Denna studie har undersökt om retoriken kring asyl- och flyktingfrågan ändrades bland riksdagsledamöter under hösten 2015 utifrån Köpenhamnsskolans säkerhetiseringsteori. Detta har möjliggjorts genom processpårning som metodologiskt tillvägagångssätt där riksdags- och regeringsdokument analyserats genom säkerhetiseringsteorin. Studiens analys visar att flyktingar och asylsökande framställdes som ett existentiellt hot gentemot det svenska samhällets funktionalitet i slutet av hösten 2015 och de sedvanliga politiska rutinerna frångicks i hanteringen av frågan. En fullständig säkerhetisering skedde således i december 2015 i samband med proposition 2015/16:67 ”Särskilda åtgärder vid allvarlig fara för den allmänna ordningen eller den inre säkerheten i landet”. Dock visar studiens resultat att det finns en otydlighet i säkerhetiseringsteorins definitioner av nyckelbegreppet säkerhetiseringsaktör.

Studien syftar till att undersöka forskares upprätthållande av säkerhetiseringen av Irans kärnkraftprogram och hur detta påverkar deras roll som potentiella policyskapare. Studien ämnar vara teoriutvecklande genom att definiera Köpenhamnsskolans aktörsroll inom säkerhetiseringsteorin på ett mer nyanserat och precist sätt. Studien går igenom olika perspektiv inom debatten kring ”bridging the gap” mellan teori och praktik och använder Köpenhamnsskolans säkerhetiseringsteori som analytiskt ramverk vid analysen av det empiriska materialet. Studien analyserar artiklar skrivna av amerikanska forskare i amerikanska tidskrifter och undersöker hur och om dessa upprätthåller säkerhetiseringen av Irans kärnkraftprogram. Studien sätter därmed forskarna i rollen som säkerhetiserande aktörer för att se hur detta kan påverka forskarnas roll i att ”bridge the gap”. Studien menar att forskare genom att ha ”dubbla roller” som både ”forskare” och ”aktörer” kan använda sig av säkerhetisering för att ”bridge the gap” mellan forskning och policyskapande.

During a relative short time climate change has started to be regarded as a threat to international security. The question embarks if this international trend of securitization of climate change can be identified in Sweden as well. Sweden joined the EU 1995 and thus began an internationalization of Swedish politics. This thesis examines how the Swedish climate politics has changed in relation to security during the period 1995-2017. The material used in this comparative study consists of six inaugural addresses. The inaugural addresses were chosen since it is the government’s opportunity to outline their strategy for their term in office. By using the securitization theory and framing theory this study aims to outline the changes in Swedens climate politics in relation to security during the chosen period of time. This study uses a qualitative content analysis of the chosen inaugural addresses. The thesis concludes that Sweden has followed the international trend in securitization of climate change, and lately surpassed it.

Given the armed conflict in Ukraine, the terrorist attacks in Paris and elsewhere in Europe and the pressing issue of climate change one could argue that there are no longer room for just one sector in security studies. Based on Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde’s theory of securitization the aim of this paper is to study whether the Swedish Defense Committee perceive threats in any sectors other than the traditional military sector in its two reports or not and therefore also if the Defense Committee has adapted the wider security concept; and if so answer the question of what other sectors the Committee put forward in the reports. The aim is also to compare the findings in the two reports with each other to point out similarities and differences the Defense Committee’s perception of threats. The method used in this paper was an intense qualitative content analysis where the author manually examined the two reports to find indications on what kind of threats was present in the reports and how they were presented. The result of the study shows that all sectors with the exception of the societal sector in the Copenhagen School were present in the reports. An additional result of the study was that there were many similarities and differences in the reports; one similarity being that Russia was perceived as a threat in both reports while one distinction was the only in the latest report were a global financial crisis perceived as a threat.

<p>Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights. The method consists of an interpretative and reflective method, together with a critical discourse analysis approach. The main results of the thesis show a possibility to distinguish four sets of discourses with close ties to the contemporary societal context during this period of almost three decades. However, the main arguments for such a change in discourse are first, that although the migration policies have developed in a more restrictive way since the 1980’s, the arguments and rhetoric in parliamentary debates have not changed much even though the tendencies are harder tones simultaneously with such restrictions. Second, in spite of this similarity, there have been people in parliament who have raised their voices and protested during this period when, in their view, the politics has moved outside of the ordinary framework. Finally, this thesis argues that it is possible to place the two debating sides in what could be named the security/rights- nexus, depending on each side’s point of departure according to the security framework of this thesis.</p>

The free movement of the Roma minority has become questioned within the European Union. This study seeks to understand why this question has reached disproportionally importance in comparison to the number of Roma migrants within the union, and to understand the great attention given to the question. Based on the Copenhagen’s school of securitization, the purpose of this study is to show how this magnification of the question occurs due to the framing of the Roma migrants as a security problem. Focusing on the speech act of the securitization theory, this paper contains a study of political actor’s statements concerning Roma migrants. Using a framing methodology combined with the conditions for a successful securitization, speeches and statements are analyzed to determine how the Roma migrants are framed as societal threats in politics of France, Sweden and the European Commission. The result of the study show that a securitization has taken place in French politics, similar signs of the beginning of the securitizing process can be found in the Swedish political discourse. The Commission’s speech act concern the member states treatment of the Roma migrants, and especially the questioning of their right to free movement.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka huruvida Sverige och dess styrande organ har lyft fram utvecklingsfrågor som ett hot mot säkerheten enligt de kriterier som jag har valt att plocka ur Securitization Theory. Detta har jag gjort genom att undersöka officiella dokument från riksdag och Försvarsdepartement.Jag har använt mig av den konstruktivistiska metodologin eftersom den synen på världen till viss del sammanfaller med några av grundtankarna i Securitization Theory. Jag har använt mig av en kvalitativ metod när jag har undersökt min frågeställning och försökt besvara den.Jag kommer argumentera för det resultatet som jag har funnit, att man kan svara besvara min frågeställning enligt de kriterier som jag har satt upp i för utförandet av min uppsats. Genom att sammanfatta vad jag kommit fram till i helhet med mina nyckelfaktorer argumenterar jag för att Sverige har tagit steget från att låta utvecklingsfrågor vara politicized till securitized. / The purpose of this paper is to examine if the Swedish government has elevated development issues as a security threat according to the criteria I have decided to use from Securitization Theory. I have done this by researching official documents from the government and the Ministry of Defence.I have used the constructivist methodology because of their perception the world to some extent overlap with some of the basic ideas of Securitization Theory. I have used a qualitative method when I have investigated my question at issue and tried to answer it.I will argue for the results that I have found that one can answer my question as to the criteria I have set in for the performance of my thesis. By summarizing what I have come to the whole of my key factors I argue that Sweden has taken the step of allowing development issues to go from being politicized to securitized.

The threat from homegrown terrorism in the United States is called a new face of the threat from terrorism. The aim of this study is to empirically examine how the new threat from homegrown terrorism has been constructed in the American discourse. Furthermore it is interesting to examine how the construction relates to the American counterterrorism policy and possible consequences. This is done by using the theoretical framework of Copenhagen’s school of securitization. By using a discourse analysis, documents and speeches from the U.S. government are analysed to see how the threat from homegrown terrorism are constructed by using the securitization theory. This study concludes that the threat from homegrown terrorism is constructed by portraying it as an existential threat to the United States, it’s people and it’s collective identity. The construction has made it possible to undertake exceptional actions that may reduce the American citizens’ freedom in benefit for security.

Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights. The method consists of an interpretative and reflective method, together with a critical discourse analysis approach. The main results of the thesis show a possibility to distinguish four sets of discourses with close ties to the contemporary societal context during this period of almost three decades. However, the main arguments for such a change in discourse are first, that although the migration policies have developed in a more restrictive way since the 1980’s, the arguments and rhetoric in parliamentary debates have not changed much even though the tendencies are harder tones simultaneously with such restrictions. Second, in spite of this similarity, there have been people in parliament who have raised their voices and protested during this period when, in their view, the politics has moved outside of the ordinary framework. Finally, this thesis argues that it is possible to place the two debating sides in what could be named the security/rights- nexus, depending on each side’s point of departure according to the security framework of this thesis.

Sverige har länge haft ett stort biståndsengagemang gentemot Afghanistan som innefattat ett stort ekonomiskt bidstånd och mindre civila insatser för civilbefolkningens del. Efter terrorattackerna i New York, USA, den 11 september kom det svenska engagemanget i allt större utsträckning att handla om säkerhet, både för den afghanska befolkningens räkning men också för Sverige som stat. Studien undersöker huruvida en diskursförskjutning skett i den svenska afghanistandiskursen i kontexten Kriget mot terrorismen.