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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 71 to 78 of 78 (0.186 seconds)| 71 |
The Rise of China: Assessing "Revisionist" Behavior in the Global EconomySmith, Parker T. January 2019 (has links)
No description available.
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South African foreign policy in Africa : the case of South Africa retail multinational corporationsMkhabela, Mpumelelo Kansas 11 1900 (has links)
The significant role of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the international political
economy necessitates innovative ways to study their activities and relationships with
states. This study, therefore, analyses the foreign policy of the South African
government in Africa during President Thabo Mbeki’s administration – 1999 to 2008
– juxtaposed with the corporate diplomatic strategies of selected retail MNCs. The
MNCs – Shoprite Holdings Limited, Massmart Holdings Limited, Woolworths
Holdings Limited and Pick n Pay Holdings Limited – are treated as actors.
The study uncovers the nature and extent of coalescences and divergences of
strategies between the government and the MNCs. It also finds divergences
between government’s policy pronouncements and interests. For example, the
government’s plan to craft a code of good business practice is found to be in
conflicts with its support for multilateralism. The study lays the basis for a new
model to study diplomatic strategies of firms and governments. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)
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South African foreign policy in Africa : the case of South Africa retail multinational corporationsMkhabela, Mpumelelo Kansas 11 1900 (has links)
The significant role of multinational corporations (MNCs) in the international political economy necessitates innovative ways to study their activities and relationships with states. This study, therefore, analyses the foreign policy of the South African government in Africa during President Thabo Mbeki’s administration – 1999 to 2008 juxtaposed with the corporate diplomatic strategies of selected retail MNCs. The MNCs – Shoprite Holdings Limited, Massmart Holdings Limited, Woolworths Holdings Limited and Pick n Pay Holdings Limited – are treated as actors. The study uncovers the nature and extent of coalescences and divergences of strategies between the government and the MNCs. It also finds divergences between government’s policy pronouncements and interests. For example, the
government’s plan to craft a code of good business practice is found to be in conflicts with its support for multilateralism. The study lays the basis for a new model to study diplomatic strategies of firms and governments. / Political Sciences / M. A. (International Politics)
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美國柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策：以最惠國待遇案為例 / Clinton Administration's Trade Policy toward the People's Republic of China: MFN issue as a Case Study徐海蕾, HSU, HAI-LEI Unknown Date (has links)
本論文的研究目的有三：（一）學習國際政治經濟學的分析方法：從文獻閱讀中，學習國際政治經濟學的分析方法，包括此分析方法的內涵和適用範疇。（二）試用此方法來分析柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策：本論文試用國際政治經濟學的自由主義的觀點，來分析柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策，並試圖藉由此觀點驗證以下假設性問題：柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策符合自由主義的精神；亦即，柯林頓政府是根據自由主義的精神來制定對中共的貿易政策。（三）試用此方法分析最惠國待遇問題：本論文認為美中的貿易問題以續惠問題最有代表性，因為續惠問題不僅反應美國對經濟利益的關切，更反應美國對人權價值的關切，因此選擇此問題作為柯林頓政府對中共貿易政策的案例分析。本論文試圖用國際政治經濟學的方法來分析續惠問題，並且驗證以下假設：柯林頓政府將人權與最惠國待遇從掛勾到脫勾的政策變化，符合自由主義的精神；亦即，柯林頓政府是根據自由主義的精神而決定續惠中共。
根據本論文的研究結果，認為柯林頓政府是以自由主義的觀點推動貿易政策，在自由主義的觀點中，自由貿易最能達到貿易各國互利互惠，而自由貿易的核心原則即是「不歧視原則」（亦即最惠國待遇原則），一旦不歧視原則（最惠國待遇原則）被破壞，自由貿易也無從存在。因此，雖然柯林頓政府為了推動公平、互惠的貿易秩序會對他國威脅使用三０一條款、課徵反傾銷稅、施以高姿態的政治壓力，卻從來很少運用撤銷最惠國待遇來威脅他國就範。最惠國待遇是自由主義貿易政策的核心原則，柯林頓政府為了推動自由貿易秩序，絕對不會動搖這個核心原則。同樣的道理適用在中國的最惠國待遇問題上。柯林頓總統入主白宮之後，並沒有認真考慮過撤銷中共的最惠國待遇，因為一旦他撤銷中共的最惠國待遇，不僅美「中」關係受損，美國經濟利益受損，美國賴以建立貿易秩序的核心原則更將受到破壞。此即柯林頓政府所以將人權問題和最惠國待遇問題脫勾的最重要原因。人權固然是自由主義看重的價值，最惠國待遇亦是自由主義看重的價值，美國不可能為了取得其中之一，而放棄另外之一，也就是美國不可能為了中共不改善人權，即取消最惠國待遇。將這兩者掛勾自始就不可行，也不是有效的政策，柯林頓政府將這兩者脫勾也就是必然的了。根據以上的研究結果，筆者認為驗證了本文的兩個假設性問題。
第一章 緒論 1
第一節 研究動機與研究目的 1
第二節 研究方法與論文架構 2
第三節 研究範圍與研究限制 4
第二章 國際政治經濟學的觀點 6
第一節 導論：何謂國際政治經濟學？ 6
第二節 重商主義(Mercantilism)的觀點 8
第三節 自由主義(Liberalism)的觀點 15
第四節 結構主義(Structuralism)的觀點 22
第五節 小結 29
第三章 戰後美國貿易政策的演變 33
第一節 戰後到一九七０年代的自由貿易政策 33
第二節 一九七０年代以後的貿易保護主義政策 38
第三節 小結 46
第四章 美國貿易政策之制定及執行機構 49
第一節 立法部門：國會 50
第二節 行政部門：總統與其他部會 54
第三節 民間力量：利益團體 60
第四節 小結 63
第五章 柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策 66
第一節 經濟安全：柯林頓政府施政的中心目標 66
第二節 柯林頓政府的貿易政策 72
第三節 柯林頓政府的中國政策 79
第四節 柯林頓政府對中共的貿易政策 85
第六章 案例分析：續延中共最惠國待遇問題 91
第一節 美「中」最惠國待遇爭議的由來 92
第二節 美國續惠中共問題案的發展 95
第三節 國際政治經濟學的分析 107
第七章 結論 115
參考書目 118 / This thesis endeavors to use International Political Economy perspectives as an analytical framework to explain Clinton Administration's trade policy toward the People's Republic of China. According to the research, Clinton Administration's trade policy toward the PRC is based on the perspective of liberalism. His decision to delink "human rights" from "MFN" can also be rationalized in the perspective of liberalism.
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Poder y autoridad en las relaciones internacionales: el control del comercio electrónico en InternetIbáñez Muñoz, Josep 07 May 2003 (has links)
El comerç electrònic a internet està controlat essencialment per actors privats, en la seva majoria empreses i associacions empresarials dels sectors econòmics vinculats a les tecnologies de la informació i la comunicació. Aquests actors, en ocasions veritables autoritats, exerceixen el seu poder sobre els mercats electrònics a través de marcs normatius i de configuracions tècniques que els permeten establir les condicions de funcionament de les infraestructures, els codis i els continguts d'internet. El control de les estructures de poder al ciberespai per part d'actors privats es realitza amb l'aquiescència i el suport d'algunes autoritats públiques, especialment les d'Estats Units. Aquest control ha reduït els riscos que amenaçaven l'expansió dels mercats electrònics, però al mateix temps ha contribuït a que internet deixi d'ésser un espai predominantment públic, obert, lliure i gratuït per convertir-se en un espai predominantement privat, tancat, controlat i de pagament. / El comercio electrónico en internet está controlado esencialmente por actores privados, en su mayoría empresas y asociaciones empresariales de los sectores económicos vinculados a las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación. Estos actores, en ocasiones verdaderas autoridades, ejercen su poder sobre los mercados electrónicos a través de marcos normativos y de configuraciones técnicas que les permiten establecer las condiciones de funcionamiento de las infraestructuras, los códigos y los contenidos de internet. El control de las estructuras de poder en el ciberespacio por parte de actores privados se realiza con la aquiescencia y el apoyo de algunas autoridades públicas, especialmente las de Estados Unidos. Este control ha reducido los riesgos que amenazaban la expansión de los mercados electrónicos, pero al mismo tiempo ha contribuido a que internet deje de ser un espacio predominantemente público, abierto, libre y gratuito para convertirse en un espacio predominantemente privado, cerrado, controlado y de pago. / Electronic Commerce on the Internet is controlled essentially by private actors, most of them companies and business associations of the economic sectors related to information and communication tecnologies (ICT). These actors, sometimes like true authorities, use their power on the electronic markets trough normative frameworks and technical standards allowing them to establish the rules of infrastructures, code and content of the Internet. Public authorities, especially in the United States, have offered the private sector their acquiescence and suport in order to control the power structures of the cyberspace. This control has reduced the risks threatening the expansion of the electronic markets, but at the same time it has contributed to the transformation of the Internet, so that a predominantly public, open, free and cheap space is becoming a predominantly private, restricted, controlled and expensive space.
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International crimes prosecution case selection : the ICC, ICTR, and SCSLMahony, Christopher January 2013 (has links)
International crimes prosecutions have become more common since 1993, both domestically and at international courts and tribunals. The advance of this norm confronts realist state interests causing debate about the norm's status. Kathryn Sikkink views a norm as cascading when enough states adopt it to cause international influence, without domestic pressure, to procure levels of conformity. This thesis considers the degree of conformity by observing the level of case selection independence to determine whether this norm is cascading. By identifying the jurisdictional and functional elements of case selection independence, I develop a framework for observing the interface between politics and law. While Sikkink errs towards the quantity of international crimes prosecutions, I focus on the quality. This project examines case selection independence at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court, in Uganda. The project considers whether case selection has become more or less independent at these courts - whether the norm of international crimes prosecution has cascaded or contracted. In observing the various case selection independence elements I attempt to explain the observed cascades and contractions at each court. I then consider whether a cascade or contraction occurred during the period of the courts' collective design and function. The research qualitatively observes a cumulative justice contraction. The research observes a combination of factors affecting case selection independence, including shifts in power dynamics between and among weak and powerful states, increasing state sophistication in international court engagement, a shift in jurisdiction triggering actors and forums, and realist state co-option of norm entrepreneurs via endearing explanation of independence-diminishing policies.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee 13 November 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee January 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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