本文旨在研究明儒郝敬之經學業績及其經學巨作《九經解》對清初經學之興起，對理學到經學的典範轉移所起的全面而決定性的影響。本文是從思想史角度研究郝敬經學之發生及其動力。 / 以掛冠歸家、閉戶解經為標誌，郝敬的生涯被劃分成了前後兩個完全不同的階段。前經學時期作為士大夫的郝敬，其志趣乃是為政與文人生活。在他完成解經後，我們可以看到他的種種轉變：由早年的喜好佛道而轉向對佛老的激烈批判，從而區別於晚明盛行的三教合一論者；與此一體的是他重整作為儒家禮教重心的喪、祭二禮；他由早年的仰慕李贄而轉向激烈批判李贄。這些都可視為批評異端的行為。而就儒學內部而言，他亦由早年的喜好理學而轉向對之作全面的系統性批評，批評其中所參雜的佛學。他的走向全面解經亦同時意味著對於朱子經學的全面性批判，他反對將《大學》、《中庸》從《禮記》中單獨抽出而與《論語》、《孟子》合為《四書》，欲以《九經》的架構取代朱子的理學建構下的《四書五經》的架構。郝敬所做的這一層層的破的工作，最後，是要回到孔子及其原典《論語》那裡。將這些選擇性行為合而觀之，可視為他對“純化儒學之追求，這點正是後來清學之追求所在。這些討論亦顯示經學這一知識樣態乃是儒學的整體性變化的一部分。 / 郝敬經解既區別于理學解經之追求“宗旨，亦區別于漢儒解經之重在訓詁，是要在宋儒解經與漢儒解經之外，建立另一新的解經系統。他批評後世儒者解經“專執典要，而強調“不可為典要，又強調“識、“辨，由此形成其作為群經辨偽之集大成之解經特色。這同時也帶來他的經解既富創辟，同時又有臆斷的特色。 / 郝敬經解極大影響了復社的陳子龍（1608-1647）、朱鶴齡（1606-1683）、朱朝瑛（1605-1670）、錢澄之（1612-1694）、陳啟源（？-1689）等。它對黃宗羲（1610-1695）、黃宗炎（1616-1686）兄弟由心學轉向經學起了決定性作用，黃氏甬上講經會正是讀郝敬經解。郝敬經學更影響黃宗羲的下一代人，如門人萬斯大（1633-1683）、萬斯同（1638-1702）兄弟以及與他們交遊的閻若璩（1636-1704）、姚際恒（1647-約1715）、毛奇齡（1623-1716）、胡渭（1633-1714）、朱彝尊（1629-1709）這一活躍在京師北京的清初經學最重要的文人圈。萬斯大評價郝敬 “窮經者盡宗之，一語道出了郝敬經學在當時的“宗師位置。而被清儒視為清代經學開山者的閻若璩、胡渭之立說乃直接出自郝敬。從郝敬的經學到清初的經學辨偽，可以看到清學是從晚明內部自然產生出來的，郝敬對於清學的發生所起的作用比顧炎武（1613-1682）、黃宗羲、閻若璩、胡渭等更直接、更早，也更全方位。 / 在清初，《康熙字典》、御撰各經的傳說，以及其他種種御制、欽定著作都大量引用郝敬之說。清初私塾課本對於各經的解釋都收有郝敬的東西，可以看出郝敬對於清代從國家、士人到民間私塾各個層面的全面影響。由郝敬對於晚明、清初經學的全方位影響，直至持續影響到雍正以至乾隆初年近百年這些眾多的材料證明：由於郝敬《九經解》的出現，清人所謂明人無學無經學之說可休矣。郝敬以一人之偉力，以其《九經解》全面開啟了清代經學。 / 郝敬既全面批評朱子，又激烈批評鄭玄關於《三禮》的訓詁，尤其是其攻鄭玄，終於使得郝敬之經著雖然影響了各個層面的學問，而受其影響者的著作反被大量收入於《四庫》，其中有的亦被視為清學之開山，而郝敬的經學著作卻沒有一本收錄於《四庫》，都只在存目，趨於湮沒。郝敬經學在後世湮沒的另一個原因則是乾嘉家法，即新的學術典範的出現以及愈來愈嚴厲化的典範展現。 / This thesis studies the comprehensive influence of the Ming Dynasty Confucian Hao Jing's study of the Confucian classics and his great work Jiujing jie (Interpretation of Nine Classics) on the characteristics of early Qing study of Confucian classics, which reveals a paradigmatic shift from the learning of Neo-Confucianism prevailing in the Ming. / It begins with a detailed study of Hao Jing’s career as a Confucian scholar-official. Hao Jing's career is divided into two rather different stages, marked by his resigning office and returning home for study of the Confucian classics. In the earlier stage, he was a scholar-official, devoted to governmental affairs but also living parts of a life of a man of letters. He changed in many aspects after he completed his work on re-interpreting the Confucian classics. One notable change is his strong criticism of Buddhism and Daoism, thus delineating himself from the advocacy of the syncretism of “three religions of Confucianism , Daoism and Buddhism that prevailed in the late Ming Dynasty. As a result , he proposed restructured funeral and sacrifice etiquettes that were the center of Confucian rituals. He gave up his admiration for Li Zhi, the late Ming critic of traditional values and conformities, but criticized him sharply. As for the study of Confucianism , Hao Jing no longer loved Neo-Confucianism as he did in his early years. Relatedly, he launched systematic criticism of Buddhist elements in Neo-Confucianism. His total involvement in re-interpreting the Confucian classics also meant his all out criticism of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism. He was against the separation of the Daxue (The Great Learning) and the Zhongyong (The Doctrine of the Mean) from the Liji (Book of Rites) and their subsequent merge with The Confucian Analects and The Mencius to form the Sishu (The Four Books). He proposed to replace the structure of Sishu wujing (The Four Books and Five Classics) under the Neo-Confucian framework established by Zhu Xi by a structure of Jiujing (Nine Classics). The originality of Hao Jing can be traced to the personality of Confucius and his words in The Confucian Analects. Hao Jing’s words and deeds can be considered as reflections of his pursuit of “purified Confucianism, which was what mainstream Qing Confucian scholarship was seeking for. Hao’s classical discourses reveal a solid part of the overal changes in Confucianism of Ming and Qing times. / Different from Neo-Confucian pursuits of doctrinal “tenets （zongzhi）and Han Confucian exegesis that highlights annotation of words in ancient books, Hao’s interpretations of the Confucian classics were intended to establish a new system of classics exegesis. While criticizing later Confucians for “insisting on fixed standards in interpreting the classics, he stressed that Confucians should be capable of “understanding the truth of the classics and “distinguishing the falsification of classical texts. He is a master of that. But that also led to his novel but arbitrary interpretations of the classics. / Hao Jing's classical exegesis exerted tremendous influence on many members of the Fu Society (a noted literary society in late Ming Dynasty), such as Chen Zilong（16081647）, Zhu Heling（1606-1683）, Zhu Chaoying（16051670）, Qian Chengzhi（1612-1694) , and Chen Qiyuan （？-1689）. He also had huge impact on Huang Zongxi（1610-1695）and his brother Huang Zongyan（1616-1686）in their deemphasizing the philosophy of the mind and advocacy of studying the Confucian classics. Huang often read Hao's exegesis at gatherings of reading classics（jiangjinghui） in Yongshang. He even influenced Huang Zongxi’s disciples, like Wan Sida（1633-1683） and his brother Wan Sitong（1638-1702） as well as their friends like Yan Ruoju（1636-1704）, Yao Jiheng (1647- about 1715) , Hu Wei（1633-1714）and Zhu Yizun(1629-1709), who were active in scholarly circles with interests in classical studying in Beijing in the early Qing Dynasty. Wan Sida commented Hao this way: " Those who endeavor to delve into the classics all revere him as a master". The scholarly achievements of Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei, founder of classical studies of the Qing Dynasty, also owed much to the works of Hao. This then points to the origins of early Qing approach to classical scholarship in the late Ming. In the Ming-Qing transition, Hao played a role that contributed more directly and comprehensively than that of Gu Yanwu（1613-1682）,Huang Zongxi, Yan Ruoju and Hu Wei. / In the early Qing, the imperially-sponsored Kangxi Dictionary, the classical commentaries the Kangxi emperor authored, and many other works attributed to the emperors or sanctioned by them, quoted liberally from Hao's works and cited a multitude of his views and points.Hao’s interpretations on the classics were even included in the textbooks of private schools. Hao's widespread influence ranged from the state level to the general public. His influence on classical study continued until the reign of Yongzheng and early period of Qianlong. Because of the impact of Hao’s scholarship for nearly 100 years, we have strong evidence to consider the Qing Dynasty criticism that "Ming Dynasty lacked classical scholarship groundless. Hao's Interpretation on the Nine Classics, which ushered in Qing style classical study, bore relevance to classical scholarship from the Tianqi and Chongzhen periods of the Ming to the Qianlong period of the Qing a century-long period. / The ebbs of Hao Jing’s influence was due to a paradigmatic change in the heydays of the Qianlong-Jiaqing periodlate 18th century to early 19th century. Hao Jing criticized Zhu Zi roundly, and attacked Zheng Xuan's exegesis of the Three Rites violently.Thus he offended the ideological orthodoxy and the scholarly orthodoxy. As a result, many of his works were excluded from copying into the Siku Quanshu (Complete Library of the Four Branches of Chinese Works). They were only catalogued with abstracts critical of their contents. Eventually they were forgotten by later generations. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 謝茂松. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 464-488) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xie Maosong. / Chapter 第一章 --- 郝敬經學與明清學術轉型之重釋 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 引言 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明清學術轉型研究 --- p.10 / Chapter 一 --- 梁啟超：清學為對宋明理學之反動 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 錢穆：晚明從“個別經驗轉向“共同經驗 --- p.12 / Chapter 三 --- 馬克思主義史學：清代考證學開山的認定 --- p.17 / Chapter （一） --- 侯外廬：考證學的開山 --- p.17 / Chapter （二） --- 嵇文甫：晚明心學與古學 --- p.19 / Chapter 四 --- 近期研究進路 --- p.22 / Chapter （一） --- 余英時：內在理路說 --- p.22 / Chapter （二） --- 林慶彰：回歸原典與群經辨偽 --- p.24 / Chapter （三） --- 龔鵬程：晚明的復古·經學·博雅傳統 --- p.25 / Chapter （四） --- 艾爾曼、包弼德：累積式研究方法 --- p.27 / Chapter （五） --- 周啟榮、張壽安、伊東貴之：儒家禮教主義的興起 --- p.28 / Chapter （六） --- 王汎森：講經會與清學發生 --- p.34 / Chapter 五 --- 以郝敬為視點梳理明清學術轉型研究 --- p.38 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.44 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬研究回顧 --- p.47 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （一） --- 郝敬《尚書》學研究 --- p.47 / Chapter （二） --- 郝敬著作考與郝敬《詩經》學研究 --- p.51 / Chapter （三） --- 郝敬《四書》學研究 --- p.52 / Chapter 二 --- 郝敬哲學研究 --- p.54 / Chapter 第四節 --- 郝敬經學：事實、影響與遺忘 --- p.57 / Chapter 第二章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的治政表現與經世關懷 --- p.60 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方治政表現 --- p.61 / Chapter 一 --- 初仕嚴急與庭無滯事：縉雲與永嘉 --- p.62 / Chapter 二 --- “聖諭俗講：江陰 --- p.64 / Chapter 第二節 --- 朝政經世關懷：錢法、屯守、罷兵 --- p.82 / Chapter 一 --- 軍餉、錢法、屯田 --- p.85 / Chapter （一） --- 軍餉：挪移額稅 --- p.85 / Chapter （二） --- 錢法：《請行錢法疏》 --- p.88 / Chapter （三） --- 屯田 --- p.95 / Chapter 二 --- 屯守遼東：兼論《天山評》 --- p.101 / Chapter 三 --- 罷朝鮮兵與彈劾輔臣 --- p.110 / Chapter 四 --- 采珠、開礦、開店、增稅、籍沒家財 --- p.114 / Chapter 小結 --- p.115 / Chapter 第三章 --- 前經學時期郝敬的文人生活 --- p.119 / Chapter 第一節 --- 父師影響 --- p.119 / Chapter 一 --- 達士：父郝承健 --- p.119 / Chapter 二 --- 文苑領袖：師李維楨 --- p.131 / Chapter 第二節 --- 詩文、書畫、酒、游山、玄談 --- p.138 / Chapter 一 --- 寡交遊：初仕縉雲 --- p.138 / Chapter 二 --- 廣交遊：繼仕永嘉 --- p.139 / Chapter （一） --- 文人、山人、僧道 --- p.139 / Chapter （二） --- 鮑觀白：性命之學 --- p.147 / Chapter （三） --- 袁宏道：縣令生活的比較 --- p.149 / Chapter 第三節 --- 年輕官員的集會：京師生涯 --- p.150 / Chapter 第四節 --- 學作畫：江陰生活 --- p.169 / Chapter 第五節 --- 致仕生活：修園、作畫、好佛 --- p.172 / Chapter 一 --- 作畫、搜集青銅器 --- p.172 / Chapter 二 --- 拓展康樂園與禮佛 --- p.174 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆皇帝：無盡的感念 --- p.176 / Chapter 第四章 --- 純化儒學的追求（一）：佛老與李贄批判 --- p.177 / Chapter 第一節 --- 嚴儒、佛、道之辨 --- p.177 / Chapter 第二節 --- 重視儒禮與重新制禮 --- p.195 / Chapter 第三節 --- 李贄批判 --- p.207 / Chapter 一 --- 文本批判：郝敬《閑邪記》與李贄《藏書》 --- p.207 / Chapter （一） --- “狂狷論 --- p.211 / Chapter （二） --- “真聖人與“假道學 --- p.222 / Chapter （三） --- “奉佛法為陰符 --- p.226 / Chapter 二 --- 李贄批判的比較 --- p.233 / Chapter 第五章 --- 純化儒學的追求（二）：全面批判理學與閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 第一節 --- 沉潛：閉戶解經 --- p.238 / Chapter 一 --- 念茲在茲：閉戶明經 --- p.238 / Chapter 二 --- 初涉經學：在永嘉 --- p.239 / Chapter 三 --- 閉戶注經：內在動力 --- p.242 / Chapter 四 --- 送《九經解》 --- p.246 / Chapter 五 --- 聲譽鵲起：《九經解》之刊刻 --- p.247 / Chapter 第二節 --- 說“不：對士人生活的反省與行為選擇 --- p.251 / Chapter 一 --- 不交官府 --- p.251 / Chapter 二 --- 不講學 --- p.255 / Chapter 三 --- 不作序、點主、墓銘 --- p.256 / Chapter 四 --- 庸常修身 --- p.260 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從佛老、理學到經學的轉變：《知言》與《時習新知》之比較 --- p.262 / Chapter 一 --- 《知言》與《時習新知》之異同 --- p.265 / Chapter 二 --- 《時習新知》的思想脈絡 --- p.269 / Chapter （一） --- 理學概念：轉換與超越 --- p.269 / Chapter （二） --- 理學批評 --- p.278 / Chapter （三） --- 辟佛道 --- p.291 / Chapter （四） --- 學惟《論語》為正宗 --- p.294 / Chapter （五） --- 時習新知 --- p.296 / Chapter （六） --- 古今學行與經解評議 --- p.297 / Chapter 第四節 --- 朱子與鄭玄經學的批評 --- p.300 / Chapter 一 --- 理學：對朱子經學的全面批評 p300 / Chapter 二 --- 訓詁：對鄭玄經注的批評 --- p.304 / Chapter 第五節 --- “溫柔敦厚：對道學政治文化的批判 --- p.308 / Chapter 一 --- 孔孟之道 --- p.309 / Chapter 二 --- 美刺與是非：《詩》與《春秋》 --- p.312 / Chapter 三 --- 《易》道用剛？ --- p.317 / Chapter 四 --- 批評與調整：“溫柔敦厚 --- p.318 / Chapter 小結 --- p.324 / Chapter 第六章 --- 郝敬經解之要義 --- p.326 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《九經解》：順序與意義系統 --- p.326 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經解要義及其創辟 --- p.329 / Chapter 一 --- 《周易正解》：由《十翼》言象而“象意雙顯 --- p.329 / Chapter 二 --- 《尚書辨解》：辨《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.335 / Chapter （一） --- 《書序》非孔子作 --- p.336 / Chapter （二） --- 以古今文辭風格辨《古文尚書》之偽 --- p.336 / Chapter （三） --- 讀《書》首當考世代 --- p.339 / Chapter （四） --- 周公不殺管、蔡二叔 --- p.340 / Chapter （五） --- 以後世之徵引而證《古文尚書》為偽 --- p.342 / Chapter 三 --- 《毛詩原解》：詩序·詩志·美刺 --- p.343 / Chapter （一） --- 尊《詩序》 --- p.343 / Chapter （二） --- “辭與“志之間以及辟“淫奔說 --- p.345 / Chapter （三） --- 《詩》為萬世法戒 --- p.351 / Chapter （四） --- 風人 --- p.352 / Chapter （五） --- 風雅頌皆有正變 --- p.353 / Chapter （六） --- 詩者，聲音之道 --- p.354 / Chapter 四 --- 《春秋直解》：直其事而是非自見 --- p.354 / Chapter （一） --- 《左傳》非左丘明作 --- p.355 / Chapter （二） --- 批《春秋》三傳、宋胡安國《春秋》解 --- p.357 / Chapter （三） --- 《春秋》無凡例、無深刻隱語 --- p.358 / Chapter （四） --- 《春秋》直道而行，不以文字為褒貶 --- p.360 / Chapter （五） --- 《春秋》未嘗可五霸，未嘗貴盟會，未嘗與齊、魯 --- p.362 / Chapter （六） --- 未嘗黜秦、楚、吳、越為夷狄 --- p.364 / Chapter 五 --- 三禮 --- p.365 / Chapter （一） --- 《禮記通解》：會通禮家雜而多端之言 --- p.366 / Chapter （二） --- 《儀禮節解》 --- p.373 / Chapter （三） --- 《周禮完解》 --- p.377 / Chapter 六 --- 《論語詳解》與《孟子說解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （一） --- 《論語詳解》 --- p.388 / Chapter （二） --- 《孟子說解》 --- p.391 / Chapter 第三節 --- 郝敬經學特色 --- p.396 / Chapter 一 --- 解經“不可為典要 --- p.396 / Chapter 二 --- 集群經辨偽之大成：創辟與臆斷 --- p.399 / Chapter 第七章 --- 郝敬經學的影響 --- p.401 / Chapter 第一節 --- 同時代經學類型比較：以《大泌山房集》所見為例 --- p.401 / Chapter 一 --- 朱子經學系統 --- p.404 / Chapter 二 --- 北宋之經解 --- p.405 / Chapter 三 --- 從回向漢代到回向孔子 --- p.406 / Chapter 四 --- 與郝敬屬同類型的經解 --- p.407 / Chapter 第二節 --- 郝敬經學的後世影響 --- p.411 / Chapter 一 --- 郝敬經學在晚明的流傳與接受 --- p.411 / Chapter 二 --- 孔廟從祀議案的提出 --- p.416 / Chapter 三 --- 郝敬經學在清初的全面性影響 --- p.418 / Chapter 四 --- 主流派的曖昧：四庫館臣與新典範 --- p.428 / Chapter 五 --- 少數派的重視：章學誠與焦循之例 --- p.430 / Chapter 六 --- 郝敬經學在晚清民國的影響 --- p.431 / 小結 --- p.432 / Chapter 結論 --- p.433 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 郝敬的《請錢法疏》與顧炎武的貨幣主張之比較 --- p.449 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 前明知縣章聚奎詳請給事中郝敬從祀廟庭稿 --- p.458 / Chapter 參考文獻 --- p.464

Malgré une histoire textuelle problématique, le " Livre de la Grande paix " (Taiping jing) transmis par le Canon taoïste des Ming reflète incontestablement des idées enracinées dans la vision du monde de l'époque des Han (206 av. J.-C.-220 ap. J.-C.). La cohérence de son contenu en apparence hétérogène réside dans l'idéologie tripartite qui sous-tend son substrat cosmologique et dépeint l'univers tout entier en une structure arborescente dérivant du modèle de base Ciel-Terre-Homme. Deux logiques triadiques s'opposent dans cette idéologie : un processus ternaire de déclin dans lequel l'Homme est déchu de la perfection originelle et un processus synthétique de retour à l'Unité dans lequel l'Homme incarne la réunion harmonieuse des pôles de la binarité. La trifonctionnalité vitaliste du dispositif varie en conséquence.

王安石經學近十年來開始受到關注(2000年以來)；在此之前，王安石的變法改革思想和詩文集的研究，其實已經非常蓬勃(1949-1990)，尤其變法改革思想正好符合清末和新中國極欲改革的需求，因此，在大陸和美國都有王安石變法研究的專家。稍後有王安石思想具有道、佛思想的研究(1980-2000)。截至2010年，海峽兩岸相關王安石研究的單篇論文有三千多篇，博、碩士論文有六十多篇。而真正以王安石經學著作為主要研究對象的博、碩士論文海峽兩岸計有六本，而且都聚集在近十年(2005年以來)。 王安石經學著作在明初已全部亡佚，目前可見的只有清代所輯的《周官新義》一部輯佚書。王安石參與的宋代熙寧變法所著的《三經新義》，最為人所熟知的是《周官新義》，內容鋪陳改革宋代吏治與經濟的藍圖，受到撻伐最深，王安石將他當作政治實踐的計畫書，最具有宋代精神，卻是偏離上古三代精神較遠。至於《尚書新義》則是規範帝王修身和治國的政治之書。 而王安石的《詩經新義》則不同，內容平易近人，其闡發儒家精神與禮儀規範，對於人倫與禮儀、人性與人為制度的推敲拿捏，在遵守禮樂之外，還有更多人文精神的體會。而王安石和《詩》的淵源其實頗深，從案頭書到科舉必讀經典，都可以看到王安石對於《詩》的重視。透過研究王安石的《詩經新義》，可以看到王安石學術思想理念的初衷─儒家經典理念和人倫禮儀思想；除了他對原始儒家、三代聖王賢人精神的繼承，還可以看到王安石對於人生倫理的規劃，這正是本文以王安石《詩經新義》為研究對象的重要價值所在。

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This thesis explores the 1670 to 1683 trading relationship between the English East India Company and the Zheng family, a Ming loyalist organisation that controlled Taiwan in the late seventeenth century. It draws on the available sources of data for the Zheng family’s trading network to create an analysis of how the network functioned and developed, and then applies the available information from the East India Company’s records to understand how the company’s trade to Taiwan developed. The Zheng family’s trade was altered by their participation in the Sanfan Rebellion during the 1670s. The rebellion commercially isolated the Zheng family from mainland China, which in turn gave the East India Company an opportunity to supply substitute goods for the Zheng family’s trade elsewhere. However, the rebellion also weakened the Zheng family and brought about their surrender of Taiwan to Qing China, which ended the company’s trade there as well. / History

本論文研究主要關注於，黃宗羲如何在肯定理性的待發展性下，就理性的自我發展，建立一套道德哲學。 首先第一章緒論，先敘述研究之背景目的、文獻評述，擬定之研究方法及進行步驟、預期研究成果。對於黃宗羲，首在去除形上學預設對人的限制。就人在活動中的自主性、發展性，建立一套個人道德養成與推動現實理想化，密不可分的道德體系。筆者將於第二到第六章在此體系下，分別就不同脈絡的個個問題探討其哲學之建構。 第二章：黃宗羲在作品中屢稱己意在承繼劉蕺山，但單憑於此，尚難斷定黃宗羲的哲學思想是承繼劉蕺山。尤其是黃宗羲對人物思想評論，間有與劉蕺山不同之處，而當今學界，更是在黃宗羲與劉蕺山思想定位上，存在著歧異。此歧異牽涉資料援引問題，本章目的乃就當今學術界研究歧異先做一回應。首重原典的掌握，並進行對各家看法加以檢視考據。根據原典呈現，將兩者定位，並就黃宗羲對劉蕺山承繼與發展，來看黃宗羲哲學所關注的焦點。 第三章：針對於黃宗羲理論歧見最多的氣學定位，個人認為應分成兩面向來看。一是黃宗羲對天道之堅持，二是其重氣的理氣觀。而關於此兩面向，有待就黃宗羲理氣、心性與道德關係角度作說明。 第四章：論述黃宗羲哲學是心學也是氣學，就氣流行方式，認為人滯於私為惡，故必須從（1）現實無法使人成善？（2）人何以有一不依經驗的道德性？（3）此道德性如何引導人在現實成善？此三個問題做討論。本章並就理氣與心性論、工夫論之間關係，解釋人道德呈現差異與人文化成。 第五章：本章延續第四章問題論「性」的呈現，由道德意志貫徹於氣化實踐，使「性」以成其全，並論主體擴充之工夫內容。 第六章：黃宗羲認為個人的道德養成，與儒家道德世界在現實中完成乃是密不可分，因此儒家思想在社會建立社會規範，在肯定理性的待發展性下，就理性的自我發展，完成以儒家思想建立公共的規範。 最後，本論文將總結討論黃宗羲建構之哲學思想，能否真正取代陽明心學，以及其哲學的可能發展。 / This thesis mainly focuses on how Huang Zongxi （黃宗羲）established a set of moral philosophy on the basis of affirmative rational development. The first chapter of the introduction, describes the background purpose of research, literature review, the proposed research methods and measures and the expected results. Huang Zongxi, aims for removing metaphysical restrictions on human . Based on the autonomy and development of human in activities, he establishes a set of moral system in which not only personal morality can be fostered but also promotes the idealization of reality. Under this system,from the second to the sixth chapters, I will discuss the construction of his philosophy on the various contexts respectively . The second chapter discusses thatalthough Huang Zongxi repeatedly claimed that he is willing to inheritLiu Jishan (劉蕺山）in his works, it is insufficient to conclude that Huang Zongxi's philosophical thinking is indeed so.In particular, Huang Zongxi's comments on the character thought were different from that of Liu Jieshan. In today's academic world, there is disagreement betweenthe philosophical points of Huang Zongxi and Liu Jishan. The primary purpose of this chapter is to respond to the current academic disagreement which resulted from data-citing problem. Focusing on the original texts, examined the views of various critics. The two would be positioned based on the original texts. Viewing the focus of Huang Zongxi's philosophy which was based on his inheritance and development of Liu Jieshan. The third chapterconcentrates on the controversial issue about the theory of qi (氣) in Huang Zongxi’ philosophy,which should be regarded as two aspects. One is Huang Zongxi 's adherence to the tiandao (天道), the other is his emphasizing of the value of qi (氣). I would illustrated the two aspects by the discussions of the relationships of Huang Zongxi's li-qi (理氣）andxin-xing (心性）inmoral system. The fourth chapter discusses that Huang Zongxi’s philosophy is not only xin xue (心學), but also qi xue (氣學). By the way qi move, human who stagnant self-interest, become evil. Therefore it must be debated on three questions as below ：(1) Can the reality not make thepeople good? (2) Why do people have a morality that does not depend on experience? (3) How does this morality lead people to be good at reality? This chapter also explains the difference between human morality and human culture by the relationship between the theory of qi, the theory of the xin and thetheory of cultivation . In the chapter five, I continue to discuss the presentation of "xing" . Since the morality is carried out by qi’s realization, to complete xing ,and discusses the content of cultivation by the expansion of the subject. In the sixth chapter, according to Huang Zong-xi’s view , the Confucian moral world in reality, which is closely linked with the individual's moral cultivation. Therefore,Confucianism will to establish a social norms in society. Under affirmative rational development, the public norms established by Confucianism willbe completed by self-realization. Finally, I will summarize that whether Huang Zongxi's philosophy can truly replace Yangmingism (陽明心學）and the possibledevelopment of Huang’s philosophy.

陳景元(1035宋仁宗景祐元年—1094哲宗紹聖元年)為北宋著名的陳摶學派內丹道士，他的著作具有非常豐富的思想內涵。本研究著重於陳景元的身心修煉，運用「以經解經」為研究方法，而非從思想史的角度切入，能仔細地研究陳景元的思想脈絡，得以補充前輩學者的論點，推論出陳景元的思想體系各處的內丹特質之研究結果。因此在闡述道論及心論後，本文將著重歸納陳景元內丹核心的精、氣、神。 道論主要解釋道德之體用說法，說明陳景元如何通過道德解釋宇宙的生成，以及其與他的身心修煉的關係。同時也解釋了仁義禮樂與修煉五臟之氣的關係，描述陳景元如何從一個道士的角度解釋道論與道德，外在的行為和體內修煉之關係，及其與身心修煉的關聯。 其次，本文說明心的概念，以靈府、靈台、性、思慮等解說陳景元的心論內容。說明陳景元如何解釋性，和個人偏心的原因。討論陳景元心論的架構，和如何使心不散佚能量。然而，陳述達到心不散佚能量的運行，包含的性命雙修理念。 既明白修心為首要目的，也了解到透過修身才能達到其目標。而陳景元修身方法的一個關鍵是「精」。本文解釋陳景元的精與萬物生成的關係。文中描述腎中之精與其身心修煉的關係，能補充及鍊養身體的各種部位，如關節、韌帶等，此對心靈修煉的影響及協助。 「精」為一切的原質，而「氣」為一切的內容。說明元氣、純陽、純陰、魂魄、天地之氣、清濁等乃是宇宙變化的原因及方法，以及調和「氣」在陳景元身心修煉關鍵位置。將探討如何讓天地之氣能通於身心而達到沖和的修煉論，及陳景元的氣論與情緒的關係等的各個方面的聯繫。 「氣」為變化的內容，而「神」是道之作用，說明五臟之神、神鬼神帝、神明、神與精、神與心、神與魂魄、神與玄等的思想理念。闡明神與萬物生死變化之關係，而此變化的能量與心靈中能力的聯繫。描寫透過身心修煉調和身心之平衡，達到精氣神之養神、鍊形、養氣工夫論。 總和來說，本研究解釋陳景元的精、氣、神的身心修煉，說明陳景元道的內容，與入道的工夫論，詮釋陳景元的道論、心論、氣論、養氣、煉形、養神的精氣神內丹身心修煉的思想。 / Chen Jing Yuan (1035-1094) is a renowned inner alchemic Doaist priest who lived during the Song dynasty and his works are rich with substance. In this paper I primarily discuss Chen Jing Yuan’s practice of balancing the mind and body through using Chen Jing Yuan’s works to analyze his thought system rather than a historical approach to the subject. In this way, on the shoulders of past scholars, this paper delves deeper into the thought of Chen Jing Yuan and its inner alchemic properties, providing a more complete understanding of his though. In light of the fact that Chen Jing Yuan in an inn alchemic Doaist priest, this paper’s chapter thus focus on the nucleus of inner alchemic thought or “Jing”, “Qi” “Shen”. The first chapter discusses “DaoDe” in Chen Jing Yuan’s thought system. Analyzing how from “DaoDe” this world comes into to being and through “DaoDe” one then can thus return to this beginning. This is done through practice and balancing the mind and heart. In balancing the mind and heart, one must balance the flow of energy through the five organs, and this chapter also discusses the relationship between the organs and the “five virtues”. Next this paper discusses the mind through the concepts of “Ling-Fu”, “Ling-Tai”, one’s “Nature” and thought and how thought becomes to be. Thus analyzing how thought affects one’s body and how one through practice one can prevent thought from blocking the flow of energy. This is the major focus of Chen Jung Yuan’s practice. Even though the mind is the main focus of practice, the body must also simultaneously be improved for one to return to “Dao”. This chapter discusses the essence of the body (sperm and eggs), and how this essence is also simultaneously the essence of everything. So this chapter discusses the role of the essence or “Jing” in Chen Jing Yuan’s practice, thus discussing this practice and its relationship to and its effects on the joints, organs, digestion etc. So “Jing” is the essence of all things and “Qi” is the substance of all things. This paper thus sheds light on the concepts on the difference concepts associated with “Qi” in Chen Jing Yuan’s thought. Shedding light on how if one improves the digestion of nutrition from food and absorption of energy from the air the energy within the body thus attains its natural flow, thus becoming in tune with change. “Qi” is the substance and energy of all things and “Shen” is the main principle of balance in change. This paper analyses the different concepts associated with “Shen” in Chen Jing Yuan’s thought and discusses how this balance acts in the creation of things. Also this paper discusses how one cultivates “Shen”, thus through this balancing the relationship between the mind and the body and becoming one with change. This paper thus discusses how one attains balance in and balance between the mind and body and how through the practice of inner alchemic Daoism this balance is actualized and “JingQiShen” is attained.

abstract: Based on literary works produced by the multiethnic literati of the Jin dynasty (1115–1234), this dissertation examines Chinese conceptions of the Steppe world in the early years of the Mongol era (1206–1260). As I show, late Jin literati, who took arduous journeys in the Eurasian Steppes, initiated transcultural communications between the Chinese and Steppe worlds. Their writings encouraged more Chinese literati to reach out to the Mongols and hence facilitated the spread of the ideal Confucian-style governance to the Mongol empire. In general, I follow the approach of New Historicism in analyzing poetic works. Even though the Mongol conquest of China damaged many northern literary texts, materials surviving from the thirteenth century still feature a great diversity. I brought historical records and inscriptions on stela to study the social conditions under which these literary works were produced. This dissertation aims to contribute a new voice to the ongoing effort to modify the traditional linear understanding of the development of Chinese literary tradition. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation East Asian Languages and Civilizations 2020

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科学研究費補助金 研究種目:基盤研究(C)(2) 課題番号:11610015 研究代表者:神塚 淑子 研究期間:1999-2000年度