Ce mémoire expose les représentations des pratiques rituelles traditionnelles des Iroquoiens et des Algonquiens que les missionnaires jésuites français ont dévoilés dans leurs écrits. Parfois malgré eux, les missionnaires présentent dans leurs témoignages des êtres doté-e-s de pouvoirs religieux, que nous examinerons ici. Le territoire analysé est donc principalement celui des missions jésuites, soit la vallée laurentienne, le pays périphérique et la région des Grands Lacs, tranche d’Amérique qui restait essentiellement autochtone lors de la période qui nous intéresse, soit de 1632, date de la première relation du jésuite Paul Le Jeune, jusqu’à 1724, date de publication de l’ouvrage Mœurs des Sauvages de Joseph-François Lafitau. Cet examen minutieux des ouvrages jésuites a alors révélé, dans une perspective de l’histoire du genre, des extraits relatifs aux rituels et aux sphères d’activités des hommes et des femmes autochtones. Ces résultats sont par le fait même confrontés à de nombreuses études d’une part sur les Premières Nations, et d’autre part sur les jésuites et leurs missions nord-américaines. Cette jonction multidisciplinaire nous mène alors à se demander : que voient, ou ne voient pas, les missionnaires du rôle des hommes, des femmes, et dans une certaine mesure, des « hommesfemmes » et des « femmes-hommes » au sein des rituels autochtones, et dans quelles circonstances ? / This thesis presents representations of the traditional ritual practices of the Iroquoians and Algonquians that the French Jesuit missionaries have revealed in their writings. Sometimes in spite of themselves, the missionaries describe Indigenous people endowed with religious powers, descriptions which we will examine. The territory analyzed is therefore mainly that of the missions, namely the St. Lawrence Valley, the surrounding country and the Great Lakes region, a slice of America that remained largely Indigenous during the period of interest to us, namely from 1632, date of the first Relations with the Jesuit Paul Le Jeune, until 1724, the date of publication of the book Mœurs des Sauvages by Joseph-François Lafitau. This careful examination of the Jesuit works reveals, from a perspective of gender history, excerpts relating to rituals and spheres of activity of Aboriginal men and women. These results are confronted with numerous studies on First Nations or on the Jesuits and their North American missions. This multidisciplinary convergence then leads us to ask: what do missionaries see, or do not see, in the role of men, women, and to some extent, “men-women” and “women-men” within Aboriginal rituals, and in what circumstances?

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Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

The aim of the thesis is to describe and analyze the function of the Jesuit order in the royal city of Jihlava in the years 1625-1682 with special focus on the question how the Jesuit college managed to anchor itself in an environment that was mostly Lutheran for almost a century. The thesis is based on sources of both municipal and Jesuit provenance - i.e. mostly of Latin and German provenance, stored dominantly in the Moravian Land Archive in Brno and in the funds of the State District Archive in Jihlava. Thus, the thesis expands the topic of an already defended bachelor thesis, which focused on the establishment and institutional security of the Jesuit college in the context of the political and religious development of Moravia. The thesis thoroughly describes the relationship between the royal city and its burghers and the Jesuit college. From the viewpoint of the burghers, I follow the relationship on a study of pious gifts given to the Jesuit college by the burghers on ground of their testaments. This allows determining the level of attention paid to the Jesuit college by the burghers and whether they preferred it to other church institutions in the city. The next chapter offers an insight into the interaction on ground of the educational activities of the Jesuit order - it ascertains the...

Gerard Manley Hopkins produced poetry in the Victorian era which was noted for its originality of syntax and form. The essence underlying a large body of his poetry was his Catholic religion. His early religious poetry utilized nature-based metaphors to express his love of Christ and trace the immanence of God within nature. He borrowed heavily from the aesthetics of Pater and the philosophy of Duns Scotus. The dissertation explores these early influences and assesses their contribution to the formation of a unique religious interpretation of life and the formulation of an aesthetic congruent with this religion. The dissertation dissects early symptoms of religious doubt within his poetry and finally analyses his `Terrible Sonnet' phase in detail to ascertain whether the crisis so often described as occurring during this period was religious or merely reflected a loss of creative ability. / English Studies / MA (English)

Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de ce mémoire a été dépouillée de certains documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal / Ce mémoire s’intéresse à l’art pratiqué par des Jésuites ayant vécu chez le peuple agnier au 17e siècle. L’analyse du travail de deux peintres, les pères Jean Pierron et Claude Chauchetière, nous permet de définir l’environnement socioculturel et politique susceptible d’avoir influencé leur production artistique. Ces artistes ont pour point commun d’avoir œuvré exclusivement chez les Agniers et ce, à seulement une décennie d’intervalle. Pierron destine son art, majoritairement composé d’illustrations didactiques, à un public autochtone non christianisé. Nous avons déterminé que son œuvre témoigne d’une transition idéologique, notamment par l’utilisation de thèmes eschatologiques, le recours à l’image à des fins didactiques et l’intégration de quelques éléments d’écriture dans son œuvre, annonçant ainsi les pratiques apostoliques et artistiques futures. Quant à l’art de Chauchetière, il reflète la continuation du changement perceptif jésuite, notamment en plaçant l’Autochtone comme héros du récit, mais également en l’introduisant au cœur du genre littéraire hagiographique, avec la figure de Catherine Tekakwitha. Toutefois, une transition s’effectue par rapport à l’usage de l’image, qui passe d’un statut didactique à cultuel. / This thesis concerns the art developed by Jesuits living with the Mohawk people in the 17th century. By the analysis of the works of two painters, Father Jean Pierron and Father Claude Chauchetière, we define the sociocultural and political environment that influenced their artistic production. These artists share in common the experience of working exclusively with the Mohawk indigenous community, in two consecutive decades. Pierron’s art can be characterized by didactic illustrations aimed towards a secular indigenous audience. We have determined that this painter indicates an ideological transition, in particular by the representation of eschatological theme, the utilisation of imagery in didactical purposes, and by the integration of a few elements of writing into his illustrations. We think that this heralds the apostolic and artistic practices of the generation to follow. The art of Chauchetière reflects the continuation of Jesuit perceptual change by placing the Aboriginal as the hero of the narrative, but also by the introduction of a new character to the heart of hagiographic literature, the character of Catherine Tekakwitha. We can nevertheless observe that a transition takes place with respect to the use of the image, which transforms from a didactical status to that of worship.

A presente tese estuda a produção arquitetônica e artística nas Missões Jesuíticas situadas no território do antigo Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará (criado em 1621), com particular destaque à região da Capitania do Grão-Pará. O arco temporal compreende os anos de 1653 (estabelecimento da Companhia de Jesus em Belém) a 1759 (expulsão dos jesuítas das colônias portuguesas). A tese enfoca, em particular, o trabalho artístico de jesuítas e índios nas oficinas que funcionaram no Colégio Jesuítico de Santo Alexandre em Belém a partir do século XVIII; procurando identificar a irradiação de modelos criados nas mesmas em direção às igrejas e capelas implantadas pelos jesuítas ao longo do Rio Amazonas e seus afluentes; sobretudo, àquelas que estavam localizadas em vilas, aldeias ou fazendas jesuíticas mais próximas a Belém (Vila de Nossa Senhora de Nazaré da Vigia, Vila Souza do Caeté, Mortigura, Gibirié, Mamaiacú, Jaguarari, entre outras). É colocada a hipótese de que Belém, como um pólo criador de modelos (também pólo econômico e comercial), alimentou toda a produção artística dos jesuítas no Grão-Pará, ao difundir seus métodos de trabalho e suas experiências técnicas. O título Tintas da Terra, Tintas do Reino sintetiza a idéia central da tese, de que o legado dos jesuítas na arquitetura e na arte nas missões do Grão-Pará é resultado do trabalho de europeus e de índios, e do emprego de suas tradições culturais. / This thesis is a study of the artistic and architectural production of the Jesuit Missions in the former State of Maranhão and Grão Pará, which was established in 1621, with a special emphasis on the Captaincy of Grão Pará. The period under study spans the time from 1653, when the Society of Jesus settled in the city of Belém, to 1759, when the Jesuits were expelled from Portuguese colonies. This thesis focuses in particular on the artistic work of both jesuits and indians carried out in the workshops at the Jesuit School of Santo Alexandre in Belém in the 18th century. The thesis seeks to trace the dissemination of the models created in such workshops throughout the Jesuit churches and chapels that were built along the borders of the River Amazon and its tributaries, especially those located in the Jesuit aldeias, vilas and fazendas closer to Belém (Vila de Nossa Senhora de Nazaré da Vigia, Vila Souza do Caeté, Mortigura, Gibirié, Mamaiacú, Jaguarari, among others). The hypothesis under investigation in this study is that Belém, in addition to being an economic and commercial hub, was also an artistic center providing models, working methods and technical expertise for the entire Jesuit artistic community in the Grão Pará. The title Tintas da Terra, Tintas do Reino summarizes the core idea underlying this thesis, namely that the Jesuit legacy in the art and architecture of the Grão Pará missions is the result of the work of europeans and indians, who in doing so resorted to their respective cultural traditions.

Se reconstruye la Biblioteca de la Compañía de Jesús del Colegio de San Esteban de Murcia. A través del estudio del inventario del fondo bibliográfico, realizado con motivo de la expulsión de los Jesuitas en 1767 por orden de Carlos III, se establece una metodología de trabajo para proceder a la identificación y clasificación de los títulos y las ediciones. El resultado es un "catálogo concordado", en base a la información que, sobre los libros, ofrece el inventario y las descripciones bibliográficas de los mismos, relacionado con las enseñanzas, regladas por el sistema educativo de los Jesuitas, habitualmente practicadas en los colegios de la Orden. / The Society of Jesus Library at the San Esteban School in Murcia is being reconstructed. A work plan has been developed in order to identify and classify titles and editions, based on a study of the inventory of the library's collection drawn up when the Jesuits were expelled on the orders of Carlos III in 1767. Using this methodology, an "inventory catalogue" has been drawn up, based on the information provided by the original inventory on the books and their bibliographical descriptions, which deals with the teachings habitually imparted in the Order's schools, in accordance with the Jesuit system of education.

Gerard Manley Hopkins produced poetry in the Victorian era which was noted for its originality of syntax and form. The essence underlying a large body of his poetry was his Catholic religion. His early religious poetry utilized nature-based metaphors to express his love of Christ and trace the immanence of God within nature. He borrowed heavily from the aesthetics of Pater and the philosophy of Duns Scotus. The dissertation explores these early influences and assesses their contribution to the formation of a unique religious interpretation of life and the formulation of an aesthetic congruent with this religion. The dissertation dissects early symptoms of religious doubt within his poetry and finally analyses his `Terrible Sonnet' phase in detail to ascertain whether the crisis so often described as occurring during this period was religious or merely reflected a loss of creative ability. / English Studies / MA (English)