<p>In this C-thesis, I investigate the sudden outbreak of the Swedish witch-hunts during the 17^thcentury, mainly focusing on Gävle and Ockelbo in Gästrikland.</p><p>To show the extension of the Swedish witch-hunts, I have included an introductory part of the thesis, where this is described. Another important part of the thesis is the one about views upon women and the functions of their bodies, which had to do with female sexuality. Women were indeed considered a threat, by men in powerful positions, and very often it was sheriffs, judges, commanders and governors who most strongly claimed this.</p><p>People believed that the witches went to Blåkulla, which could be practically anywhere. It could be a mountain, an open area, a rock or a heath. It seems, however, to have been situated far north.</p><p>My investigation mainly concerns the witch-hunts in Ockelbo and Gävle. During this time, Ockelbo was a small, distant village to which a lot of Finnish immigrants arrived in the early 17^th century. In 1674 the vicar of Ockelbo, a man by the name of Tybelius, made known that rumours about witches were going around, and eventually these rumours were all over the area. Tybelius himself questioned the women who were involved.</p><p>A large number of women lost their lives in Gästrikland. Ockelbo was struck hard by the witch-hunts. No less than 69 people were accused of being involved with the Devil and according to the record 14 of these were in fact executed. This is considered quite a large number, since Ockelbo was such a small village.</p><p>Gävle came to be known mainly because of the accusations against Katarina Bure, the wife of the vicar, Peder Fontelius. The vicar had, at an early stage, dissociated himself from all sorts of witchcraft, and he was indeed very sceptical of the journeys to Blåkulla. The mayor of Gävle, a man by the name Falck, disliked Fontelius' opinions, which eventually led to the mayor accusing Fontelius' wife, Katarina, of having brought away children to Blåkulla. This was the first known case in Gävle, and it was to be followed by other cases.</p><p>Children generally played an important role in the witch-hunts, and this was also the case in Gävle. It was not unusual that children testified against their own mothers. One of these children was Johan Johansson Griis, who accused his own mother and sent her to death. He was sent to live with some relatives in Stockholm, where he had soon pointed out a group of innocent women, many of which lost their lives.</p><p>The witch-hunts lasted for 200 years. In Sweden, approximately 300 people were executed.</p> / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Jäderström".

<p>In the New Testament different pictures of a Christian woman are presented, not only thepicture of someone who is nursing and caring, but also the picture of someone who is learningand being educated.Women are put into systems of gender which form them, and throughout the years the pictureof women has been that they primarily should be caring and nursing, not learning.Both of these pictures exist within the Swedish Missionary Society, a society that has not hadany constitution to comply with until 1964, which meant that each person could make his owninterpretation of the Bible and its texts.This essay examines how fifty-year-old women are pictured within the Swedish MissionarySociety 1945-1970, assuming that women who want to serve Jesus have to be prepared togive up their traditional role of nursing and caring, and focus on learning instead.The research method is qualitative, and the written sources are from a regional Christianweekly publication. The essay does not present an unambiguous picture of fifty-year-oldnonconformist women, but the results show that they are not being related to children, that themajority has a higher education than elementary school, and that many of them are addressedto as “Mrs”.</p>

Uppsatsens syfte är att studera bilden av den romersk katolska kyrkan från det protestantiska perspektivet i Sverige. Historiskt har den protestantiska bilden sedan reformationen betraktat romersk katolska kyrkan antingen som hotfull eller främmande. Uppsatsens primärmaterial består av ett representativt urval av svensk kristen press, med olika Svenskkyrkliga riktningar samt de större frikyrkliga samfunden som avsändare. Avgränsningen är förlagd till år 1962-1966, och följer Andra Vatikankonciliets pågående. Uppsatsens resultat uppvisar flera olika uttryck. Bilden av Andra Vatikankonciliet och romersk katolska kyrkan betraktades relativt positivt i delar av de svenskkyrkliga tidningar, medan uttrycken var generellt negativa i frikyrklig press. Enstaka tendenser vittnar även om att historiska uppfattningar av en hotfull romersk katolsk kyrka var fortsatt närvarande under Andra Vatikankonciliets pågående.

In this C-thesis, I investigate the sudden outbreak of the Swedish witch-hunts during the 17th century, mainly focusing on Gävle and Ockelbo in Gästrikland. To show the extension of the Swedish witch-hunts, I have included an introductory part of the thesis, where this is described. Another important part of the thesis is the one about views upon women and the functions of their bodies, which had to do with female sexuality. Women were indeed considered a threat, by men in powerful positions, and very often it was sheriffs, judges, commanders and governors who most strongly claimed this. People believed that the witches went to Blåkulla, which could be practically anywhere. It could be a mountain, an open area, a rock or a heath. It seems, however, to have been situated far north. My investigation mainly concerns the witch-hunts in Ockelbo and Gävle. During this time, Ockelbo was a small, distant village to which a lot of Finnish immigrants arrived in the early 17th century. In 1674 the vicar of Ockelbo, a man by the name of Tybelius, made known that rumours about witches were going around, and eventually these rumours were all over the area. Tybelius himself questioned the women who were involved. A large number of women lost their lives in Gästrikland. Ockelbo was struck hard by the witch-hunts. No less than 69 people were accused of being involved with the Devil and according to the record 14 of these were in fact executed. This is considered quite a large number, since Ockelbo was such a small village. Gävle came to be known mainly because of the accusations against Katarina Bure, the wife of the vicar, Peder Fontelius. The vicar had, at an early stage, dissociated himself from all sorts of witchcraft, and he was indeed very sceptical of the journeys to Blåkulla. The mayor of Gävle, a man by the name Falck, disliked Fontelius' opinions, which eventually led to the mayor accusing Fontelius' wife, Katarina, of having brought away children to Blåkulla. This was the first known case in Gävle, and it was to be followed by other cases. Children generally played an important role in the witch-hunts, and this was also the case in Gävle. It was not unusual that children testified against their own mothers. One of these children was Johan Johansson Griis, who accused his own mother and sent her to death. He was sent to live with some relatives in Stockholm, where he had soon pointed out a group of innocent women, many of which lost their lives. The witch-hunts lasted for 200 years. In Sweden, approximately 300 people were executed. / Uppsatsförfattaren har senare bytt efternamn till "Jäderström".

<p>The purpose of this work is to do a qualitative study of the identity of the Baptist congregation in Asker and the mentality which is created in that congregation during the period 1858–1887. The question at issue concerns the content, the creation, the continuity, the changes, the rate of exclusion, the expressions, etc of the identity and the mentality.The dissertation is divided into five parts: Part one (chapter 1–2) includes issues of theoretical and methodological interest. The purpose of part two (chapter 3–5) is to give some background information, to sketch the landscape in which the Baptist congregation of Asker is placed. Part three (chapter 6–13) is the main part of the dissertation, in which the results of the study of the eight selected areas are presented and analysed. Part four (chapter 14–15) is the part where the results of the studies of the different areas are put together and the whole picture of the identity and mentality of the congregation is presented. The conclusion is that the identity is constructed out of two kinds of relations, an inner religious and several outer relations, such as the Lutheran state church, the society, the history and so on. These relationships construct the identity. The congregation mediate their identity through preaching, through special institutions and through the normative common life of the congregation. The mentality of the congregation is characterized by spiritual rationality, dualistic thinking, insecure security, limited democracy, and assured faith and efficiency In the last fifth part we find some words for further study and thinking, two appendixes and the list of sources and literature.</p>

This is a study of American Methodist Mission in Sweden and how this mission eventually formed the Methodist Church in Sweden 1876. The mission began as a consequence of returning Swedish emigrants and sailors who had encountered Methodism in America, mainly through the works of Swedish-American missionary Olof Gustaf Hedström on the Bethel ship in New York. During the 1850’s Methodist missionaries were sent to Scandinavia by the American Missions Society. The first to come to Sweden was Johan Peter Larsson, who spent two years in Sweden in 1854 before he was transferred to Norway. He returned in 1865 and was followed by a number of missionaries during the next years. Most important of these were Victor Witting who arrived in Gothenburg at the end of 1867. During 1868 the first congregations and a national association for missionaries were formed. The bylaws of the association for missionaries relates to the section in Doctrines and Discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church about The Annual Conference. Methodist mission expanded fast in Sweden, at first along the coasts, and during the 1870’s equally fast on land. Up to the forming of a church in 1876 the mission never expanded further north than Orsa. The establishment of the Methodist Church in Sweden shares a lot of similarities with the development in Denmark, Finland and Norway. The expansion in Sweden was faster compared to the other countries. One reason for this was the large amount of missionaries that were sent to Sweden. All four churches formed according to new religious legislation and were the first to do so in all four countries.

In the New Testament different pictures of a Christian woman are presented, not only thepicture of someone who is nursing and caring, but also the picture of someone who is learningand being educated.Women are put into systems of gender which form them, and throughout the years the pictureof women has been that they primarily should be caring and nursing, not learning.Both of these pictures exist within the Swedish Missionary Society, a society that has not hadany constitution to comply with until 1964, which meant that each person could make his owninterpretation of the Bible and its texts.This essay examines how fifty-year-old women are pictured within the Swedish MissionarySociety 1945-1970, assuming that women who want to serve Jesus have to be prepared togive up their traditional role of nursing and caring, and focus on learning instead.The research method is qualitative, and the written sources are from a regional Christianweekly publication. The essay does not present an unambiguous picture of fifty-year-oldnonconformist women, but the results show that they are not being related to children, that themajority has a higher education than elementary school, and that many of them are addressedto as “Mrs”.

No description available.

Uppsatsen visar hur prästen och tonsättaren Lars Åke Lundberg har medverkat till den andliga visans teologiska bestämning i en banbrytande och samhällsomvälvande tid 1965-1973. Studien omfattar det urval av andliga visor Lundberg själv valt att tonsätta/översätta under tidsperioden. I uppsatsen görs en analys av vistexterna utifrån några valda samhällsteologiska motiv. Resultatet av textanalysen sammankopplas med den tidsanda, som då rådde. Uppsatsen bidrar också till en samhällsteologisk förståelse av vad som hände inom Svenska kyrkan under perioden. Förståelsen av den politiska förändringen kom inifrån Svenska Kyrkan i första hand och inte genom yttre påverkan. / The essay shows how the priest and composer Lars Ake Lundberg has contributed to the theological determination of the spiritual song in the pioneering and revolutionary period of the society in 1965-1973. The study includes the selection of spiritual songs that Lundberg himself chose to compose/translate during the time period. In the essay, analaysis of the lyrics is made based on some selected theological motives belonging to the society. The result of the analysis of the texts is connected with the spirit of the time, which then prevailed. The essay also contributes to a theological understanding of what happened whithin the Church of Sweden during the period. The understanding of the politcial change came from the Church of Sweden itself and not primarly through external influences.

<p>The following essay is named <em>The canonization of Joan of Arc, a Church political strategy or the creation of a national symbol? </em>Joan of Arc, the French heroine of the Hundred Years War, was canonized as late as 1920, in a process that began already in 1869. In the following essay I am trying to work out if this canonization is a work of the Vatican in order to gain popularity in France after the breakup with the state in 1905. The Catholic Church had, since the French Revolution, faced difficulties withstanding its position of power in the presence of the upcoming Secularism and Liberalism and their growing public support. The Catholic Church had been fighting for its members and at the same time fighting the new ideas of Socialism, Communism and Liberalism. Due to the lack of direct sources as well as the inability of being able to retrieve them I have used a variety of sources and documents. By using different history books and documents regarding the actual canonization of Joan of Arc and the Roman Catholic Church, I have been able to retrieve the information needed to answer my three folded question. The main question regarding the political strategy was as my hypothesis says, true, as far as this work concerns.</p><p>Joan of Arc’s case was not in a starting phase initiated by the Vatican but instead by a liberal bishop in France but as the case continued my result showed that the Vatican saw a chance to gain not just the trust of its members, but also a chance to strengthen its bounds to the French state. The reason that it took more than five hundred years (after Joans death) to canonize her is probably that nationalism with all its meaning was developed and used in a wider sense during the late 19th century. This ”back to the roots” philosophy made the pressure to canonize her more vivid and at last, after the First World War, she became the national saint that France forever longed for.</p> / En artikel baserad på denna uppsats har senare publicerats i Gusem: Gutilandorum Universitas Scholarium et Magistrorum: tidskrift för Högskolan på Gotlands historiska förening, Årgång 1 (2009): nr 1.