A la primera part, l'autor tracta de demostrar que certs criteris formals d'identitat d'un ordre jurídic (com els defensats per Austin, Kelsen y Hart) no resulten satisfactoris, perquè ignoren la repercussió que sobre aquesta qüestió té la connexió entre el dret i la política. La solució passa, aleshores, per trobar un criteri material d'identitat dels ordres jurídics. A la segona part es proposa que aquesta identitat es defineixi en termes d'identitat dels règims polítics. Això permet emprar l'instrumental analític de la teoria política (des de Easton a Morlino). La conclusió: dins d'un cert ordre estatal, un ordre jurídic manté la seva identitat fins que el règim polític segueixi sent el mateix. Al seu torn, un règim polític manté la seva identitat fins que els seus elements són modificats de tal manera que ens porten a haver de incloure'l en una categoria diferent, dins d'una determinada classificació. / En la primera parte, el autor pretende demostrar que ciertos criterios formales de identidad de un orden jurídico (como los defendidos por Austin, Kelsen y Hart) no resultan satisfactorios, dado que ignoran la repercusión que sobre esta cuestión tiene la conexión entre el derecho y la política. La solución pasa por delinear un criterio material de identidad de los órdenes jurídicos en términos de identidad de los regímenes políticos, como se hace en la segunda parte. Ello permite usar el instrumental analítico de la teoría política (desde Easton hasta Morlino). La conclusión: dentro de cierto orden estatal, un orden jurídico mantiene su identidad hasta que el régimen político sigue siendo el mismo. A su vez, un régimen político mantiene su identidad hasta que sus elementos se modifican de tal manera que nos llevan a clasificarlo en otra categoría en el seno de una clasificación dada. / In the first part, the author attempts to demonstrate that certain formal criteria of identity of a legal order (the Austin's, Kelsen's and Hart's criteria) are not satisfactory, because they ignore the repercussions of the link between law and politics. The solution can only be found in trying to delineate a material criterion for the identity of legal orders. In the second part, the author defines the identity of legal orders in terms of the identity of political regimes. In this way, he can make use of the analytical tools devised of political theory (from Easton to Morlino). The conclusion: within a certain State order, a legal order maintains its identity as long as the political regime stays the same. The political regime, in turn, maintains its identity until its elements are modified in a way that forces us to attribute it to another category, within a given classification.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T18:53:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese-MariadaGloriaAquino.pdf: 3535193 bytes, checksum: d6fa3018b98f4433417a29fca8640dc0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / This thesis aims at studying the Public Politics of the Brazilian Law Power and its focal point lies in the investigation of the political avaliation of the public politics of the unjudicialization of the interest conflicts, from the determinations established by the CNJ n° 125/2010 Resolution, which defined a new agreement in the performance of the Brazilian law activity, because of the implementation of consensual mechanisms of solution of litigations like the conciliation and the mediation The matter is analyzed from the historical perspective of the mutations of the state in its several structural versions. Moreover it influenced the functioning of the state political institutions. In the same scientific-historical chain it is analyzed the political function exerted by the state organs, focusing especially the political-institutional performance of the Law Power. In this point it is scrutinized the several classic paradigms which justify the separation of the state political powers and also intend the re-dimensionship of the functions exerted by the state. It is examined the political descentralization of the state powers in order to understand how those classic theories influenced the move of expansion of the Law Power in the structure of the Contemporary State, so enabling the exercise of the precipuons functions of the judging according to the laws, which are elaborated and created by the Legislative Power, but which themselves conditioned and submitted to the constitutional supremacy. It is made a field research from the intensification of the law performance, from the enlarged participation of the Law Power in the decisory processes in the contemporary democratic societies, in order to justify how that move promoted the judicalization and effective law activity. It is investigated the historical course of the intensification process of the law activity in Brazil, so making clear the law monopoly, moreover from the process of redemocratization of the land, whose milestone was determined through the promulgation of the Constitution of the Brazilian Federal Republic of 1988. It is presented the causes of the crisis of the Brazilian law function, emphasized by the broad processual congestion passed from the enlarged access to justice; and also the consequences fighted by the Law Power because of the problem of the excessive processual litigation and the frequent slowness of the law services, which are reflected in the determination and results obtained in the Court Reports in their numbers presented by the Law National Council. Avaliation of the originary precedents, of the formulation and the fundamentals of the public politics ofadequated treatment of interest conflicts, like a way of overcoming the mechanism of the adjudicated solution of the conflicts and aspiration to the reduction of the traditional processual demand, so enabling gradually the unjudicialization of the conflict. Equally, it is avaliated the framework of politics and the determination of their actors, included the receivers of the politics, the institutional subjects, and get the other involved in the process. It is analyzed the structure of the Permanent Uncleuses of Consensual Methods of Conflict Solution and also Citizenship, as well as its compositions, selection criteria, ways of implantation, goals and established directives by politics. Finally, it is developed an analysis on the politics perspectives, considering then the need of the redimension of the performance of the Law Power, having as basis the statistical indicators, those one more recent published by the National Council of Justice. This one enables the building of a new politics, motivated by its continuing construction and by its permanent reavaliation, so in order to make possible to get a more democratic process and involved by a precise law order, which can get a way more and more enlarged by law; and also can find pointed in an agile procedure, quick and, above all, prone to reduct the law demand, including the satisfaction of the involved ones and the modification of the social reality. / Esta tese tem como objeto o estudo da Política Pública do Poder Judiciário Brasileiro, e seu escopo se centraliza na investigação da avaliação política da política pública de desjudicialização dos conflitos de interesses, a partir das determinações estabelecidas pela Resolução CNJ n° 125/2010, que definiu um novo arranjo na atuação da atividade judiciária brasileira em razão da implementação de mecanismos consensuais de solução de litígios, como a conciliação e a mediação. A questão é analisada a partir da perspectiva histórica das mutações do Estado, em suas diversas versões estruturais que, sobremaneira, influenciaram o funcionamento das instituições políticas estatais. No mesmo encadeamento histórico-científico, analisa-se a função política exercida pelos órgãos estatais, com enfoque especial na atuação político-institucional do Poder Judiciário. Nessa seara, perscrutam-se os diversos paradigmas clássicos que justificam a separação dos poderes políticos estatais e que pretendem o redimensionamento das funções exercidas pelo Estado. Examina-se a descentralização política dos poderes estatais para compreender como essas teorias clássicas influenciaram o movimento de expansão do Poder Judiciário na estrutura do Estado contemporâneo, possibilitando o exercício da função precípua de julgar de acordo com as leis, as quais são elaboradas e criadas pelo Poder Legislativo, mas que se encontram sempre condicionadas e subordinadas à supremacia constitucional. Pesquisa-se a intensificação da atividade judicial a partir da participação ampliada do Poder Judiciário nos processos decisórios nas sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, para justificar como esse movimento promoveu a judicialização e um efetivo ativismo judicial. Percorre-se a trajetória histórica do processo de intensificação da atividade judiciária no Brasil, evidenciado pelo monopólio jurisdicional, sobretudo a partir do processo de redemocratização do país, cujo marco se determinou pela promulgação da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988. Apresentam-se as causas da crise da função jurisdicional brasileira, evidenciada pelo largo congestionamento processual decorrente do acesso ampliado à Justiça e as consequências enfrentadas pelo Poder Judiciário em razão do problema da excessiva litigiosidade processual e da frequente morosidade da atividade judiciária, as quais se encontram refletidas nas determinações e resultados obtidos nos Relatórios Justiça em Números do Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ). Avaliação dos antecedentesoriginários, da formulação e dos fundamentos da política pública de tratamento adequado dos conflitos de interesses, como meio de superação do mecanismo da solução adjudicada dos conflitos e com aspiração à redução da demanda processual tradicional, ensejando, gradativamente, a desjudicialização do conflito. Igualmente, avalia-se o arcabouço da política e as determinações de seus atores, incluindo os destinatários da política, os sujeitos institucionais e, ainda, os demais envolvidos no processo. Analisa-se a estruturação dos Núcleos Permanentes de Métodos Consensuais de Solução de Conflitos e dos Centros Judiciários de Solução de Conflitos e Cidadania, bem como suas composições, critérios de seleção, forma de implantação, objetivos e diretrizes estabelecidas pela política. Finalmente, desenvolve-se uma análise das perspectivas da política, considerando a necessidade do redimensionamento da atuação do Poder Judiciário, tendo como base os indicadores estatísticos mais recentes divulgados pelo Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ), que enseja a edificação de uma nova política motivada por sua contínua construção e por sua constante reavaliação, de modo a viabilizar um processo mais democrático e envolto em uma ordem jurídica justa, que possibilite o acesso cada vez mais ampliado à justiça, e que se encontre pautado num procedimento ágil, célere e, acima de tudo, tendente à redução da demanda judicial, à satisfação dos envolvidos e à modificação da realidade social.

This thesis relies on an interdisciplinary framework to conduct an investigation of seminal national policies and planning processes in New Zealand and Quebec Province, Canada related to sovereignty, indigenous land rights, and customary land tenure systems. Theoretical frameworks for this research include a comparative analysis of European legislative systems and traditional planning frameworks in relation to indigenous governance systems and land tenure systems for the Maori (NZ) and James Bay Cree (QC). Through interviews and experiential knowledge I will document tools and techniques that these indigenous communities use to navigate complex cross-cultural policy and planning processes for their own advocacy of cultural heritage values. From the Maori perspective, cultural heritage values include the concept and principles of kaitikatanga. James Bay Cree cultural heritage values include the concept and guiding principles embedded in Eeyou Iyihtiwin. These cultural heritage values represent abstract concepts and guiding principles that are embedded in and gain meaning from local context, cultural knowledge and customary traditions. The Maori and James Bay Cree share a similar orientation to the meaning and importance of land. Together these indigenous communities view land as the foundation for collective and individual identity and cultural traditions. From this perspective and meaning of land, the Maori and James Bay Cree recognize that people are a part of a greater interconnected system that spans across physical and metaphysical spaces. In practice, native or customary land tenure systems are based on cultural heritage values that support a spirit of reciprocity with an underlying expectation that a balanced system will provide for all life. This analysis may provide a new cross-cultural framework for policy and planning processes to provide opportunities for fair negotiation of sustainable land tenure systems and natural resource management.

The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history. Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.

My thesis is an analysis of my own translation of a chapter from Dominik Nagl's legal history 'Grenzfälle,' which addresses questions of citizenship and nationality in the context of the German colonies in Africa and the South Pacific. My analysis focuses primarily on strategies that I used in an effort to preserve the strangeness of a linguistic context that is, in many ways, "foreign" to twenty first-century North Americans while also striving to avoid reproducing the violence embedded in language that is historically laden with extreme power disparities.