупна међународна заједница ћути и ништа не предузима по питању окупације аутономне покрајне Косова и Метохије и&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; не супротстави се рушилачким идеологијама припајања суседним државама. Зар то не представља рушилачки фактор безбедности и мира у региону? Већина држава у свету, а посебно у Европи, има сличних проблема који су мање или више транспарентни, али уколико се настави садашњим путем слична судбина могла би и њих да задеси.<br />Да би међународни кривични судови били у могућности да обављају функцију због које су основани њихова надлежност треба да искqучи сваки вид економске и политичке зависности. Своју надлежност судови треба да заснивају на правилима бона фидес којима би као Судови региона своју правну снагу црпили из кодификованог међународног кривичног права и постулата обичајних правних правила. Такве судове је могуће успоставити, под условом да се постојећи политизовани бирократски систем судија и тужилаца у међународним кривичним судовима замени новим регионалним решењима и концепцијама независних механизама контроле.</p> / <p>Savremeni koncepti međunarodnog krivičnog prava odavno su napustili pravne okvire, načela i tradiciju očuvanja svetskog mira, jer se međunarodno pravo više ne primenjuje, ono se tumači i to na onaj način koji odgovara političkim strujama u međunarodnim odnosima.<br />Na koji način je došlo do vulgarizacije međunarodnog krivičnog prava i u kojoj meri je ono izraženo najpribližnije govore slučajevi pokrenuti pred međunarodnim krivičnim sudovima. Analizom rada međunarodnih krivičnih sudova u smislu: konstituisanja suda, definisanja materijalnih i procesnih normi, izvođenju dokaza, izmenom i dopunom Pravilnika o postupku i dokazima, isticanju određenih krivičnih dela, različitim standardima i načinu vrednovanja nastupelih posledica, nacionalnij pripadnosti subjekata u postupku... mogu se prepoznati mnogi problemi koji su diskreditovali postojanje načelnih pitanja istine, objektivnosti i pravičnosti. U ovim načelima nalaze se potencijalna rešenja efikasnosti međunarodnih krivičnih sudova, ali stiče se utisak da bi rešenjem ovih problema pravda bila dostižna i za one koji su prouzrokovali niz ozbiljnih sukoba u svetu. Shodno tome, potrebno je zapitati se da li međunarodna zajednica uopšte želi da postoji institucija kao što je Međunarodni krivični sud?<br />Međunarodni krivični sudovi, do sada su više ličili na institucije koje su bile podređene medijskim kampanjama usmerenim protiv unapred etiketiranih država i nosioca njihove suverene vlasti, što se u velikom broju slučajeva pokazalo kao idealan paravan za pokretanje agresivnih ratova. Ako je Međunarodni krivični sud nadležan, između ostalog, i za dela agresije, zbog čega celokupna međunarodna zajednica ćuti i ništa ne preduzima po pitanju okupacije autonomne pokrajne Kosova i Metohije i&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; ne suprotstavi se rušilačkim ideologijama pripajanja susednim državama. Zar to ne predstavlja rušilački faktor bezbednosti i mira u regionu? Većina država u svetu, a posebno u Evropi, ima sličnih problema koji su manje ili više transparentni, ali ukoliko se nastavi sadašnjim putem slična sudbina mogla bi i njih da zadesi.<br />Da bi međunarodni krivični sudovi bili u mogućnosti da obavljaju funkciju zbog koje su osnovani njihova nadležnost treba da iskquči svaki vid ekonomske i političke zavisnosti. Svoju nadležnost sudovi treba da zasnivaju na pravilima bona fides kojima bi kao Sudovi regiona svoju pravnu snagu crpili iz kodifikovanog međunarodnog krivičnog prava i postulata običajnih pravnih pravila. Takve sudove je moguće uspostaviti, pod uslovom da se postojeći politizovani birokratski sistem sudija i tužilaca u međunarodnim krivičnim sudovima zameni novim regionalnim rešenjima i koncepcijama nezavisnih mehanizama kontrole.</p> / <p>Modern concepts of international criminal law have long since left the legal frameworks, principles and tradition of preserving world peace, because international law is no longer applicable, it is interpreted in a way that is consistent with political currents in international relations.<br />How has the vulgarisation of international criminal law come about and to what extent is it most closely illustrated by cases brought before international criminal courts. By analyzing the work of international criminal courts in terms of: constituting a court, defining substantive and procedural norms, presenting evidence, amending the Rules of Procedure and Evidence, highlighting certain criminal offenses, different standards and the way of evaluating the consequences, the national affiliation of the subjects in the proceedings ... many problems can be identified that have discredited the existence of fundamental questions of truth, objectivity and fairness. These principles provide potential solutions to the effectiveness of international criminal courts, but the impression is that by resolving these problems, justice would be attainable for those who have caused a number of serious conflicts in the world. Accordingly, one has to wonder if the international community wants an institution such as the International Criminal Court at all?<br />International criminal courts have so far been more like institutions subordinate to media campaigns against pre-labeled states and holders of their sovereign power, which in many cases proved to be an ideal front for launching aggressive wars. If the International Criminal Court has jurisdiction over, among other things, acts of aggression, for which reason the entire international community is silent and does nothing about the occupation of the autonomous provincial Kosovo and Metohija and does not oppose the destructive ideologies of annexation to neighboring countries. Doesn&#39;t that represent the destructive factor of security and peace in the region? Most countries in the world, and especially in Europe, have similar problems that are more or less transparent, but if they continue along the same path, a similar fate could befall them.<br />In order for international criminal courts to be able to perform the function for which they were founded, their jurisdiction should exclude any form of economic and political dependence. Courts should base their jurisdiction on bona fides rules which, as the Courts of the Region, derive their legal power from codified international criminal law and the common law rules. Such courts can be established, provided that the existing politicized bureaucratic system of judges and prosecutors in international criminal courts is replaced by new regional solutions and concepts of independent control mechanisms.</p>

Aim: To investigate the reliability of the COntext Assessment for Community Health (COACH) tool on mobile phone versus pen-paper in Nairobi, Kenya. Background: One of the barriers to the progress of the MDGs has been the failure of health systems in many LMICs to effectively implement evidence-based interventions As a result of the “know-do” gap, patients do not benefit from advances in healthcare and are exposed to unnecessary risks. Better mapping of context improves implementation by allowing tailoring of strategies and interpretation of knowledge translation. COACH investigates healthcare contexts for LMICs and has only been used on pen-paper. With 5 billion mobile phone users globally, mobile technologies is being recognized as able to play a formal role in health services. Methods: Comparative study with 140 nurses/midwives and doctors in four hospitals in Nairobi. 70 were randomly assigned to mobile phone and pen-paper each. The tool was administered twice with a two week interval and test-retest reliability, internal consistency and interrater reliability were assessed. Findings: Excellent test-retest reliability for both pen-paper and mobile phone (ICC &gt;0.81). 45% (pen-paper) and 34% (mobile phone) moderate agreement between individual questions in round 1 and 2. Acceptable average Cronbach’s alpha (&gt;0.70). Conclusion: Both mobile phone and pen-paper were reliable and feasible for data collection. The findings are a good first step towards using COACH in Kenya. Additional research is needed for individual settings. Using mobile phones could increase healthcare facilities’ accessibility in implementation research, helping to close the “know-do” gap and reach the SDGs.

Plus de soixante-quinze ans après la création des Règles et usances uniformes relatives aux crédits documentaires par la Chambre de commerce internationale, pouvons-nous parler d'un véritable succès international de la lettre de crédit commerciale à titre d'instrument de paiement fiable et sécuritaire ? Nonobstant sa triple finalité et l'application formaliste de ses principes d'incessibilité, de stricte conformité et de double autonomie qui ont su, au cours des années, répondre aux besoins résultant de l'évolution du commerce international, il nous semble utopique de parler d'un tel succès. Mais pourquoi ? Confrontées aux réglementations nationales ainsi qu'aux pratiques nationalistes et protectionnistes des états qui ont pourtant adhéré aux Règles et usances relatives aux crédits documentaires, la malléabilité de ces règles semble avoir dénaturé la lettre de crédit commerciale de ses principaux attributs. À cet égard, nous pouvons nous demander si la lettre de crédit commerciale est une facilité de crédit désuète ou incomprise ? La présente thèse est le fruit de maintes réflexions sur les problèmes liés à l'application et l'interprétation de la lettre de crédit commerciale à titre d'instrument international et plus particulièrement sur les lacunes des Règles et usances uniformes relatives aux crédits documentaires. / More than seventy-five years after the creation of the Uniform Customs and Practice for Documentary Credits by the International Chamber of Commerce, can we talk about a true international success of the commercial letter of credit as a reliable and secured instrument of payment? Notwithstanding its triple functions and the formalistic application of its principles of non-assignability, of strict compliance and of dual autonomy, which have answered the needs resulting from the evolution of international commerce, it seems unrealistic to talk about such success. But why? Confronted with the national regulations as well as nationalist and protectionist practices of the states which have nevertheless ratified the Uniform Customs and Practice for Documentary Credits, the malleability of those rules seems to have been misrepresented of the principal attributes of the commercial letter of credit. ln that respect, we can ask ourselves if the commercial letter of credit is an outdated or misunderstood credit facility? The present thesis is the fruit of many reflections on the problems linked with the application and the interpretation of the commercial letter of credit as an international instrument of payment and more particularly, on the gaps of the Uniform Customs and Practice for Documentary Credits.

Aujourd’hui, l’Afrique est sans aucun doute la partie du monde la plus affectée par la commission des crimes internationaux les plus graves. Pourtant, depuis des décennies, il existe des mécanismes juridiques visant à sanctionner les responsables des crimes qui heurtent la conscience humaine. Seulement, l’échec relatif de ces mécanismes peut pousser l’observateur à se demander s’il est possible de garantir la diffusion du droit international pénal sur le continent africain. Cette interrogation est loin d’être incongrue, car même si un nombre important d’états africains ont ratifié le Statut de Rome qui organise la répression du génocide, des crimes contre l’humanité, des crimes de guerre et même du crime d’agression, il n’en demeure pas moins que l’application de ce Statut dans les différents ordres juridiques concernés est très souvent compromise. La principale raison à cela c'est que, le droit international pénal ne tient pas forcément compte des particularismes juridiques des états qui ont pourtant la primauté de compétence, en vertu du principe de subsidiarité, pour sanctionner la commission des crimes internationaux selon les règles classiques de dévolution des compétences. De plus, il faut préciser que l’Afrique est le terrain de prédilection du pluralisme juridique qui favorise la juxtaposition de l’ordre juridique moderne et de l’ordre juridique traditionnel. Si le premier est en principe réceptif aux normes internationales pénales, le second qu’il soit musulman ou coutumier avec l’exemple des Gacaca rwandais, repose sur une philosophie juridique différente de celle du droit international pénal. Dans tous les cas, l’articulation du droit international pénal avec les ordres juridiques africains est une des conditions de sa diffusion. Cette articulation pourrait d’ailleurs être favorisée par le dialogue entre les juges nationaux et internationaux qui doivent travailler en bonne intelligence pour édifier un système international pénal ; d’où l’intérêt pour les états africains de favoriser une coopération effective avec les juridictions pénales internationales. Il va sans dire que, tout ceci ne sera possible qu’au sein des régimes politiques démocratiques capables de renoncer aux règles et pratiques juridiques anachroniques pour s’appuyer sur une politique criminelle pouvant favoriser, dans un avenir plus ou moins lointain, un véritable universalisme du droit international pénal. / Today, Africa is undoubtedly part of the world most affected by the commission of the most serious international crimes. Yet for decades, there are legal mechanisms to punish those responsible for crimes that shock the conscience of humanity. But the relative failure of these mechanisms can push the viewer to wonder if it is possible to ensure the dissemination of international criminal law on the African continent. This question is far from being incongruous, because even if a significant number of African states have ratified the Rome Statute that governs the fight against genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression even, the fact remains that the application of the Statute in the different legal systems involved is often compromised. The main reason for this is that international criminal law does not necessarily take into account the legal peculiarities of the states that have yet the primacy of jurisdiction under the subsidiarity principle, to sanction the commission of international crimes by the conventional rules devolution of powers. In addition, it should be noted that Africa is the stomping ground of legal pluralism that promotes juxtaposition of the modern legal system and traditional law. If the first is normally receptive to criminal international standards, the second whether Muslim or customary with the example of the Rwandan Gacaca is based on a different legal philosophy from that of international criminal law. In all cases, the articulation of international criminal law with African legal systems is one of the conditions of release. This link could also be encouraged by the dialogue between national and international judges who must work in harmony to build an international criminal system; hence the need for African states to promote effective cooperation with international criminal courts. It goes without saying that all this will be possible only in democratic political systems which can waive the rules and legal practices anachronistic to press a criminal policy that can promote in a more or less distant future, a true universalism of international criminal law.