資訊科技的日新月異，讓政府與民眾之間的關係有了改變，在Web 2.0的網路應用模式興起之下，不但讓社會互動的內涵拓展到網路世界當中，也改變了日常生活、媒體環境，甚至進入了民主政治運作的機制當中，扮演重要的角色。順應這股潮流，各國政府無不積極推動相關的機制，期望讓民眾有更親切，多元的參與途徑，以達成更好的治理。 然而，不論國內外對於政府結合Web 2.0的研究上，主要都聚焦於公共服務的提供，並沒有更進一步探討「政府」與「民眾」關係的內涵，事實上，這種雙向關係的建立是社群網站之所以能進入民眾生活的重要的核心概念，也是政府結合社群網站提供服務應該關注的焦點。因此，本研究從深化治理關係的角度出發，比較立法委員在選舉期間和會期間運用Facebook與民眾溝通、互動的行為，一方面希望探索政治人物所應用的網路科技是否含有治理的功用，突破以往網路選戰的囹圄；另一方面，也希望了解在政府各單位提供的電子參與機制之外，能不能透過更接近民眾日常生活的Facebook建立治理關係，讓電子參與的理念可以藉由不同的途徑所達成。 研究結果發現，立法委員在Facebook在選舉期間和會期間主要應用的策略都是「政治資訊」和「生活分享」兩項，不同於過去競選期間以攻擊對手最為主要應用的策略，立法委員在Facebook上有明顯的策略轉向，可能與Facebook社交的特性有關。另一方面，立法委員所應用的Facebook不論在選舉期間或會期，在電子參與上都達到不錯的比率，但是大部分溝通能以單向的資訊傳播為主，與民眾的雙向互動較為稀少。從分析結果來看，立法委員應用Facebook除了地區之外，並沒有明顯的差異。整體而言，立法委員的Facebook有成為電子參與新途徑的潛力，但是要達成雙向、穩定、長期的治理關係，落實電子參與的理念仍需要繼續努力。 / Facebook, the most popular social media in the world, has changed ways of citizen involvement in governance. Politicians and (elected) public administrators worldwide have adopted Facebook as an important approach to connect with citizens. Following the trend, most legislators in Taiwan also create personal Facebook accounts and Facebook pages as an additional way to reach their potential voters and citizens in general. Ideally, legislators can efficiently operate their constituents and directly communicate with their “friends.” Facebook pages of legislators seem to offer the promise of electronic participation (e-participation), reaching citizens on a common platform and allowing for citizen comments. On the other hand, citizens can establish a link to legislators via information-sharing, dialogue, and consensus-building on Facebook. If the two-way communication works properly and successfully, Facebook will certainly help to create more citizen participation and more public values. This study investigates differences in communication strategies and patterns of legislators’ Facebook in Taiwan during the 2011 election periods and during the 2012 regular legislative sessions, with the aim of exploring whether the Facebook phenomenon can improve the process of online political communication and citizen participation. The finding reveals that percentage of e-participation achieves fine rate, but most communication on legislators’ Facebook is one way. The result indicates that legislators’ Facebook is another platform to distribute public information to citizens, and may have potential to create more public values. To improve democracy, legislators need to get more feedback from citizens, i.e., improving the two-way communication on Facebook.The lessons from this study will help pave the way for future research on political campaign and electronic participation.

abstract: Newer communication technologies (CTs) will always vie with more mature technologies for the attention of time-constrained legislators. As continual advances in CT make new methods of communication available to legislators, it is important to understand how newly introduced CTs influence novel and changing legislator behaviors. The mixed-method research presented in this study provides deep insights into the relationships between legislators and the CTs they use. This study offers many contributions, among them: it effectively bridges a gap between existing Internet Enabled CT (IECT) behavioral studies on non-legislators by expanding them to include legislator behavior; it expands existing narrowly focused research into the use of CT by legislators by including both IECT and mature CTs such as face-to-face meetings and telephone; it provides a fresh perspective on the factors that make CTs important to legislators, and it uncovers legislator behaviors that are both useful, and potentially harmful, to the process of democracy in the United States. In addition, this study confirms and extends existing research in areas such as minority party constituent communication frequency, and extends the topic of legislator CT behavior into some unanticipated areas such as constituent selective behaviors and the use of text messaging during floor debates which effectively enable lobbyists and paid consultants to participate real-time in floor debates in the Arizona House and Senate. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Public Policy 2014

This quantitative study examined the perceptions of selected university administrators and legislators concerning levels of support for Tennessee public higher education. The purpose of the study was to gain a greater understanding among the various constituents as to the needs and restraints facing higher education funding. The population targeted for this study was comprised of 132 members of the Tennessee General Assembly, the Executive Director of the Tennessee Higher Education Commission (THEC), the Chancellor of the Tennessee Board of Regents (TBR), the President of the University of Tennessee System, and 36 Chief Administrators at 9 state-supported universities. The principal investigator used a web-based survey development company to design, collect, and store survey responses. Results obtained from the study were examined using independent samples t tests, one-way ANOVAs, and a Pearson correlation coefficient. From these tests, 8 out of 13 research questions had statistically significant findings. Analysis of the data revealed that legislators and higher education administrators in the State of Tennessee perceived funding for higher education differently. There were significant differences between the 2 groups concerning use of higher education reserves during weak economic times, the explanation for tuition rises, how much costs students should incur for higher education, level of importance placed on state appropriations for funding higher education, and how they perceived priority of higher education in the state budget. There was a significant difference between one's political party affiliation and perception of access to higher education being an issue. Democratic participants tended to perceive access to higher education as more of an issue than Republican participants. A significant difference was also found between one's education level and ranking of higher education in the state budget. Participants having earned a graduate degree tended to prioritize higher education with significantly greater regard in the state budget than the participants with no graduate degree.

This quantitative study examined the perceptions of members of Oklahoma public higher education governing boards and legislators concerning higher education governance. The purpose of this study was to gain a greater understanding among the participants as to the role governing boards should play in the system. The population for the study comprised 142 members of the Oklahoma Legislature and 107 members of 15 Oklahoma public higher education governing boards. The principal investigator used a web-based survey development company to design, collect, and store survey responses. Results from the study were examined using independent samples t tests and one-way ANOVAs. From these tests, 5 out of 15 research questions had statistically significant findings. Analysis of the data revealed that legislators and members of governing boards perceive the role of governing boards differently in some key ways. There were significant differences concerning governing boards primarily serving to promote the interests of individual institutions, with members of governing boards, Democrats, and participants from suburban areas more likely to agree with this position. Members of the legislature were significantly more likely to agree than members of governing boards that the primary role of governing boards is policy implementation. There were also significant differences concerning the role of governing boards serving primarily to keep the expenditure of public dollars as low as possible with participants from urban areas agreeing with this statement.

La figure du législateur demeure matière à controverse dans la pensée politique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Son rôle, consistant à « transformer » la nature humaine en vue de réaliser la vertu civique, a porté certains interprètes à voir dans sa pensée une forme d’autoritarisme. L'erreur de cette interprétation nous apparaît être dans le sens et la portée attribués à l'idée de transformation morale. Cette dernière n'implique pas une transformation radicale des mœurs, mais bien leur parachèvement. Circonscrire cette portée nécessite de concevoir les mœurs comme une matière donnée et qui ne saurait être façonnée indéfiniment, car ses potentialités sont déterminées par son développement historique. Ce caractère décisif attribué par Rousseau au développement historique peut se comprendre à la lumière de sa conception pessimiste de l’évolution des mœurs. D’après cette conception, les mœurs, essentiellement corruptibles, atteignent un stade historique de corruption où elles ne sauraient être parachevées en vertu. Il s’ensuit que seul un peuple dont les mœurs sont non corrompues par le progrès historique a la potentialité d'atteindre la vertu. Ainsi, la tâche du législateur d'effectuer une transformation morale de l'homme doit être entendue non comme celle de créer ex nihilo une nouvelle nature humaine, mais comme celle de parachever les virtualités propres aux mœurs saines. / The status of the legislator remains a matter of controversy in the political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. His role, which consist in transforming human nature in order to realize civic virtue, has lead some interpreters to see in Rousseau’s thought a form of autocratic process. This error of interpretation seems related to the meaning and the range attributed to the idea of moral transformation. For Rousseau, the latter does not imply a radical transformation of morals (moeurs), but rather a process for perfecting or improving them. To circumscribe this task requires interpreting morals as a given matter that is not indefinitely malleable since its potential is determined by its historical development. This decisive character attributed to historical development by Rousseau can be understood in the light of his pessimistic conception of the evolution of morals. According to this conception, morals are essentially corruptible, and reach an historical stage of decadence such that they cannot be reformed into virtue. It follows that only a people whose morals are not corrupted by historical progress have the potential to reach virtue. Accordingly, the legislator, whose task is to carry out a moral transformation of man, must not be understood as one that creates ex nihilo a new human nature but rather as one that completes the potentiality inherent to healthy morals.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jorge Radi Junior.pdf: 2069309 bytes, checksum: 669346553d78c7f7c731b66d8abe7b89 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-11 / The present work is mainly aimed to demonstrate the existence of compulsory legislative initiatives at the federal level, which force state(s) entity(ies) legitimated to present it at a given time, under penalty of accountability. The study focuses on the analysis of present Federal Constitution and begins with the investigation of state models adopted by the Federative Republic of Brazil, which resumes in federative form of medium-grade, self-controlled state, presidential system, democracy variable popular influence regimen and liberal republican form of short term governance. Because they are fundamental principles of the Brazilian state, these models greatly influence the rules of legislative initiatives. It was found that the legislative function in the Federal Constitution, equates to the law production, in the formal sense, and that is performed by all the Powers, but in main way, only by the Legislature. The drafting of the law is made by process, which, for teaching purposes, can be divided into phases, with an inaugural phase, called the initiative, in which is practiced the initiative-act (bill) from the exercise of initiative-competence. The rules of initiative-competence are exclusively settled in the Constitution, in an expressly and exhaustively manner. Although it has a particular structure, the rule of initiative-competence brings an common element of other competences, it is the duty-faculty, for which converge simultaneously the mandatory implementation of the rule (duty) and discretionary judgment to exercise (faculty). The mandatory implementation is raised by the existence of primary and/or secondary public interest, and the discretionary judgment derives from the political function. The combination duty-faculty guides the legitimated to implement initiative-competence. However, there are three sets of rules that, exceptionally, induce the duty and inhibit the faculty, turning compulsory execution the effect of the initiative-act, at the right term. The non-implement of initiative-competence in this given period, imply an omission unlawful act, and the improper implement of the rule results a commissive unlawful act. By practicing both acts, the legitimated may be liable / A presente obra tem como proposta principal demonstrar a existência de iniciativas legiferantes compulsórias, na esfera federal, que obrigam o(s) ente(s) estatal(is) le-gitimado(s) a apresentá-la, em determinado período, sob pena de responsabilização. O estudo se concentra na análise da Constituição Federal vigente e inicia-se com a investigação dos modelos estatais adotados pela República Federativa do Brasil, que se resumem à forma federativo de grau médio, Estado autocontrolado, sistema pre-sidencialista, regime democrático misto de influência popular variável e forma re-publicana liberal de curta governança. Por serem princípios fundamentais do Es-tado brasileiro, esses modelos influenciam sobremaneira as regras de iniciativa le-giferante. Constatou-se que a função legiferante, na Constituição Federal, equivale à produção da lei, em sentido formal, e que é desempenhada por todos os Poderes, mas de forma precípua, apenas, pelo Poder Legislativo. A elaboração da lei se da mediante processo, que, para fins didáticos, pode ser dividido em fases, sendo a fase inaugural, denominada iniciativa, na qual é praticada a iniciativa-ato (proposição legiferante), a partir do exercício da iniciativa-competência. As regras de iniciativa-competência têm sede exclusivamente constitucional e são postas de maneira taxa-tiva e expressa na Constituição da República. Embora disponha de uma estrutura particular, a regra de iniciativa-competência traz um elemento comum a outras com-petências, que é o dever-poder, para o qual convergem, simultaneamente, a obriga-toriedade de execução da regra (dever) e a discricionariedade para o seu exercício (poder). A obrigatoriedade é suscitada pela existência do interesse público primário e/ou secundário. Já a discricionariedade decorre da função política. A combinação dever-poder orienta o legitimado a exercer a iniciativa-competência. Mas há três conjuntos de normas que, excepcionalmente, induzem o dever e inibem o poder, tornando a prática da inciativa-ato de execução compulsória, a termo certo. A não aplicação da iniciativa-competência compulsória nesse período determinado, impli-cará ato omissivo ilícito, e a aplicação indevida da regra resultará ato comissivo ilícito. Pela prática de ambos os atos, o legitimado poderá ser responsabilizado

本論文主要在研究1995年立法委員選舉三黨競選文宣之異同，並根據James Grunig與Todd Hunt所建構的公關四模式，探討三黨文宣內容與表現手法，在公關四模式所呈現的面向；同時，也就一般文宣所探討的主題、政見內容、廣告設計、政治符號、語言使用、電視文宣長度等等，分析三黨間差異。 　　James Grunig與Todd Hunt認為，現代公共關係的運作可用四個公關模式囊括，此四個模式為：報業宣傳模式、公共資訊模式、雙向不對等溝通模式與雙向對等溝通模式。 　　本論文採用內容分析法，分析1995年三黨的報紙廣告、電視文宣與新聞稿。 　　研究結果發現： 　　一、三黨在不同媒體上使用不同的Grunig Model。國民黨文宣較常使用的為報業宣傳模式，新黨使用較多的為公共資訊模式，民進黨多為雙向溝通模式。 　　二、Grunig模式不同，競選文宣表現策略、文宣訴求、廣告設計因素、標題與文案可讀性、電視文宣語言使用、長度不同，報紙廣告政治符號並無差異。 　　三、三黨競選文宣在不同媒體上，表現策略、文宣訴求、報紙廣告設計、廣告刊登媒體、日期、版面、面積、電視文宣語言、新聞稿發表日期與數量皆不相同；報紙廣告政治符號、廣告標題、文案可讀性、電視文宣長度差異不大。 　　四、1995年立委選舉三黨競選文宣以攻擊對手為主，其次為塑造形象與塑請支持。政見內容集中在政府人事、政策與政績，政治結構與政治社群的議題很少被提及，可見台灣民主政治的共識極高。

立法委員因連任動機及選區壓力，使國會議場的立法參與成為選區服務的延伸。立委會將陳情民眾的意見轉化為法律提案，以便向選民宣稱功勞；為展現立法績效，並會以「搭便車」或「加碼」等方式，積極追逐立法數量。若立委選區的立場，與政黨政策方向不一致，立委可能以「切割」立場、表達異議的肢體語言，向選民表態。立委或政黨雙方各自堅持立場，甚至政黨以黨紀懲罰，仍是另一種形式的妥協，立委也藉此免於選民究責。原則上，雙方會權衡得失，在政黨包容立委選區的壓力下，避免完全撕裂關係。 　　本文以農業法案為例，用意在分析農業區與非農業區立委，於農業立法參與度的差異。觀察對象從立法院第一屆增額立委時期至第七屆，參與度的測量針對首提案、共同提案及發言次數累加，但考慮提案的付出相對較高，故予以加權計算。統計結果，農業區立委相對於非農業區、民進黨相較於其他政黨，在農業立法參與度比較高，國民黨則是黨際競爭激烈的農業區立委較積極。此外，第二屆的國會全面改選及第七屆選制改為單一選區，對立法參與度皆有顯著影響。 　　在方法的運用上，本研究測量農業立法參與度，以量化（立法紀錄編碼）為主，並藉質性資料（公報、報紙、訪談）輔助解釋。立委因選區考量促成的行為態樣，包括競逐立法績效及突顯異議立場的分析，則以質性資料的案例檢證為主，且以數據資料輔助佐證。 / Legislative participation in congress by legislators who want reelection and feel pressure from constituency is extension of servicing constituents. Legislators propose bills that transform from petitions of constituents in order to claim credit, and propose more bills to raise legislative performance by “free riding” and “raising the stakes.” Besides, legislators may “segment” position or express objection to conforming constituency if legislators and their party have different opinions. At this situation, legislators and their party maybe stand each position or party enforces punishment to maintain discipline that is another compromise, and legislators can avoid charge from constituency. In principle, party will tolerate legislators who feel pressure from constituency and each will avoid to tear both sides. 　　The dissertation applies case of agricultural bills aims to compare degree of legislative participation in agricultural and non-agricultural district. The range of observation is from First(additional members) to Seventh Legislative Yuan. The degree to measure include first and joint proposal, speaking. However, the proposals had weighted for more devotion than speaking. As a result of statistics, legislators’ degree in agricultural district was more high than non-agricultural, DPP’s degree was more high than other party, and KMT legislators in marginal agricultural district still actively participate in legislation. Furthermore, the Second’s democratization and the Seventh’s single member district had more influence on legislative participation. 　　In research methods, the degree to measure legislative participation in agricultural bills mainly applies quantitative analysis(to code legislative records). Further, legislative behavior of raising legislative performance and standing objection position mainly applies qualitative analysis(bulletin, newspaper, interview).

La figure du législateur demeure matière à controverse dans la pensée politique de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Son rôle, consistant à « transformer » la nature humaine en vue de réaliser la vertu civique, a porté certains interprètes à voir dans sa pensée une forme d’autoritarisme. L'erreur de cette interprétation nous apparaît être dans le sens et la portée attribués à l'idée de transformation morale. Cette dernière n'implique pas une transformation radicale des mœurs, mais bien leur parachèvement. Circonscrire cette portée nécessite de concevoir les mœurs comme une matière donnée et qui ne saurait être façonnée indéfiniment, car ses potentialités sont déterminées par son développement historique. Ce caractère décisif attribué par Rousseau au développement historique peut se comprendre à la lumière de sa conception pessimiste de l’évolution des mœurs. D’après cette conception, les mœurs, essentiellement corruptibles, atteignent un stade historique de corruption où elles ne sauraient être parachevées en vertu. Il s’ensuit que seul un peuple dont les mœurs sont non corrompues par le progrès historique a la potentialité d'atteindre la vertu. Ainsi, la tâche du législateur d'effectuer une transformation morale de l'homme doit être entendue non comme celle de créer ex nihilo une nouvelle nature humaine, mais comme celle de parachever les virtualités propres aux mœurs saines. / The status of the legislator remains a matter of controversy in the political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. His role, which consist in transforming human nature in order to realize civic virtue, has lead some interpreters to see in Rousseau’s thought a form of autocratic process. This error of interpretation seems related to the meaning and the range attributed to the idea of moral transformation. For Rousseau, the latter does not imply a radical transformation of morals (moeurs), but rather a process for perfecting or improving them. To circumscribe this task requires interpreting morals as a given matter that is not indefinitely malleable since its potential is determined by its historical development. This decisive character attributed to historical development by Rousseau can be understood in the light of his pessimistic conception of the evolution of morals. According to this conception, morals are essentially corruptible, and reach an historical stage of decadence such that they cannot be reformed into virtue. It follows that only a people whose morals are not corrupted by historical progress have the potential to reach virtue. Accordingly, the legislator, whose task is to carry out a moral transformation of man, must not be understood as one that creates ex nihilo a new human nature but rather as one that completes the potentiality inherent to healthy morals.

L'importance considérable des marchés publics, parmi les activités économiques de l'administration de l'État moderne, a poussé l'Union européenne, pour plusieurs raisons socio-économiques, à établir une réglementation unifiant les règles nationales afférentes afin d'assurer dans l'espace de l'Union une concurrence libre et saine entre les opérateurs économiques intéressés. Pour ce faire, outre les préceptes impérativement édictés par son droit primaire, l'Union a imposé aussi son droit dérivé sur la matière par des directives bien détaillées. Une définition extensive de la notion de marchés publics, encouragée constamment par la jurisprudence de la Cour, une catégorisation des modalités du régime de « passation des marchés publics » et une réglementation européenne procédurale pour la protection des intéressés ont été élaboré. La question s'élève donc sur l'impact de ce droit ainsi établit en la matière par l'Union européenne sur des considérations de base du droit public hellénique. Dans ce cadre d'harmonisation des droits nationaux sur la matière, se trouve l'opération d'insertion du droit de l'Union européenne dans l'ordre juridique hellénique ; insertion effectuée par les autorités normatives nationales, législateur et administration ; tandis que sur le domaine procédural un contrôle juridictionnel s'exerce sur cette réception dans l'ordre juridique national tant par le juge européen que par le juge national. De cette manière on peut esquisser la marge de liberté contractuelle des autorités publiques helléniques à l'aune des exigences du droit de l'Union européenne. / The significance of public contracts amongst the economic activities of the modern state's administration, has led the European Union- for several socio-economic rationales- to establish a uniform regulatory framework so as to ensure fair and unbridled competition between the economic operators of the different Member States. To this end, in addition to the provisions of primary law, the EU has further enacted secondary legislation in the form of exhaustively detailed directives. In order to achieve the effective application of EU law in several public contracts a broad interpretation of the public contracts concept was developed, persistently encouraged by the Court's case law, and a categorisation of the public procurement types was adopted. Furthermore, European procedural rules were introduced with the aim of safeguarding rights that individuals derive from that law. The question thus is what is the impact of this comprehensive regulatory framework on the Greek public law considerations on the subject. It is in the context of national laws' harmonisation on the matter, that EU law is inserted in the Greek legislation ; this insertion is carried out via national regulatory authorities, the legislator and the administration ; moreover, in the procedural field, both the European and the national judge exercise judicial control over the reception of the EU law in the national legal order. By way of the aforementioned structure the contractual discretion of the Hellenic public authorities in the course of fulfilling the requirements imposed by EU law can be thoroughly explored.