Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-11T14:19:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Guilherme Lopes de Moraes.pdf: 1318720 bytes, checksum: 25abc9540dec1806db07a78047d19ffd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-11T14:19:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Guilherme Lopes de Moraes.pdf: 1318720 bytes, checksum: 25abc9540dec1806db07a78047d19ffd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work will be developed in order to define the fundament of the validity of responsibilities set forth by the various ordinary legislators. Thus, we will approach the Philosophy Values, seeking to demonstrate its relationship to normative production that is established in the positive law system. Aiming to achieve a high degree of scientific importance in the proposed study, we will seek to support the Theory of the Indeterminate Legal Concepts, whose analysis are going to allow the advancement of the thought and the deployment of the proposed ideas. The doctrine and jurisprudence will accompany the entire work of the course, sometimes confirming, other times defending a dissenting point of view. From its own classification, contours of the responsibility based on section II of art. 124 of the tax code, here called, highly appropriately, ordinary responsibility. In the end, such responsibility will be searched through an example of federal legislation: section VI of art. 30 of Law n. 8.212/1991 establishing a solidarity tax on obligations relating to social security contributions in civil construction / O presente trabalho será desenvolvido com o objetivo de se definir o fundamento de validade das responsabilidades estabelecidas pelos diversos legisladores ordinários. Para isso, abordar-se-á a Filosofia dos Valores, buscando demonstrar sua relação com a produção normativa que se estabelece no sistema do direito positivo. Visando se atingir um elevado grau de cientificidade no estudo proposto, buscar-se-á apoio na Teoria dos Conceitos Jurídicos Indeterminados, cuja análise permitirá o avanço do raciocínio e o desdobramento das ideias propostas. A doutrina e a jurisprudência acompanharão todo o desenrolar do trabalho, ora corroborando, ora defendendo um ponto de vista dissonante. A partir de uma classificação própria, traçar-se-á os contornos da responsabilidade fundamentada no inciso II do art. 124 do Código Tributário Nacional, aqui denominada, muito apropriadamente, de responsabilidade ordinária. Ao final, tal responsabilidade será pesquisada através de um exemplo da legislação federal: o inciso VI do art. 30 da Lei n. 8.212/1991, que estabelece uma solidariedade tributária nas obrigações relativas às contribuições sociais previdenciárias na construção civil

The thesis consists of three papers, summarized as follows. "Female Policymakers and Educational Expenditures: Cross-Country Evidence" This paper investigates the influence of women in politics on decision-making using public educational expenditures as the outcome of interest. The results suggest that an increase in the share of female legislators by one percentage point increases the ratio of educational expenditures to GDP by 0.028 percentage points. The effect of female legislators on educational policies is strengthened accounting for forms of government, but not influenced by left-wing government, electoral rules, parliamentary system and non-marriage. Moreover, this study supports the hypothesis that the identity of the legislator matters for policy. "Women in Politics: A New Instrument for Studying the Impact of Education on Growth" This paper tests the growth model of distance to the technological frontier, which states that an economy closer to the technological frontier should invest more in skilled labor since innovation is a skill-intensive activity. In contrast to Vandenbussche, Aghion, and Meghir (henceforth VAM) (2006), I use the proportion of female legislators as an instrument for skilled labor, instead of lagged educational expenditures. The results with the new instrument are consistent with the theoretical prediction and the previous results of VAM (2006). "Do Gender Quotas Influence Women's Representation and Policies?" This paper investigates the effect of applying gender quotas on policy decisions. The results show that an increase in the share of female legislators by one percentage point increases the ratio of government expenditure on health and social welfare to GDP by 0.18 and 0.67 percentage points, respectively. The robustness check supports that the effect of quotas on female legislators is likely to be translated into the influence of female policymakers on social welfare.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luis Fernando Jacques.pdf: 804311 bytes, checksum: e3d529c9d574a37f6a8af824a87e4709 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-06 / Fundação Araucária / This dissertation presents the conception of Rousseau about political rights focusing on limits and possibilities of transforming a society established in inequality into a more free and democratic society, through the central approach to the problem of drafting the Constitution and the role of the Legislator. Rousseau introduced a critical to the foundation of society using the contractualist model (state of nature civil State) to reflect about human nature and its fundamental attributes (self-preservation, natural piety, natural freedom and perfectibility), as well as the origin of the civil inequalities among men. With the support of his historical-hypothetical method, he said that inequality civil does not come from nature, but from the establishment of a group of social conventions that ended up degenerate the development of society (pact of the rich, institution of private property, law of the stronger, etc.). About the relation between economy and policy, he inferred that the for the economy of a State may protect the poor from the economic influence of the rich and for it may be considered legitimate or popular, the general will of the citizens and the activity of the rulers need to be united under a common interest. Through an economy regulated by a policy based on popular sovereignty, Rousseau proposed a series of restrictive measures in order to reduce the economic disparity between the members of State. In addition, he proposed in the work The Social Contract a new model of association civil, established by a social pact that aims to ensure the civil liberties among the citizens via the juridical equality of the contract. For this association becomes effective, it is necessary the legislative mediation of Legislator figure, public agent enlightened able to conduct the mediation between the space of the manifestation of the general will where are elaborated the laws by the deliberations of the people in civil assemblies and the space of its execution by the established government. Through these conditions, the people have the possibility of ensuring their rights and duties, as well as the establishment of laws appropriate to the maintenance of civil liberty and the common good. These laws are the result of the manifestation of the general will, that is, the product of the exercise of civil liberty of every citizen, the result of active participation of the people in the legislative process, expressed in the Constitution. For Rousseau, the government is responsible for enforcing the laws obeying the directives of popular sovereignty, thus guaranteeing the legitimacy of political power instituted. To this end, the democracy corresponds to the type of government that is closest to contribute to the maintenance of the common good, of political participation of the people, as well as the legitimate assumptions of political rights, ensuring finally, the civil liberty and the facto equality in the political community. We will see lastly, that the legislative process culminate in the composition of the Constitution, that needs to be open for the formation of the new society and that it may to dialogue permanently with the real contradictions of the population, always looking for political and social conditions favorable to maintaining of the political rights in the political community. / Esta dissertação apresenta a concepção rousseauniana de direito político com enfoque aos limites e as possibilidades de transformar uma sociedade instituída na desigualdade em uma sociedade mais livre e democrática, por meio da abordagem central do problema da elaboração da Constituição e do papel do Legislador. Rousseau expôs uma crítica à fundação da sociedade utilizando-se do modelo contratualista (estado de natureza Estado civil) para refletir sobre a natureza humana e seus atributos fundamentais (autoconservação, piedade natural, liberdade natural e perfectibilidade), assim como a origem das desigualdades civis entre os homens. Com o auxílio de seu método histórico-hipotético, afirmou que a desigualdade civil não advém da natureza, mas do estabelecimento de um conjunto de convenções sociais que acabaram por degenerar o desenvolvimento da sociedade (pacto dos ricos, instituição da propriedade privada, lei do mais forte, entre outros). Sobre a relação entre economia e política, inferiu que para que a economia de um Estado possa resguardar os pobres da influência econômica dos ricos e para que possa ser considerada popular ou legítima, a vontade geral dos cidadãos e a atividade dos governantes precisam estar unidas sob um interesse comum. Por meio de uma economia regulada por uma política pautada na soberania popular, Rousseau propôs uma série de medidas restritivas com o objetivo de reduzir a disparidade econômica entre os membros do Estado. Ademais, propôs na obra o Contrato Social um novo modelo de associação civil, instituída por um pacto social que tem por objetivo assegurar a liberdade civil entre os cidadãos graças à igualdade jurídica do contrato. Para que tal associação se efetive, é necessário a mediação legislativa da figura do Legislador, agente público esclarecido capaz de realizar a mediação entre o espaço da manifestação da vontade geral - onde são elaboradas as leis por meio da deliberação do povo em assembleias civis - e o espaço de sua execução pelo governo instituído. Por meio dessas condições, o povo tem a possibilidade de garantir seus direitos e deveres, assim como o estabelecimento de leis apropriadas à manutenção da liberdade civil e do bem comum. Estas leis são o resultado da manifestação da vontade geral, ou seja, produto do exercício da liberdade civil de cada cidadão, fruto da participação ativa do povo no processo legislativo, expressas na Constituição. Para Rousseau, o governo é responsável pela execução das leis obedecendo as diretrizes da soberania popular, garantido assim a legitimidade do poder político instituído. Para tal fim, a democracia corresponde ao tipo de governo que mais se aproxima e contribui para a manutenção do bem comum, da participação política do povo, assim como os pressupostos legítimos do direito político, garantindo por fim, a liberdade civil e a igualdade de fato na comunidade política. Veremos por fim, que o processo legislativo culmina na composição da Constituição, que necessita estar aberta para a formação da nova sociedade e que possa dialogar permanentemente com as contradições reais da população, sempre em busca por condições políticas e sociais favoráveis a manutenção do direito político na comunidade política.

This thesis seeks to explain the phenomenon of party switching (or floor-crossing) in the understudied case of the Canadian House of Commons. It uses Müller and Strøm’s “Policy, Office or Votes?” framework at the individual level of analysis and a mixed methods approach that combines document analysis and econometrics to assess the effects of individual and institutional variables on the decision to switch parties. The results inform a wider discussion regarding individual political behavior as well as the role, influence and evolution of political parties in the Canadian state. The research demonstrates that the electorate is adept at recognizing opportunism and tends to respect MPs who switch parties on principle while punishing those that switch for more self-centered reasons.

臺灣公民團體監督立法院的行動並不罕見，早在1989年就有公民團體發起立委評鑑的活動，然而學界未曾對此做過系統性的研究。2007年公督盟正式成立後，自第七屆起，公督盟每會期結束後定期公布立委評鑑，引發民眾與不少朝野立委的重視，但也引起名列待觀察名單立委的反彈。本文有兩個層次的研究問題，首先，公督盟究竟如何做評鑑以及他們怎麼看立委評鑑這件事，本文除了分析公督盟的檔案資料外，也深度訪談其成員。公督盟做評鑑的目的希望為選民篩選出好立委，淘汰劣立委，也希望透過監督推動立法院更加透明開放。公督盟實際上在評鑑過程相當嚴謹，卻一直受到國民黨立委的抵制。然而，解決資源有限與強化質化評鑑是公督盟未來急迫的目標。 　　其次，什麼樣特質的立委較為關心立委評鑑？立委又是如何去看立委評鑑？為了解答本研究問題，本文使用質化的深入訪談以及量化的調查研究兩者混合的方法進行分析。在質化分析上，作者發現：國民黨立委普遍對公督盟持有敵意，民進黨立委則較為友善；此外，立委不分藍綠對評鑑指標過於量化表示不滿；同時，個人形象以及連任考量是影響立委關心評鑑的主因，因為選舉時可以加以宣傳政績；不過，立委評鑑看似使許多立委對立法問政較為積極認真，但不少立委卻是以做業績方式應付評鑑，諸如增加提案量、質詢次數以及高出席率等。而在量化分析上，統計模型顯示，區域立委、民進黨籍、重視立法問政、高教育程度以及女性的立委較為關心評鑑；而民進黨籍立委以及女性立委則較積極提供評鑑資料給公督盟；最後，立委關心評鑑的程度與其評鑑成績表現有正相關關係。總結來說，這些發現均說明了公督盟對立委的問政行為多少產生影響力，後續效應值得學界繼續追蹤研究。 / The NGO’s activities of supervision on the Legislative Yuan is not rare in Taiwan. As early as 1989, there were campaigns called “legislator-evaluation (hereafter ‘LE’)” held by a few NGOs. However, there are scarce systematic researches on it. In 2007, many NGOs allied into an alliance called “Citizen Congress Watch, CCW”. Since the 7th term, the reports of LE were regularly published by CCW after the end of each session. The reports of LE not only attracted the public and the legislators’ attentions, but also received serious criticism from legislators listed on the ‘watch-list’. This thesis has two levels of research questions: First level question is how the CCW conducts and treats the LE. I analyzed the archives and interviewed with the members of CCW to understand how and why they conducted the LE. The purposes of CCW are not only to filter out excellent legislators and to eliminate infamous legislators through LE for the electorate, but also to promote the transformation of Legislative Yuan to more transparency by supervision. Actually, the process of LE is rigorous, but the CCW still confronts the KMT legislators’ boycotts. However, under the situation of limited resource, it’s CCW’s urgent problem to solve and to reinforce the qualitative indicators. 　The second level questions intend to discern the characteristics of legislators more concerned about the LE, and how the legislators regard the LE. I combined the methods of in-depth interview and survey on legislators and their assistants. From the in-depth interview, I have several findings: First, because of suspicion on the CCW’s stand towards to the DPP, the KMT legislators are hostile to the CCW; in contrast, the DPP legislators are friendly to it. However, both the KMT and the DPP legislators are unsatisfied with the ways of conducting LE because it overly weights on quantitative indicators. In addition, the reasons legislators care about the LE is mainly due to their values on personal image and re-election considerations. Last, it seems that legislators had become more actively participating in the legislative process because of the LE. Actually many legislators purposefully cope with it by “upping grades”—the number of proposals, interrogations, and the attendance rates were magnified or boasted by the legislators. Also, my hypothses are verified. From the statistic model, it shows that district legislators, the DPP legislators, those who emphasize on legislative affairs rather than constituency service, and the females, are more concerned about the LE. Besides, the DPP and the female legislators are more willing to offer documents for LE to the CCW. In addition, there is a positive relationship between the degrees of legislators’ concern and their grades of LE. In conclusion, these findings imply that the CCW has more or less influence on legislators’ legislative behaviors. It worths conducting follow-up studies in the future.

This paper is aimed at exploring the theory and process about electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan. First, we discuss the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and also try to analyze the theory for electoral marketing which consists of theories about marketing, political commmunication and electoral strategies to offer a basic theory for electoral marketing of political partys and candidates in this paper. In addition, we also construct a research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan by exploring the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and the theory for electoral marketing in this paper. .Second, we also use the observational method, the interview method and the research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan to analyze the electoral marketing of the TSU party and its candidate in the north district in Kaohsiung city for the 2004 legislator election in this paper. Finally, the candidate in this case successes to get the seat for the 2004 legislator election, and the winning key is his electoral marketing. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the first period and the second period are emphasized his personality, profession and the TSU party. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the third period and the final period are emphasized the coordination with the DPP and allocation of votes. By analyzing the theory and the case, we can find a basic framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and it could be possible to win a seat by working with political partys and making a theme for electoral marketing to emphasize the personality and profession of candidates, or to operate ¡§allocation of votes¡¨, including the coordination among political partys and candidates. To sum up, the electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system is a process, including political partys, candidates, professinal work-teams, strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing, and voters. It also can show a process for political communication in which political partys, candidates and work-teams may use strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing to address political information to voters and correct strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing from voter¡¦s feedback. In this way, political partys, candidates can give voters what they want and success to win a seat. At the same time, we also can offer new ideas for researching the behavior of political partys and candidates, the campaigns of political elite in Kaohsiung city and developing the research for elections in Taiwan in this paper.

我國於2005年修憲案通過後，區域立委產生的方式由複數選區改為單一選區，每選區選出一名代表，選舉制度的改變、單一選區的設計及其劃分方式，造成某些立委選區幅員變小，有些甚至比地方公職人員的選區小或者與地方公職人員選區相同，但絕大多數選區仍較地方公職人員來得大，就這兩種類型立委而言，面臨選區內潛在的挑戰者時，其行為模式會有何不同？本研究以代表理論為基礎，將第七、八屆立委分為兩種類型（選區大與小），以量化分析與深入訪談並重的方式探究立委代表行為的差異。 本研究發現，控制其他的因素之後，在選區服務行為方面，相較於選區較地方公職人員大之立委，選區較地方公職人員小的立委於選區工作時間比例較高並達到顯著差異，而選民個案服務及紅白帖較為踴躍，從深度訪談結果得知，選區較小的立委確實從事更多的選區服務，也出現明顯地方化的現象。在立法問政行為方面，選區較小的立委在法律提案以及施政質詢行為上與選區較大的立委無差別，可能原因為選舉競爭激烈，每位區域立委需要展現自己，積極於國會中問政、提出法案等，而選區較小的立委由於在選區工作上投入大量時間，相對而言，無法分出更多的精力於立法問政，以至於立法問政的分析結果中，選區大與小的立委之間相差無幾。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriel Ferreira da Fonseca.pdf: 890723 bytes, checksum: e906a14fa0db3edc77689a81ff071c2d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-03 / The field of legal interpretation was not immune to recent changes that took place in the State and in Law. Along the last decades, this important communicative activity of the legal system underwent a number of metamorphosis which justified the conduction of the research of which this work is a product. Aiming to apprehend the profound changes that took place in the field of legal interpretation, we investigated the singularities of the new models of Regulatory State and the Law ( pragmatic , flexible , soft , responsive , ductile , heterarchical ) currently in development, in contrast with the outstanding characteristics of the previous models of State and Law. The outcome of the work, which was based on Niklas Luhmann s systems theory, was a description of the investigated social reality, which may be understood as an auto-reflection of legal system, conventionally named legal theory . The option for this theoretical way to observe the investigated reality allowed to place the inquiry in a different position from those of legal practice and legal dogmatics, which are directly associated to the need to decide, and from sociology of law, disassociated from the need to decide. This ambivalent position between internal and external perspectives of the legal system contributed to a heterodox investigation on a useful traditional rhetorical resource of the legal dogmatics: the rational legislator hypothesis. Finally, after having approached the characteristics of this traditional ideal of the law hermeneutics, this work reflects on the risks, limits and possibility of a new rhetoric figure, which is possibly being developed in the interior of the legal system: the efficient administrator/ruler / A interpretação jurídica não escapou às recentes transformações ocorridas no Estado e no direito. Ao longo das últimas décadas, esta importante operação comunicativa do sistema jurídico sofreu metamorfoses que justificaram a realização da pesquisa que resultou no presente trabalho. Com o objetivo de compreender as profundas mudanças sofridas pela interpretação jurídica, foram investigadas as peculiaridades dos novos modelos de Estado Regulador e de direito ( pragmático , flexível , brando , responsivo , dúctil , heterárquico ) que se desenvolvem na contemporaneidade, contrastando-as com as características marcantes dos modelos estatais e jurídicos anteriores. O resultado da pesquisa, que tomou como principal referência a teoria dos sistemas sociais de Niklas Luhmann, foi uma descrição acerca da realidade social investigada, que pode ser entendida como uma autorreflexão do sistema jurídico, convencionalmente chamada de teoria do direito . A opção por este modo teórico-jurídico de observar a realidade investigada permitiu situar a pesquisa em uma posição diferente daquelas da prática do direito e da dogmática jurídica, ligadas diretamente à necessidade de decisão, e da sociologia do direito, desvinculada desta preocupação. Esta posição ambivalente entre os pontos de vista interno e externo ao sistema jurídico contribuiu para uma investigação heterodoxa acerca de um recurso retórico útil e tradicional da dogmática jurídica: a hipótese do legislador racional. Por fim, após abordar os contornos deste ideal tradicional da hermenêutica jurídica, o trabalho refletiu acerca dos riscos, limites e possibilidade de uma nova figura retórica, que pode estar se desenvolvendo no interior do sistema jurídico: a hipótese do administrador/julgador eficiente

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Clint Rodrigues Correia.pdf: 1800436 bytes, checksum: 766821a03b377601c297987dfc242a44 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-14 / This paper aims at demonstrating the theoretical and practical surpass of the negative legislator as a paradigm employed by jurisprudence in the Supreme Federal Court, which gives way to access by technology to constitutional law in the so-called non-typical decisions, and in particular in additive judgments. The survey is based on an assumption of the inadequate argument brought about in rulings by the Brazilian Supreme Court with regard to the Court being unable to act as a positive legislator. Based on this statement, the outcome is the instrumental access by Constitutional Justice to the so-called non-typical and intermediate rulings. Special attention is dedicated to one of the types of such decisions the additive judgments by examining their conceptual restrictions and key features, chiefly as of their development by the Italian Constitutional Court, as well as some of the limits commonly detected by doctrine that justify their lawful use by the Constitutional Court. To this end the paper employed inductive and deductive methods and was based on bibliographical research of a descriptive and jurisprudential nature / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar a superação teórica e prática do legislador negativo enquanto paradigma seguido pela jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal, permitindo-se, com isso, a abertura tecnológica da jurisdição constitucional para as chamadas decisões atípicas e, em especial, para as sentenças aditivas. A pesquisa tem por premissa a inadequação do argumento suscitado em julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal a respeito da impossibilidade de a Corte atuar como legislador positivo . A partir dessa constatação, a consequência é a abertura instrumental da Justiça Constitucional para as chamadas sentenças atípicas ou intermediárias. Dedica-se especial atenção a uma das espécies dessas decisões as sentenças aditivas , estudando-se sua delimitação conceitual e principais características, sobretudo a partir do seu desenvolvimento pela Corte Constitucional italiana, bem assim alguns dos limites comumente identificados pela doutrina a justificar sua legítima utilização pelo Tribunal Constitucional. Para tanto, o estudo se valeu dos métodos indutivo e dedutivo, tendo contado com pesquisa bibliográfica de caráter descritivo e jurisprudencial

本論文的研究主旨勿探討立法委員的選區經營方式，作者將選區經營中的選民服務(casework)獨立出來，探討它與選區經營的其他部份工作的關係。筆者發現，選民服務與連任得票之間的確有正相關的關係，而且與選民對立委的工作滿意度亦有正相關的關係。 　　本論文分為六章，分別略述於下：第一章緒論：分析選民服務的特性，並且建立選區經營與選民服務之研究架構。第二章研究背景，概述台灣國會選舉制度與政治文化。第三章選民服務案分析，剖析立委的選區服務組織與服務案處理程序，並且畫分服務案的特質。第四章選區經營分析，探討選區經營的兩項工作：拜訪選民與發行國會通訊。第五章選民服務的效果分析，證明選民服務的效果。第六章為結論。