[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo investigar o problema da legitimidade democrática da atuação normativa das agências reguladoras no Brasil a partir da seguinte questão: Como pensar a legitimação da atividade de produção de normas dessas entidades administrativas brasileiras a partir da teoria discursiva do Direito e da democracia de Jürgen Habermas? O foco da análise são os desafios que uma teoria que explica os processos de integração e reprodução da sociedade a partir de um conceito de racionalidade situado entre a facticidade e a validade das ações sociais deve enfrentar, quando aplicada a realidades distintas daquela a partir da qual foi elaborada. Para tanto, assume- se, como ponto de referência, a obra de Paulo Todescan Lessa Mattos, que, em relação às agências reguladoras, é o principal representante de uma corrente analítica que enxerga, no modelo habermasiano de legitimação pelo procedimento discursivamente estruturado, uma saída teórica capaz de oferecer parâmetros normativos para a legitimação democrática da atuação normativa dessas entidades. O diálogo com a posição de Mattos e suas conclusões sobre o tema é constante ao longo do trabalho e estabelece a base sobre a qual são levantados alguns pontos problemáticos da tentativa de identificar, a partir da teoria de Habermas, potenciais de legitimação democrática nos espaços de participação popular institucionalizados no interior dos processos de tomada de decisão das agências reguladoras brasileiras. / [en] The main purpose of this work is to analyze the issue of democratic legitimacy of regulatory norms produced by independent agencies in Brazil, considering the following question: How to think about legitimating the lawmaking activity of these administrative entities according to Jürgen Habermas´ discourse theory of democracy and the law? The analysis focuses on the challenges that a theory which explains the integration and reproduction processes of modern societies through a concept of rationality situated between the facts and norms of social action must face, when applied to a reality that is different from the one that inspired its development. Thus, I take the work of Paulo Todescan Lessa Mattos, an authority in the topic of regulatory agencies, as a reference of an analytical perspective that sees in Habermas´ discursive model of procedural legitimation a way to find normative parameters to legitimate the norms of these entities. The dialog with Mattos´ argument and his conclusions is constant in this work, and it sets the basis for developing several problematic issues related to identifying, through Habermas´ theory, potentials of democratic legitimation in the institutionalized spaces of public participation within the decision-making processes of Brazilian regulatory agencies.

Notre travail de recherche pose la question de la présence de Dieu au coeur de la souffrance humaine. Une réponse nous est donnée dans la théologie de la Croix de Jiirgen Moltmann, théologie qui présente un Dieu qui s'abaisse, s'humilie et souffre ; un Dieu trinitaire qui, de toute éternité, par amour, se donne tout entier, porte en lui toute misère, toute souffrance, les faisant siennes jusqu'à subir volontairement l'abandon et la mort infâme sur la Croix et qui, au plus profond de la déréliction, fait surgir la vie nouvelle. C'est donc sous l'aspect de la kénose et celui de la souffrance créatrices que Dieu se révèle à nous et nous invite, à son exemple, à assumer notre propre souffrance, à nous rendre solidaires des plus malheureux, à lutter sans cesse contre le mal, la misère et l'injustice.

In the past forty years, there has been an unprecedented explosion of theological writings regarding the place of the nonhuman creation in ethics. The purpose of this dissertation is to propose a taxonomy of four paradigms of eco-theological thought that will categorize these writings and facilitate the identification, situation, and constructive development of the paradigm of cosmocentric transfiguration. This taxonomy takes shape within the tensions of three theological foundations: cosmology, anthropology, and eschatology. These tensions establish two categorical distinctions between, on the one hand, conservation and transfiguration, and, on the other, anthropocentrism and cosmocentrism. The variations within these poles yield the four paradigms. <br>The first paradigm is anthropocentric conservation, represented by Thomas Aquinas. It maintains that humanity bears an essentially unique dignity and eschatological telos that renders the nonhuman creation resources for human use in via toward that telos. The second is cosmocentric conservation, represented by Thomas Berry. It maintains that humanity is part of a cosmic community of intrinsic worth that demands protection and preservation, not human manipulation or eschatological redemption. The third is anthropocentric transfiguration, represented by Orthodox theologians such as Dumitru Staniloae. It maintains that humans are priests of creation charged with the task of recognizing the cosmos as the eternal sacrament of divine love and using it to facilitate communion among themselves and with God. The fourth is cosmocentric transfiguration, represented by both Jürgen Moltmann and Andrew Linzey. It maintains that humans are called to become proleptic witnesses to an eschatological hope for peace that includes the intrinsically valuable members of the cosmic community. <br>Cosmocentric transfiguration, while under-represented and underdeveloped, provides a unique opportunity to affirm both scientific claims about the nature of the cosmos and the theological hope for redemption. In addition, it offers a powerful vision to address the current ecological crisis with regard to humanity's relationship to both individual nonhuman life forms and the cosmos at large. This vision calls for humans to protest the mechanisms of death, suffering, and predation by living at peace, to whatever extent context permits, with all individual creatures while at the same time preserving the very system they protest by protecting the integrity of species, eco-systems, and the environment at large. These findings warrant further research regarding the viability of cosmocentric transfiguration, in particular its exegetical warrant in scripture, its foundations in traditional voices of Christian thought, its interdisciplinary potential for integration of the sciences, and its internal coherency. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts; / Theology / PhD; / Dissertation;

The overall purpose of this study was to find out whether changes in social action or social practices are predicated on, or correspond with changes in ontological assumptions and social normative structures or ethical orientations. Specifically, this study investigated the relationship between a range of farming practices and the two predominant ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. As well, the study investigated the relationship between the range of farming practices and categories of environmental ethical orientations. The two ontological orientations include the 'externality' assumption, which represent the social understanding that humans interact with nature but are only externally related to nature. The 'internality' assumption, on the other hand, is the understanding that humans are internally related to nature or the physical environment. The study also investigated the role of other structural forces that can shape farming practices. The theoretical orientation that informed this study was Habermas' neo-modernity thesis, which primarily argues that changes in social normative structures, which induces appropriate social action can, and do develop, without changes in ontological assumptions about human-nature relationship. The Habermasian approach thus rejects the reenchantment thesis espoused by constructive postmodernists. In this study Habermas' thesis has been contrasted with the neo-conservative and postmodernist approaches. The study involved two forms of investigation. One aspect of the study involved archival research of Canadian agricultural policy as an overarching background against which contemporary farming practices may be understood. The other aspect of the study involved a survey of farm families living in the south western Saskatchewan section of the Palliser Triangle. The study found a moderate to strong relationship between the 'internality' ontological assumption and alternative farming practices. The 'externality' assumption was more predominant among conventional farmers. This pattern also corresponded with a relatively higher incidence of environmentalism among alternative farming practitioners, with a relatively higher incidence of resourcism among conventional and conventional-alternative farmers. Despite these patterns the study found partial support for the Habermasian thesis. For example, a significant minority of alternative farmers who espouse environmentalist ethics also espouse an 'externality' ontological assumption.

The Bush Doctrine represents a paradigm shift in international security policy. Never had a foreign policy demonstrated such will through unilateralism, preemptive militarism, and a sense of exceptionalism. I argue that this shift in policy resists modern international order in an attempt to reestablish ancient modes of power and control. The international system maintains order through rules and institutions which are perceived to be legitimate because they have the consent of the governed. An example of this would be the UN, where member states engage in a democratic deliberation geared towards reaching understanding and consensus. However, order breaks down when a member state fails to recognize the legitimacy of a rule or institution. This was the case for the Bush Doctrine when the U.S. decided to invade Iraq without a UN resolution. The Bush Doctrine is the embodiment of neoconservatism, an intellectual movement influenced by the thoughts of Leo Strauss. What neoconservatism has inherited from Strauss was a fear of relativism. Strauss's critique of modernity holds that liberal society fosters moral relativism which, in turn, destroys the moral fabric of society. Strauss calls for a revival of antiquity, more specifically a Platonic design of society, where elites rule through the use of myths which provide society with moral truth and national purpose. Neoconservatism has projected Strauss's war on modernity onto the international level. The Bush Doctrine assumes its core democratic values to be universal and thus views consensus building as unnecessary. Rather, deliberating on 'right' may enlighten us to the conventional nature of morality. Therefore, neoconservatism works to reestablish ancient modes of control through the use of moral absolutes, where the practice of these values, consequentially, resists international order governed by liberal principles. As a result, neoconservative policies disrupt international order and isolate the U.S. from the modern world.

Set against the background of public life and political practice in late capitalist mass democracies, this study presents information and communication structures as central to the formation of discursive opinion and the negotiation of social identities. Discussion and processes of exchange, that is, are conceived to be crucial to politics in the full democratic sense (as the pursuit and realization of human emancipation) . Taking the mass media to be the central institutions and a primary locus of power in the contemporary public sphere, this study seeks to explore both their semiotic, discursive natures, and the material, institutional context in which they are embedded. The concern to theorize the impact of the mass media on the public sphere 's internal processes of social, cultural and political discourse and therefore on individual and social orientation and action - is essentially a concern to come to terms with the operations of ideology and power in industrial capitalist democracies . The overall context of social communication is changing, and with it the ideological codes of power. It is therefore imperative to arrive at some understanding of the dynamics of signifying processes, the ways in which the culturally specific rhetorical lenses of the media filter and alter the wider framework of social understandings, and the possibilities for generating new social, cultural and political discourses critical of the mystifications of power. Chapter One discusses Habermas's analytical and historical account of the development of bourgeois forms of social criticism in England, France and Germany during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and their effacement in the nineteeth and twentieth centuries by the forces of mass culture and industrial capitalism . Chapter Two then proceeds to address several theoretical problems and methodological flaws in Habermas formulation. Of particular concern are his understanding of the role of the media in shaping cultural criticism, and his conceptualization of the process of communication, in which the audience is cast as passive. A critical interrogation and reconstruction of Habermas category of the public sphere to suit the changing environment of public communication is therefore called for. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process. Chapter Three engages the pessimistic, cynical and apolitical epistemological stance of postmodernism, and rejects its unwillingness to engage in a critical hermeneutics of the structure and dynamics of ideology and power in contemporary society. Chapter Four presents Gramsci's and Althusser's reformulations of Marx's notion of ideology, points out some theoretical deficiencies in their arguments, and suggests why a semiotic understanding of the relation between meaning and reality would be of value to a theory of ideology. Chapter Five focuses on structuralist and semiotic approaches to language and society, and their understandings of the process of signification. Here the work of Saussure, Levi-Strauss and Barthes are seminal, though they are presented as not being entirely satisfactory. Voloshinov 's alternative "social semiotics" is introduced as a more appropriate conceptual framework , taking cognizance as it does of both the dynamic and (necessarily) contested nature of ideology, and the importance of the material and social elements in the signifying process.Chapter Six explores the political economy of late capitalism and demonstrates the need to balance semiology's textualist approach to meaning construction with an understanding of the relevance of the wider institutional context. Notwithstanding the inherent polysemy of media texts and the active role of audiences in the construction of sense and identity, this chapter argues that the character and quality of the discursive relations of advanced capitalist societies are profoundly shaped by the dynamics and principles of industrialization, commercialization, commodification and profit realization . This mediating institutional context of social communication must be taken into account by those concerned to demystify the discourses of power and their implicit agendas. Chapter Six then proceeds to address the democratic potential of new information and communication technologies. The background for this cautionary discussion is the technologization of human culture , as well as certain depoliticizing trends within the infrastructure of so-called "Information Society ", such as the growing prevalence of market principles and the increasing demands of "corporate imperatives". The chapter ends with a brief discussion of Tim Luke's argument that the participatory nature of new technologies can be exploited by counter-hegemonic groups seeking to broaden the scope of public communication in order to build a firebreak against the further colonization of the lifeworld by capital and the State. The study concludes by arguing that despite observable tendencies towards the privatization of information and the centralization of meaning, ideology remains everpresent in modern industrialized countries, and is always open to contestation. It further suggests that the ability of audiences to actively decode ideological cultural forms according to their own interests and lived experiences, together with the potential of new technologies to circulate these alternative and often counter-hegemonic meanings augurs well for democratic practice. For not only is it possible to expose and challenge the dynamics of power, but it is also increasingly possible for audiences to contribute to the agenda of political discussion, and thereby lend substance and credibility to the discursive formations of the (much maligned) contemporary public sphere. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.

his dissertation examines the rhetoric of the homestead movement in antebellum America as a particular instance of domesticity. Homestead rhetoric alters the modes of identity and subjectivity usually found in domesticity, and alters the home-nation metaphor at the moment when the nation faced an increasing sectional divide that would lead to a Civil War. As deployed by Congressmen, homestead rhetoric used domesticity to define the relationship between manhood and citizenship. Harriet Jacobs uses this rhetoric in her autobiographical Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl to shape an identity more in line with male homesteaders than with the subjects of women’s domesticity. E.D.E.N. Southworth’s The Haunted Homestead offers the home-nation metaphor as a solution to national crisis, but ultimately the crisis is too large to solve through domesticity. This dissertation uses Jurgen Habermas’s concepts of lifeworld and system to assess the types of subjects created through the different modes of domesticity. Lifeworld describes modes of communication that foster the agency of individuals, and system describes the instrumentalization of individuals into roles where they are only a means to an end. The lifeworld created through homestead rhetoric is ultimately systematized by the importance of transforming land into property; Harriet Jacobs recognizes that she must escape the systematization of slavery and enter into a new economic system to have her rights fully acknowledged; Southworth’s failure to find a literary solution to national problems suggests the limits of a literary lifeworld, or the extent to which the domestic itself has been systematized. This dissertation concludes by considering how Laura Ingalls Wilder’s experience homesteading in South Dakota can bring an ecocritical perspective to lifeworld and system. Ingalls Wilder rejects the system of commodified nature to find contentment in a lifeworld affirmed through an agrarian relationship to the land.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-03-01Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:30:29Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ribeiro_jsp_me_mar.pdf: 412152 bytes, checksum: 4a4838c55462145f8474bc02bc6ede03 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / No último século, vimos nascer um autor que, ao discutir com diversos outros expoentes da filosofia e sociologia, desenvolveu sua própria teoria: Jürgen Habermas; preocupado em encontrar saídas para a modernidade, não descarta a razão como possibilidade de emancipação humana. Diferentemente de seus antecessores da escola de Frankfurt, desenvolve, ainda, o conceito de “razão comunicativa;” mudando o panorama ou, pelo menos, trazendo novas possibilidades à discussão e ao entendimento da sociologia contemporânea. O presente trabalho visa oferecer uma leitura da contribuição habermasiana à sociologia, sobretudo no que se refere à análise da fundamentação dos direitos humanos assegurados pelo Estado, como direitos fundamentais. Deste modo, há uma preocupação não apenas teórica e filosófica, mas também empírica, pois este trabalho tem a pretensão de proporcionar subsídios para a identificação de políticas públicas paternalistas desenvolvidas pelo Estado. Visto que, segundo Habermas, pelo lado do direito social, há indicadores da ambivalência do direito materializado no Estado social, já que a liberdade é propiciada, e ao mesmo tempo, retirada, sustentando-se assim, como resultado da estrutura do processo de juridificação, há uma dialética entre liberdade de direito e liberdade de fato. A fim de compreendermos e elucidarmos algumas questões na teoria habermasiana, buscamos ainda um breve debate com Ronald Dworkin e John Rawls / In the last century, we saw to be born an author who, when arguing with diverse other exponents of the philosophy and sociology, developed its proper theory: Jürgen Habermas; worried in finding exits for modernity, it does not discard the reason as emancipation possibility human being. Differently of its predecessors of the school of Frankfurt, it develops, still, the concept of “communicative reason;” changing the general vision or, at least, bringing new possibilities to the quarrel and the agreement of sociology contemporary. The present work aims at to offer a reading of the habermasiana contribution to sociology, over all as for the analysis of the recital of the human rights assured by the State, as right basic. In this way, it has a concern not only theoretician and philosophical, but also empirical, therefore this work has the pretension to provide subsidies for the identification of father public politics developed by the State. Since, according to Habermas, for the side of the social right, it has pointers of the ambivalence of the right materialized in the social State, since the freedom is propitiated, and at the same time, withdrawal, supporting itself thus, as resulted of the structure of the legalization process, has a dialectic between freedom of right and freedom in fact. In order to understand and to elucidate some questions in the habermasiana theory, still search a briefing has debated with Ronald Dworkin and John Rawls

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:17:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 1999-04-05T00:00:00Z / A dissertação tem como objetivo entender a constituição da esfera pública e da sociedade civil no Brasil a partir do trabalho do filósofo alemão Jürgen Habermas. Para tanto busca subsídios em três de seus principais trabalhos: ''Mudança Estrutural da Esfera Pública', 'Teoria da Ação Comunicativa' e 'Between Facts and N orms'. Assumindo que o tipo de Estado constituído no País impôs sérias dificuldades ao desenvolvimento tanto da esfera pública quanto da sociedade civil, a dissertação busca no trabalho de pensadores brasileiros subsídios que corroborem a adoção do referencial habermasiano para o entendimento do caso brasileiro.

OLIVEIRA, Juliano Cordeiro da Costa. Ação comunicativa e democracia: por uma política deliberativa em Jurgen Habermas. 2009. 108f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Filosofia, Fortaleza (CE), 2009. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-06T14:33:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009-DIS-JCCOLIVEIRA.pdf: 611028 bytes, checksum: 5e05e83880eb894f2eaf96801c4e0e60 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-07T10:47:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009-DIS-JCCOLIVEIRA.pdf: 611028 bytes, checksum: 5e05e83880eb894f2eaf96801c4e0e60 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-07T10:47:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009-DIS-JCCOLIVEIRA.pdf: 611028 bytes, checksum: 5e05e83880eb894f2eaf96801c4e0e60 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / A presente pesquisa reconstrói aquilo que poderíamos chamar de uma Filosofia Política de Jürgen Habermas. Habermas parte da Teoria da Ação Comunicativa como referência para suas reflexões. A descoberta da linguagem como médium intransponível de todo sentido, de toda reflexão teórica e prática, forçou um repensamento de todos os problemas filosóficos. Agora, normas racionais nascem da práxis dialógica dos sujeitos envolvidos numa determinada situação. A razão comunicativa, para Habermas, é a única que tem condições de fundamentar normas num mundo marcado pela pluralidade de visões de vida. Habermas, por conseguinte, a partir da ação comunicativa, elabora o conceito de política deliberativa, realizando uma síntese entre o liberalismo e o republicanismo. Há, na teoria de Habermas, uma conciliação entre a autonomia privada e a pública, entre os direitos humanos e a soberania popular, entre a liberdade dos modernos e a dos antigos. Segundo Habermas, não há um privilégio da política a ser realizada no âmbito da sociedade civil, como no republicanismo, ou exclusivamente no sistema político, como nas teorias liberais. Na política deliberativa, as esferas públicas se interligam com os sistemas político e administrativo. Além disso, Habermas considera positiva a questão da normatização jurídica, oriunda da tradição liberal, interligando-a com o princípio republicano da comunicação entre os sujeitos. O direito, então, é enfatizado por sua eficácia nas resoluções dos problemas. Entretanto, esse direito só possuirá legitimidade caso tenha como fonte o princípio da comunicação. Habermas, nesse contexto, expõe os limites do Estado liberal e do Estado social, propondo um novo modelo de Estado, com base na política deliberativa, em que os sujeitos serão autônomos à medida que puderem se entender também como autores do direito ao qual se submetem enquanto destinatários.