汪兆銘（精衛）為近代中國上一極受爭議的歷史人物，他的一生經歷，幾乎涵蓋了半部的民國史，從早期同盟會革命運動開始，汪便是國民黨內的重要人物，許多中國現代的歷史事件都與汪氏有關。受到其後來與日本合作成立偽政權事影響，導致後人對其歷史評價不一，至今仍缺乏對其之專題研究以供定論之參考。在汪氏畢生的政治生涯中，曾參與六個「國民政府」，都曾扮演極重要的角色。而且多與蔣介石在國民黨內之間權力的爭衡和政見異同息息相關。是以兩人分裂抗衡之時期之外，亦有妥協合作的時期。兩人之間的合作有兩次，第一次是民國14年廣州國民政府時期，後因「中山艦事變」而分離；第二次是民國21年以後南京國民政府時期，至24年國民黨四屆六中全會時汪氏被刺後出現分歧。這段時期，正是國難嚴重，致力救亡圖存時期。兩人合作，共同應付國難。至於完全分裂是在27年底汪氏在投敵而至另組「國民政府」之後。本研究之主旨在探討汪、蔣二次合作的緣起與過程，及汪氏參與南京國民政府時期的表現。當時中國主要問題是在於「對日」。故本文循「對日」問題為主線，以民國20年(1931)至民國25年(1936)為斷限，作為研究的範圍。除第一章為前言及第六章為結論外，第二章〈汪兆銘參與南京國民政府之經過〉，敘述汪兆銘參與南京國民政府的過程，以便說明汪、蔣何以二次合作。第三章〈一面抵抗一面交涉〉，敘述汪兆銘的「一面抵抗、一面交涉」對日政策的由來，及其實行的經過與挫折。第四章〈汪兆銘與國民政府的安內攘外〉，敘述汪、蔣合作下的「安內攘外」政策，說明汪氏「救亡圖存」之主張與分析對日妥協綏靖的外交。第五章〈汪蔣合作走向分歧〉，敘述汪、蔣合作關係的後期演變及分歧的因果。

在2014年3月的太陽花學運裡，參與的學生在此次扮演主要的角色。也因為如此，各領域響起許多質疑的聲浪，認為此運動只匯集了較邊緣的社會思想，尤其是極端反中的論點。這使得太陽花學運帶著不透明性，真正發起和參與的學生動機變得難以捉摸。此論文採用各方觀點加以探討，並分類大學生參與之背後的真正原由。研究首先細化就讀大學之參與者的動機，參考其投入程度，加以比較各種參加的原因；次而探討其學歷背景是否因而對其造成影響。本研究運用這兩項方法比對，釐清參與學生之背景、動機、成果的交互影響之關係。 / During the Sunflower Movement of March 2014, it was the university students that played a prominent role. Because of this, several misconceptions about the Sunflower Movement arose. Among them was that it only appealed to a small radical fringe of society, especially those with strong anti-Chinese sentiments. This cast a shadow on the movement as a whole, and the true motivations why students became involved was unclear. This paper takes a multi-dimensional approach to specifying the reasons behind why students participated. First, it breaks down the various motivations students had and compares this with how invested they became in the movement. Secondly, it takes into account students’ backgrounds to see whether or not this affected their motivations. Using this approach, we can see a relation between one’s background, motivations, and their eventual outcome in protest.

1895年清廷把臺灣割讓給日本，臺人以民族大義，組「臺灣民主國」扺抗，事敗後，不願被日本統治的臺人，紛紛返回祖國大陸的中國，此後終日本領臺的五十年間，一批又一批的臺人陸續踏上中國，有獲得傳統科舉功名者，有參與中國革命運動者，有參加中國抗日戰爭者。回到中國後，他們所從事的活動是臺灣抗日運動的延伸，也是中國近現代民族運動及反帝國主義運動不可或缺的一部份，在相當程度內，他們的活動與兩岸關係的歷史進程進行了聯結。 本文共分為七章： 第一章 回返中國的科舉士群。論述回返中國的進士及其對乙未割臺的反應。他們乃是懷抱民族大義，以依依不捨的心情回到中國的，但回到所謂的祖國後，卻受到始料未及的遭遇，各界猜忌，甚至有以為抗日是「抗旨」者，種種情形，不一而足。他們始終忘不了臺灣，念念不忘臺灣。他們或者為官，或者致力於中國的新式教育工作，也有人從事政治活動。為了稍解思念臺灣之情，回到中國的科舉士群彼此之間相互酬酢來往。 第二章臺灣人與辛亥革命。在中國辛亥革命的過程中，臺灣人始終參與其間。丘逢甲是清末立憲運動的一份子，之後他從擁護立憲轉而贊助革命。革命運動之中除了直接的行動，經費一項尤不可缺，臺灣人無論是捐獻革命經費或是參與起義，均不落人後，可以說是出錢又出力，在辛亥年三二九之役尤為顯著。 第三章奔向北伐。中國的北伐，是為打倒軍閥及其背後的帝國主義，臺灣人林祖密早就支持孫中山的護法大業，而國民黨一全大會後創辦的黃埔軍校與中山大學，都有臺灣人就讀，臺灣青年就讀黃埔軍校與中山大學之餘，還組織「廣東臺灣學生聯合會」與「廣東臺灣革命青年團」，孫中山去世，臺灣人極力哀悼，北伐大軍出動後，臺灣人更是直接參加。 第四章參與反帝國主義運動。「五卅運動」是中國人大規模反帝國主義運動的序幕，發生在上海的這次運動，臺灣人也參加了，在波瀾壯闊的五卅運動狂潮下，臺灣人捲入中國的國民革命運動和共產主義運動之中。臺共在上海創立，參與建立臺共的臺灣人，部份也加入了中共，更有一些臺共黨人被安排到莫斯科東方大學受訓。 第五章夾縫中的臺灣人：國民黨或中共。在國共兩黨的鬥爭與分合過程中，不僅中國人，連臺灣人也被捲入這個旋渦。丘念台在國共二次合作期間，前往延安考察，回到廣東後，取中共民眾組訓工作之優點，組成東區服務隊，其下有自臺灣專程回到中國的臺灣青年加入。李友邦組成臺灣義勇隊，其下更是集中了大批的臺灣菁英。專研日本政情的宋斐如創辦《戰時日本》，專門收集和分析日本情報，提供中國政府及各界參考。 第六章臺灣人的傾軋：臺灣革命同盟會與臺灣黨部的紛爭。在國民黨主導下成立的臺灣革命同盟會與國民黨臺灣黨部，對於團結臺灣人抗日有所貢獻，但兩者之間都有著人事上的紛爭，臺人互相攻擊和指控，首任臺灣黨部主任委員翁俊明最後也因為不明原因猝逝。 第七章在抗日烽火下。日本對中國的侵略戰爭給中國造成巨大的損失，其間，留在臺灣的臺灣人受日本的殖民統治，另一方面，回到中國大陸的臺灣人則是在在各個部門直接或間接參加了這次的戰爭。臺人有加入中共陣營的，有在國民黨領導下致力的，更有直接在戰場前線衝鋒陷陣的，國內戰場固不必論，連在國外的緬甸戰場上，也有臺灣人參加。 結論。由於中國大陸政局動蕩不安，五十年間內憂外患不斷，始終沒有積極的臺灣政策，臺灣人到中國大陸，都是自動前往，不是中國當局主動爭取，他們到了中國沒有保障，時有危險，卻又不能團結，彼此傾軋，其道路是充滿曲折的。 / In 1895, when the government of Qing Dynasty ceded Taiwan to Japan, the Taiwanese, out of the righteousness of a people, organized the “Republic of Taiwan” to resist Japanese. After the resistance failed, those Taiwanese unwilling to be governed by Japan went to mainland China, their homeland then. Through out the 50-year governing by Japan, groups after groups of Taiwanese arrived in China continually. Some of them won scholarly honor or official ranks by taking imperial examinations, some joined Chinese revolutionary movements, and some participated in the war against Japan. For those who later returned to Taiwan, the activities they engaged in are an extension of Taiwan’s anti-Japan movements, also a part indispensible to China’s contemporary national movements and anti-imperialism movements. To a certain extent, their activities are closely connected to the historical progress of the relations across Taiwan Straits. This article is divided into 7 chapters. Chapter 1 Intellectuals going to China for imperial examinations Those scholars going to China and their response to the cession of Taiwan in 1895 are discussed. Embracing a national righteousness, they returned to China quite grudgingly. Once arriving in so-called the fatherland, they unexpectedly encountered suspicion from all circles. Even their action against Japan was considered “disobedient” to the imperial government. In spite of various situation, however, they never forgot Taiwan. They became officials or devoted themselves to the modern education in China. Some went into politics. To relieve their missing of Taiwan, the intellectual Taiwanese in China had friendly interexchange among themselves. Chapter 2 Taiwanese and the Revolution in 1911 In the progress of the Chinese Revolution in 1911, Taiwanese took part in it from beginning to end. Qiu Feng-jia was one of the constitutionalists at the end of Qing Dynasty. Later he altered to support the revolution. The revolutionary movements require direct actions, but funds are also indispensible. The Taiwanese never hesitated to contribute to fund raising or participate in uprisings. They made a great contribution to the Revolution in both funds and actions, significantly above all in the uprising on March 29, 1911. Chapter 3 Running for the Northern Punitive Expedition The Northern Punitive Expedition in China was to overthrow the warlords and the imperialism behind them. Quite early Lin Zu-mi, a Taiwanese, supported Sun Yat-sen’s great cause to protect the Provisional Constitution. Taiwanese students entered Huang-pu Military Academy and Zhong-shan University, both established after the First Plenary Assembly of Kuomintang (Nationalist Party). Taiwanese youth not only entered the Academy and the University established by Kuomintang, but also organized “Taiwan Student Union in Guangtong” and “Taiwan Revolutionary Youth Corps in Guangtong”. When Sun Yat-sen passed away, Taiwanese expressed great condolence over his death. After the Northern Punitive Expedition marched out, Taiwanese even participated in it directly. Chapter 4 Participating in anti-imperialism movements “May 30th Movement” is the overture for large-scale anti-imperialism movements by Chinese. In this Movement, which took place in Shanghai, Taiwanese also participated. Under the tidal waves of this grand Movement, Taiwanese were involved in national revolutionary movements and Communism movements in China. Communist Party of Taiwan was established in Shanghai. Some of the participants in establishing Communist Party of Taiwan also joined Communist Party of China, and some Taiwanese Communists were even sent to Moscow East University for training. Chapter 5 Taiwanese in a crack: Kuomintang or Chi-Comm? During the on-and-off process of clashes and collaborations between Kuomintang and Communist Party of China, not only Chinese but also Taiwanese were engulfed in the whirlpool. During the second collaboration period between Kuomintang and Chi-Comm, Qu Nian-tai went to Yan-an for a survey. After returning to Guangtong, by utilizing Chi-Comm’s merit in gathering and training people, he organized East Region Service Team, which was joined by some Taiwanese youth especially returning to China. Li You-bang organized Taiwan Volunteers, calling together lots of Taiwanese elites. Song Pei-ru, an expert on Japanese political situation, founded “War-time Japan”. He specialized in gathering and analyzing Japanese information to provide reference for Chinese government and others. Chapter 6 Internal strife among Taiwanese: The disputes between Taiwan Revolution Alliance and Kuomintang’s Taiwan Headquarters Taiwan Revolution Alliance and Kuomintang’s Taiwan Headquarters, both established under the guidance of Kuomintang, made a contribution to the unity of Taiwanese against Japanese. There existed, however, personnel disputes between them, with Taiwanese attacking and accusing one another. The first appointed commissioner of Taiwan Headquarters, Weng Jun-ming, died suddenly with the cause unaccounted for. Chapter 7 Waging warfare against Japanese The aggressive war by Japan caused tremendous damages to China. During the war, the Taiwanese remaining in Taiwan were ruled by the Japan’s colonial government. On the other hand, those returning to mainland China participated in the war directly or indirectly at various departments. Some of them joined the camp of Chi-Comm, while others endeavored under Kuomintang’s leadership. Even at the frontline of battlefields, brave Taiwanese fought vigorously. Needless to mention domestic battlefields, Taiwanese were found fighting even in remote Burmese jungles. Conclusion Due to the unstable political situation in mainland China, with internal revolts and foreign invasions unceasing for 50 years, there was no active Taiwan policy all along. Taiwanese went to China all voluntarily by themselves, not initiatively strived for by the Chinese authorities. There was neither guarantee nor safeguard when they arrived there. To the worse, they engaged in internal strive without unity. Their road was complicated with ups and downs.

隨著世界各國在民主化後對重新審視、扭轉過去壓迫性政權作為的嘗試，近年來以臺灣史料為題材的研究中，以轉型正義為主題的論文也有逐漸增加的趨勢。不過多數研究習慣將視野集中於國民黨來臺後的族群歧視、整個國家退守臺灣後基於反共／防共的白色恐怖對人權的侵害、或是臺灣政治民主化後的補償與歷史正義，相對少有探討臺灣戰後初期對日本統治的反省內容，同時也缺乏比較性地跨越不同政權統治時期，嘗試從外來政權如何統治社會與汲取資源方式的角度，研究國家建構如何影響轉型正義主張與行動的作品。 　　相較先行研究，本論文以從日本殖民時期以至戰後初期的臺灣與朝鮮為研究對象，指出日本對新領土的國家建構工程使兩地在戰後初期都出現了轉型正義的行動與主張，而兩地在遭受殖民前與殖民期間發展出的共同體意識、社會成員處境、和殖民者建構國家的手段與過程均影響了兩地轉型正義的內容與強度；而兩地在戰後分別受到外來政權統治，再次出現國家意圖控制社會的國家建構行為，使兩地原有的轉型正義主張遭到壓抑－在臺灣，新統治者與臺灣社會認定的犯過錯者結合，以自己的轉型正義標準壓制臺灣人的權利和對政權的批判，臺灣人因此重新審視共同體界線；朝鮮／韓國對民族獨立與犯過錯者的究責要求則一直未滅，然而新統治者與其後繼者為了穩定政權，出現了無視社會要求，以新標準區別敵人並阻礙轉型正義的情形，最後，戰後初期統治兩地的新政權皆為其國家建構目的犧牲了社會的轉型正義要求，同時製造了新的不正義。 / With countries of the world tried to review and redress doings oppressive regimes did in the past after democratization, the number of theses topic on transitional justice by studying Taiwan historical resources increases recently. However, most of the researches focus on ethnic discriminations after Kuomintang seized Taiwan, human right violation and persecution in white terror era, and redress or historical justice after political democratization. There come relatively fewer discussions on reflections on Japanese rule in early post war Taiwan, and lack of comparative, cross-regime works try to explain how state-building influenced transitional justice ideas and actions, by applying viewpoint that different alien regimes carry out ruling and extraction resources from society. 　Compared with former researches, I adopt the era Taiwan and Korea under Japanese colonization to early post war period as research subjects. I first point out Japanese state-building crafts brought out transitional justice ideas and actions in early post war Taiwan and Korea, different development degrees of community imagines, situation of society members, means and process colonizers took to build state before and in the colonial period made postwar transitional justice different in the two places. Next I point out new alien regimes befell post war Taiwan and Korea, new state-building process came out once again, and transitional justice was repressed. In Taiwan, new rulers built a patron-client relationship with local wrongdoers, they put Hanjian accusation standard on Taiwanese, suppress their political right and critique, and therefore Taiwanese started to review the boundary of community. In Korea, desires to nation independence and punish wrongdoers never faded, however, post war rulers ignored society requests and used new standard to mark new enemy within, blocked transitional justice for stable regime. At last, regimes ruled Taiwan and Korea in early post war days sacrificed society requests for transitional justice, instead by pursuit of state-building goals, and brought out new injustice.

國家認同指涉的是涵蓋傳統、語言與政治的整體國家文化，經過學者在各學術領域的討論，此一概念已經變得普遍。既有的研究主要則是對國家認同概念持續建構，以及瞭解個人、團體以及「國家」之間的複雜互動關係。本論文以臺灣為例，嘗試點出歷史與國家認同關係的重要性，並從1895年日本在臺灣開始殖民政策開始，到國民黨在臺灣威權統治期間，再到2000年臺灣的民主轉型之間，瞭解究竟是哪些因素，以及這些因素如何，與何時，對臺灣國家認同的發展產生影響等問題，提供重要的支持點點。其間重要的研究問題也包含究竟國家認同所指為何？以及歷史經驗，諸如日本的殖民統治時期、228事件、白色恐怖、國民當的威權統治，以及2000年之前的民主轉型等，會如影響國家認同的變化？本論文在一開始對認同發展的研究進行一總體式的回顧，接著討論社會、政治與文化認同彼此之間如何互動，以及這些認同如何與前述歷史經驗影響國家認同的發展。在此同時，本文也將評述其他學者對於1895年到2000年之間臺灣民眾國家認同發展的相關研究與論點。 / National Identity, the depiction of a country as a whole, encompassing its culture based on traditions, language and politics. This concept has grown to be common, lectured by scholars from various disciplines. Existing studies have fabricated piece by piece the definition of national identity, to comprehend the complex interaction within individuals, groups and a “Nation”. This paper seeks to provide the importance of the relationship of history on national identity, using the case of Taiwan, also known as the R.O.C (Republic of China). The importance of this research is critical to support how, when, and what variables during the time period of 1895 (Japanese Colonial Period) to 2000 (KMT Authoritarian Rule and Democratic Transition Period) were the main causes for Taiwan’s national identity to evolve. What exactly does national identity refer to? And how do historical experiences such as, the Japanese colonial era, the 2-28 and White Terror period, and KMT’s authoritarian rule and democratic transition before 2000, can systematically cause change? Prior to analyzing Taiwan, we first conduct a general review on the development of identity; the interconnection between the social, political, and cultural identities and how those identities along with historical experiences impact national identity evolution. At that juncture, we will question other scholarly works on the development of people’s national identity from 1895 to 2000 and its impact in Taiwan.

La tesi si concentra sul Partito Nazionalista Cinese negli anni Venti come punto privilegiato di osservazione del cambiamento politico della Cina dopo la Prima guerra mondiale. Questo decennio rappresentò un momento di definizione identitaria sia per i comunisti sia per i nazionalisti. La storiografia ne ha sottolineato numerosi aspetti, ma si è finora occupata del periodo 1919-1928 come una preistoria degli anni Trenta piuttosto che come un autonomo segmento di storia cinese. Studi recenti hanno superato implicitamente questo approccio criticando due date periodizzanti fondamentali per il Novecento cinese: la nascita della Repubblica nazionalista (1911) e la nascita della Repubblica Popolare (1949). A metà tra queste due date, gli anni Venti sono emersi come snodo decisivo nel passaggio da impero a Stato nazionale, durante cui si definì un nuovo spazio di discussione politica. Questo processo, pur interno, subì l’influsso delle strategie internazionali di sovietici e statunitensi dando vita a una nuova visione non soltanto della rivoluzione ma anche dello Stato post-rivoluzionario. Le classi dirigenti nazionalista e comunista, durante la collaborazione, si rivelarono dinamiche e tale “competizione” si trasferì anche all’interno di ciascun movimento diventando un fattore determinante per il successo o il fallimento del partito inteso come moderna formazione politica. / The thesis focuses on the Chinese Nationalist Party in the 1920s as a special standpoint to analyze the political changes in China after the World War I. That decade was crucial for shaping the identity of nationalists and communists. Many works have already examined some aspects, but they mostly considered the years 1919-1928 as a pre-history of the Thirties rather than an autonomous part of Chinese history. Recent studies have overcome this approach by criticizing two of the main periodization in the Chinese twentieth century: the birth of the nationalist Republic (1911) and the birth of the People’s Republic (1949). Halfway, the 1920s stood out as a critical juncture in the transition from empire to nation-state. A new space of political discussion was defined. The process, albeit internal, was under the influence of the USSR and US international strategies and gave birth not only to a new vision of the revolution, but also to a vision of the post-revolutionary state. Also, the nationalist and communist leaderships turned out to be dynamic. That "competition" may be seen also within the two political movements and became a shaping factor for the success or failure of the party as a modern political formation.