Denna studie analyserar uppkomsten, konsekvenserna och bemötandet av territoriellt stigma som konceptualiserat av Loïc Wacquant (2008b) hos invånare bosatta på Hertsön, ett bostadsområde som ibland omnämns genom stigmatiserande termer som ”ghetto” eller ”problemområde”. Syftet är att använda Hertsön som fall i undersökningen av territoriellt stigma och hur det tar sig uttryck i ett bostadsområde som i en svensk kontext kännetecknas av en viss grad av marginalisering. Studien består av två delar. Genom en inledande historisk undersökning analyseras först framställningar av Hertsön som i sin tur stämplade bostadsområdet som avvikande och marginaliserat. Därefter görs en beskrivning och analys av områdets materiella och symboliska utveckling i relation till Luleå kommun som helhet under 2000-talet. Studiens andra del är baserad på data från 9 semistrukturerade intervjuer genomförda med invånare från Hertsön. Först undersöks stigmats eventuella konsekvenser för invånarnas relation till bostadsområdet och andra invånare i kommunen. Därefter undersöks vilka strategier invånarna använder i sitt bemötande av territoriellt stigma. Studien visar att invånarna, till följd av Hertsöns jämförelsevis milda grad av social och ekonomisk marginalisering, utvecklat en rad strategier som används i syfte att neutralisera och bekämpa de stigmatiserande förhållningssätt som riktas mot dem och deras bostadsområde. Detta har sannolikt medfört att man hos intervjupersonerna inte finner starka uttryck för det territoriella stigmats konsekvenser, som förakt mot sitt bostadsområde och dess invånare. Snarare ser man bevis för starka band mellan intervjupersonerna till Hertsön som bostadsområde och till områdets invånare. Avslutningsvis diskuterar studien huruvida det territoriella stigmat riskerar att intensifieras i framtiden om Hertsöns materiella och symboliska utveckling fortsätter i samma spår som under 2000-talets inledande 20 år. / This study analyzes the emergence, consequences and response to territorial stigma as conceptualized by Loïc Wacquant (2008b) by residents of Hertsön, a residential area sometimes referred to by stigmatizing terms as "ghetto" or "problem area". The purpose is to use Hertsön as a case in the study of territorial stigmatization and how it manifests itself in a residential area that in a Swedish context is characterized by a certain degree of marginalization. The study consists of two parts. By means of an initial historical survey, stigmatizing representations of Hertsön which are thought to have labeled the residential area as deviant and marginalized are analyzed. Subsequently, a description and analysis of the area's material and symbolic development in relation to Luleå municipality as a whole is made during the 2000s. The second part of the study is based on data from 9 semi-structured interviews conducted with residents of Hertsön. First, possible consequences of stigma for the residents' relationship with the housing area and other residents in the municipality are examined. Second, strategies used by residents in addressing territorial stigma are examined. The study shows that, as a result of Hertsön's comparatively mild degree of social and economic marginalization have enabled the inhabitants to develop a number of strategies that are used to neutralize and combat the stigmatizing approaches directed at them and their housing area. This has probably been the cause behind the interviewees not expressing strong consequences of territorial stigma, such as contempt for their residential area and its inhabitants. Rather, one finds evidence of strong links between the interviewees to Hertsön as a residential area and its inhabitants. Finally, the study discusses whether the territorial stigma may be intensified in the future if Hertsön's material and symbolic development continues in the same vein as during the early 20s of the 21st century.

L’oeuvre de Sergio Chejfec (Buenos Aires, 1956), composée de romans et de nouvelles,de nombreux essais et de deux recueils poétiques, figure parmi les propositions les plus singulières de la littérature argentine contemporaine. Entamée à la fin des années 1980, dans le contexte d’intense questionnement sur les moyens et les fins de la littérature nationale qui caractérise la période post-dictatoriale, cette oeuvre se poursuit encore aujourd’hui, désormais depuis New York. L’analyse transversale de l’oeuvre que nous proposons par la présente thèse s’appuie sur un corpus primaire de sept romans et s’organise autour des notions d’étrangeté et d’étrangèreté.La première partie s’attache à montrer que les altérations qui viennent semer le trouble dans la relation du sujet au réel ont partie liée avec la disparition de l’alter ego, qu’elles peuvent se concevoir à la lumière de la notion freudienne d’Unheimliche (« l’étrange familier »), et que s’y articule notamment la figure spectrale, en lien avec un passé – intime ou national – qui ne passe pas. L’étrangèreté géographique, sujet de la deuxième et la troisième partie, est définie comme une impossible territorialisation et se manifeste par les motifs récurrents de la marge et de l’errance. Au leitmotiv marginal – lieux périphériques, personnages paratopiques –s’associe également une figure d’auteur instable dans le champ littéraire argentin. Le motif de l’errance, quant à lui, réactive à la fois le mythe du peuple juif errant, par lequel l’auteurs se réapproprie ses origines, et le topos littéraire argentin du « désert ». L’errance, enfin, est aussi celle du lecteur, que Chejfec ne cesse de désorienter par un ensemble de procédés d’« étrangisation » (ostranenie) de la forme de ses textes.C’est enfin l’étrangèreté à soi et le brouillage des identités qui nous occupera dans un quatrième temps : il s’agira d’analyser la déconstruction du personnage romanesque, mais aussi les phénomènes de dédoublements, d’aliénations ou d’hybridités des sujets qui sont à l’oeuvre chez Chejfec. Les figures troublées de l’auteur, la question de la filiation et des origines ainsi que le rapport d’étrangèreté à la langue seront par la suite les axes principaux de cette dernière partie. / Sergio Chejfec was born in Buenos Aires, in 1956, and wrote novels, short stories, numerous essays and two collections of poems. His work is listed among the most unusual propositions in contemporary Argentine literature. Sergio Chejfec started writing at the end of the 1980s, in a context of intense questioning of the means and ends of the national literature which characterizes the post-dictatorship period, and now goes on with his work from New York City. This thesis intends to offer a cross-disciplinary analysis, relies on a corpus of seven novels, and is organized around the notions of strangeness and strangerness.The first part endeavors to show that the distortions that trigger a trouble some relationship between the subject and the world are hand in glove with the disappearance ofthe alter ego; that they can be conceived of in the light of the Freudian notion of the uncanny (das Unheimliche); and that they articulate a spectral figure that is linked with either an intimate or national past, and yet does not pass. Geographical strangerness is the main focus of the second part and is defined as impossible territorializing. It expresses itself in the recurrent motifs of margin andwandering. The marginal leitmotiv – peripheral places, paratopical characters – is also articulated with the figure of an author who remains on the fringe of the Argentine literary circle. As for the motif of wandering, it reactivates both the myth of the Wandering Jew,through whom the author takes back his origins, and the Argentine literary topos of the“desert.” At last, wandering is that of the reader, whom Chejfec tries to disorientate through a series of processes that “enstrange” (ostranenie) the form of the texts.The fourth part concentrates on strangerness and the blurring of identities. It analyses the deconstruction of the novelistic character, and the phenomena of splitting, alienating and hybridizing the subjects in Chejfec’s work. The troubled figures of the author, the question of filiation and of origins and strangerness to language are the main threads of this last part.

In A Question of Power Bessie Head explores metaphysical forms of knowledge and systems of belief (against a background of what is verifiable and can be called the truth) and finds them necessary but flawed because they are illogical. The experience of madness in Bessie Head's main character, Elizabeth, (which is caused by a deep fear of domination and oppression), provides an opportunity for the character to raise propositions and questions of philosophy related to race, class, heterosexuality, God, to mention but a few, and to come to the conclusion that the 'truth' claims which are implied in and suggested by these notions do not obtain in real life. In other words, there is no stable, transcendental reality. It dawns on Elizabeth (the main character) that certain realms of knowledge which society has determined as objective truth will remain forever unknowable. Thus Elizabeth, the main character in a A Question of Power, identifies and challenges all patriarchal structures and power hierarchies in society, seeing them as the real causes of her suffering. After completing this process of deeonstruction, she is able to integrate herself into society. / English Studies / M. A. (English)

This study is an interpretive analysis of Zimbabwean political auto/biographical narratives in contexts of changing culture, race, ethnicity and gender identity images of the self and nation. I used eclectic theories of postcolonialism to explore the fractured nature of both the processes of identity construction and narration, and the contradictions inherent in identity categories of nation and self. The problem of using autobiographical memory to recall the momentous events that formed the contradictory identities of self and nation in the creative imagination of the lives of Ian Smith, Maurice Nyagumbo, Abel Muzorewa, Joshua Nkomo, Doris Lessing, Fay Chung, Judith Garfield Todd, Tendai Westerhof and Lutanga Shaba have been highlighted. The study concluded that there are narrative and ideological disjunctures between experiencing life and narrating those experiences to create approximations of coherent identities of individual selves and those of the nation. The study argued that each of the stories analyzed in this study contributed a version of the multiple Zimbabwean narratives that no one story could ever tell without being contested by others. Thus the study explores how white Rhodesian auto/biographies depend on the imperial repertoire to construct varying, even contradicting, images of white identities and the Rhodesian nation, which are also contested by black nationalist life narratives. The narratives by women writers, both white and black, introduced further instabilities to the male authored narratives by moving beyond the conventional understanding of what is ‘political’ in political auto/biographies. The HIV and AIDS narratives by black women thrust into the public sphere personalized versions of self so that the political consequence of their inclusion was not only to image Zimbabwe as a diseased society, but one desperately in need of political solutions to confront the different pathologies inherited from colonialism and which also have continued in the post-independence period. / English Studies / (D. Litt. et Phil. (English))

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis puts the fiction of Zoë Wicomb and Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie into conversation with particular reference to three issues: authorship, history and gender. Apart from anything else, what Wicomb and Adichie have in common is an interest in the representation of marginalised or minority ethnic groups within the nation - the coloured people in the case of Wicomb, and the Igbo in the case of Adichie. Yet what both writers also have in common is that neither seems to advocate the reification of these ethnic groups in reformulations of nationalist discourse. The thesis argues that through their focus on various forms of marginality, both Wicomb and Adichie destabilise traditional notions of nation, authorship, history, gender identity, the boundary between domestic and public life, and the idea of “home”. The thesis focuses on four main topics, each of which is covered in a chapter: the question of authorial voice in relation to history; perspectives offered by women characters in relation to oppressive or traumatic historical moments; oppressive or traumatic histories intruding into the intimate domestic space; and the issue of transnational migration and its (un)homely effects. Employing concepts of metafiction and mise-en-abyme self-reflexivity, the study begins by considering the ways in which Wicomb’s David’s Story and Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun both reflect on the idea of authorship. Focusing on the ways in which each text draws the reader into witnessing authorship, the thesis argues that the two novels can be put into conversation as they both stage dilemmas about authorship in relation to those marginalised by national histories. Following on from this idea of marginalisation by nationalist histories, the thesis then proceeds to examine both writers’ foregrounding of women’s stories that are set in oppressive and/or violent historical times – under apartheid in the case of Wicomb’s You Can’t Get Lost in Cape Town, and during the Biafran war in the case of Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun. Utilising ideas about gender, history and literary history by Tiyambe Zeleza, Florence Stratton and Elleke Boehmer, the study analyses how, beginning with father-daughter relationships, Wicomb and Adichie wean their female characters from their fathers’ control so that they may begin telling their own stories that complicate and subvert the stories that their fathers represent. Drawing on Sigmund Freud’s theory of “the uncanny” and Homi Bhabha’s postcolonial reading of that theory, the study then turns to discuss the ways in which oppressive national histories become manifest in domestic spaces (that are usually marginalised in national histories), turning those spaces into unhomely homes, in Wicomb’s Playing in the Light and Adichie’s Purple Hibiscus. In both novels, purity (whether racial or religious) is cultivated in the family home, but this cultivation of purity, which is reflected symbolically in the kinds of gardens each family grows, evidently has “unhomely” effects that signal the return of the repressed, of that which is disavowed in discourses of purity. Since both Wicomb and Adichie are African-born women authors living abroad, and since the “unhomely” aspects of transnational existence are reflected upon in their fiction, the study finally considers the forms of marginality to the national posed by the migrant. Transnational migration is examined in Wicomb’s The One That Got Away and in Adichie’s The Thing Around Your Neck, placing stories from these two recently published sets of short stories into dialogue. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis plaas die fiksie van Zoë Wicomb en Chimamandi Ngozi Adichie in gesprek met mekaar, met verwysing na veral drie sake: outeurskap, geskiedenis en geslag (gender). Afgesien van ander kwessies het die fiksie van Wicomb en Adichie ‘n belangstelling in die fiktiewe voorstelling van gemarginaliseerde of minderheidsgroepe in die nasie in gemeen – die kleurlinggroep in die geval van Wicomb en die Igbo in die geval van Adichie. Nogtans beveel geeneen van hierdie twee skrywers ‘n reïfikasie van nasionalistiese diskoers aan nie. Die tesis voer aan dat, deur hulle fokus op verskeie vorme van marginaliteit, beide Wicomb en Adichie tradisionele konsepte van nasionalisme, skrywer-skap, geskiedenis, geslagsidentiteit, die grens tussen private en publieke lewe en die idee van ‘n eie tuiste destabiliseer. Die vier hoof-onderwerpe van die tesis is word elk in ‘n eie hoofstuk behandel: die kwessie van ‘n skrywerstem in verhouding tot die geskiedenis; perspektiewe wat belig word deur vrouekarakters in kontekste van onderdrukkende of traumatiese historiese momente; hoedat onderdrukkings- of traumatiese geskiedenisse die private sfeer binnedring; asook die kwessie van ‘n migrasie oor landsgrense en die ontheimingseffek hiervan. Deur die gebruik van metafisiese en mise-en-abyme selfrefleksie begin die studie deur te reflekteer op hoe Wicomb se David’s Story en Adichie se Half of a Yellow Sun [aangaande] die idee van outeurskap reflekteer. Deur te fokus op die wyses waarop beide tekste die leser betrek om skrywerskap waar te neem, voer die tesis aan dat die twee romans met mekaar in gesprek geplaas kan word, terwyl albei dilemmas van outeurskap met betrekking tot diegene wat in nasionale geskiedskrywing gemarginaliseer word, sentraal plaas. Volgende op hierdie kwessie gaan die tesis dan voort om albei skrywers se vooropstelling van vroue se verhale gesitueer in onderdrukkende of gewelddadige tye – onder apartheid in die geval van Wicomb se You Can’t Get Lost in Cape Town en gedurende die Biafraanse oorlog in Adichie se Half of a Yellow Sun – te ondersoek. Met behulp van idees aangaande gender, geskiedenis en literêre geskiedenis van Tiyambe Zeleza, Florence Stratton en Elleke Boehmer, analiseer die tesis hoedat, beginnende met vader-dogter verhoudings, Wicomb en Adichie hul vroulike karakters loswikkel van hul vaders se kontrole sodat hulle kan begin om hul eie verhale te vertel – stories wat die verhale van hul vaders kompliseer en ondermyn. Met behulp van Sigmund Freud se teorie van die onheimlike en Homi Bhabha se postkolonialistiese interpretasie van daardie idee, gaan die tesis dan voort deur maniere waarop onderdrukkende nasionale geskiedenisse in die tuis-ruimtes (wat gewoonlik deur nasionale geskiedskrywing gemarginaliseer word) manifesteer, met die onheimlike effek hiervan op die tuisruimte – beide in Wicomb se Playing in the Light en in Adichie se Purple Hibiscus – te ondersoek. In albei romans word reinheid ( van ras of geloof) in die familie-tuiste gekultiveer, maar hierdie nadruk op reinheid – simbolies gereflekteer in die tuine wat deur albei gesinne aangelê word – het wel onmiskenbare onheimlike gevolge wat die terugkeer van wat onderdruk is (in die naam van reinheid) aandui. Omdat beide Wicomb en Adichie vroue-skrywers is wat in Afrika gebore is maar oorsee lewe, en omdat die onheimlike aspekte van ‘n transnasionale lewensstyl in hul fiksie oorweeg word, beskryf die tesis die vorms van marginaliteit met betrekking tot die nasionale wat deur die migrant tot stand kom. Transnasionale migrasie word in Wicomb se The One that Got Away en Adichie se The Thing around your Neck oorweeg, wat die verhale uit hierdie twee versamelings in gesprek met mekaar plaas.

Thesis (PhD) -- Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the last two decades of the twentieth century, the world economic order has passed through a transformation which can be characterised as a shift away from the idea of the "Keynesian compromise" to the idea or principle of greater openness and a revision of the role of the state in macroeconomic policy formulation. As a result, and to achieve the goal of global competitiveness, states have become more "outward" orientated. The last twenty years have also seen an increase in the levels of inequality within and between states, which means that the effect of economic growth on the reduction of poverty is much reduced. Critics of the "openness" principle point out that the policies of developing states should be more inwardly focused to ensure that economic openness contributes more directly to the alleviation of poverty and inequality. Southern Africa is a region where the problem of inequality (particularly within states) is prevalent. The Critical Theory ofRobert W Cox (CCT) suggests that one of the ways in which increasing levels in inequality can be observed and analysed is to determine how people are related to the dynamics (via their national economies) of the contemporary world economic order. Are they marginalised, in a precarious position, or integrated? Furthermore, Cox assumes that the marginalised are a social force which could bring about transformation "from below." Following on from this assumption a number of claims about the marginalised can be deduced from CCT: they are inclined to political protest, they are dissatisfied with the political economic system of their country, they are politically apathetic, they are prone to low levels of political efficacy, they have turned "their back on the state" and belong to self-help associations, they are more inclined to participate in the activities of civil society and they are critical of neoliberal economic policies. The study's primary empirical question investigates whether the attitudes which Cox attributes to the marginalised are accurate. This is done through a detailed exposition of his core theoretical framework and a thorough conceptualisationloperationalisation of the marginalised, precarious and integrated. The area which is focused on is southern Africa. The vast majority of people in the region belong to the marginalised and the precarious components of Cox's economic hierarchy. They derive little or no economic benefit from greater openness and outward orientated forms of state. The question is whether they can be mobilised into a "counter-hegemonic social movement" (as Cox foresees) and how they view the role of the state. The second question is theoretical and is concerned with the usefulness and strong points of Cox's explanatory framework compared to other approaches which either (1) ignore the state as a point of entry for analysis, (2) regard it as the primary actor in the international system, (3) or "bypass" it because they predict its demise in a future post-sovereign world. I argue that it is incorrect to associate Cox's approach with the work of Richard Ashley, Mark Hoffman, Andrew Linklater and Mark Neufeld and to group them into a Critical Theory of International Relations school. Two important differences between Cox and these scholars are his incorporation of the state in a flexible, multiple points of entry framework and his resourceful combination of a diverse number of sources. The theoretical question is addressed by a substantive literature review of Cox's major publications in English and a representative review of the contributions made by Ashley, Hoffman, Linklater and Neufeld. In the reading of Cox's work, I focused on the development of his thinking, his major influences and on the epistemology and ontology of his core theoretical framework. The empirical question was investigated through a nationally representative survey of seven southern African states (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe) which was undertaken by a research consortium of the Institute for Democracy in South Africa's Public Opinion Service during 1999-2000. In terms of Cox's theoretical expectations ofthe marginalised the study found that, in southern Africa; their political protest potential is lower than the integrated, they participate less in politics and in civil society, they are not more inclined to belong to self-help associations, they are inclined to accord slightly more legitimacy to the state than the integrated, their economic values cannot be summarised as generally unsympathetic to "market" orientated policies, and that the majority (significantly more so than the integrated) think that the state should be the major provider of social services. The marginalised are more tolerant of authoritarian political alternatives, but are not significantly more dissatisfied (relatively) with the economy than the other groups. We cannot, therefore, uncritically accept Cox's assumption that the marginalised will act as a potential source of transformation "from below." Furthermore, in the countries which were part of the survey, the marginalised still regard the state as the primary source for development assistance and social services. There was, however, strong support for the claim that the marginalised are inclined to be more politically apathetic and less politically efficacious. A close reading of Cox's work and comparison with Ashley, Linklater, Hoffman and Neufeld revealed that they share some tenets with CCT. However, they cannot be grouped with Cox in a school of critical thought because their intellectual debt is mainly located in the work of Habermas and the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory, while CCT is influenced by a variety of sources (cf. Braudel, Carr, Gramsci, Khaldun, Marx, Sorel and Vico). This is an important and essential distinction to make because the empirical results of the survey data analysis validate Cox's focus on the mutual influence between social forces, forms of state and world orders. It is, therefore, more accurate to regard CCT as a "critical realist" theory of International Relations (cf. Richard Falk, 1997). It is recommended that, in a world order which is characterised by increasing inequality and the outward orientated form of state, public policy practitioners in developing states must reconsider the standard TINA (There is no Alternative) response to the critics of the openness principle. A more balanced approach to addressing inequality and poverty, which requires an outward/inward policy orientation is essential. What is needed, is a form of state which creates opportunities for the integrated but protects and assists those who are marginalised. This essential inward orientation remains one of the state's primary responsibilities, even in a postW estphalian world where there are other centres of authority. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die laatste twee dekades van die twintigste eeu het die wereld ekonomiese orde deur 'n verandering gegaan. Hierdie verandering is gekenmerk deur 'n verskuiwing vanaf die "Keynesiaanse kompromie" idee, na die idee of beginsel van meer oopheid en 'n hersiening van die rol van die staat in makroekonomiese beleidsformulering. Gevolglik, en om die doelwit van globale mededingendheid te bereik, het state meer "uitwaartsgeorienteerd" geword. Die laatste twintig jaar is ook gekenmerk deur 'n toename in ongelykheid binne en tussen state. Hierdie ongelykheid het die impak van ekonomiese groei op armoede baie verminder. Die kritici van die "oopheid" beginsel wys daarop dat die beleid van ontwikkelende state meer na binne gerig moet word ten einde te verseker dat ekonomiese oopheid meer direk hydra tot die vermindering van armoede en ongelykheid. In die Suider-Afrikaanse streek kom die ongelykheidsprobleem (spesifiek binne state) algemeen voor. Die Kritiese Teorie van Robert W Cox (CKT, Coxiaanse Kritiese Teorie) doen aan die hand dat een van die maniere waarvolgens toenemende vlakke van ongelykheid waargeneem en geanaliseer kan word, is om te bepaal wat die verhouding is tussen mense en die dinamika (via die nasionale ekonomie) van die hedendaagse wereld ekonomiese orde. Is hulle gemarginaliseerd, in 'n onsekere posisie, of gei'ntegreerd? Daarby, is dit 'n aanname van Cox dat die gemarginaliseerdes 'n sosiale mag is wat "van onder af' verandering sou kon teweegbring. Voortvloeiend uit hierdie aanname, kan 'n aantal beweringe oor die gemarginaliseerdes afgelei word uit CKT: hulle is geneig tot politieke protes, hulle is ontevrede met hulland se politiek-ekonomiese stelsel, hulle is polities apaties, hulle is geneig tot lae vlakke van politieke doeltreffendheid, hulle het hul "rug gedraai op die staat" en behoort aan selfhelp-organisasies, hulle is meer geneig om deel te neem aan burgerlike samelewing aktiwiteite en hulle staan krities teenoor neoliberale ekonomiese beleidsrigtings. Die primere empiriese vraag wat die studie ondersoek is om te bepaal of die houdings wat Cox toeskryf aan die gemarginaliseerdes akkuraat is. Dit word gedoen deur 'n breedvoerige uiteensetting van sy verklarende raamwerk en 'n deeglike konseptualisering/operasionalisering van die drie ekonomiese kategoriee (gemarginaliseerd, onseker, gei'ntegreerd). Die fokus-area is Suider-Afrika. Die oorgrote meerderheid mense in die streek behoort tot die gemarginaliseerde en onsekere komponente van Cox se ekonomiese hierargie. Hulle trek min of geen ekonomiese voordeel uit meer "oopheid" en uitwaartsgeorienteerde staatsvorme nie. Die vraag is of hulle gemobiliseer kan word in 'n "teen-hegemoniese sosiale beweging" (soo Cox in die vooruitsig stel) en hoe hulle die rol van die staat beskou. Die tweede vraag is teoreties van aard en is gerig op 'n evaluering van die bruikbaarheid en sterk punte van Cox se verklarende raamwerk, in vergelyking met ander benaderings wat of (1) die staat ignoreer as 'n vlak van analise, (2) die staat beskou as die belangrikste akteur in die intemasionale stelsel, (3) die staat "omseil" omdat hulle die ondergang daarvan voorspel in 'n toekomstige post-soewereine wereld. Ek argumenteer dat dit verkeerd is om Cox se benadering te assosieer met die bydraes van Richard Ashley, Mark Hoffman, Andrew Linklater en Mark Neufeld, en om hulle saam te voeg binne 'n Kritiese Teorie van Intemasionale Betrekkinge denkskool. Twee belangrike verskille tussen Cox en die ander bydraes is sy inkorporering van die staat in 'n buigsame, veelvoudige vlak-van-analise raamwerk en sy vindingryke samevoeging van 'n diverse aantal bronne. Die teoretiese vraag is ondersoek deur middel van 'n uitgebreide literatuuroorsig van Cox se belangrikste publikasies in Engels en 'n verteenwoordigende oorsig van Ashley, Hoffman, Linklater en Neufeld se bydraes. Die evaluering van Cox fokus op die ontwikkeling van sy denke, die identifisering van diegene wat horn beYnvloed het, en die kennisleer en ontologie van sy kem-teoretiese raamwerk. Die empiriese vraag is nagevors deur die analise van 'n verteenwoordigende nasionale opname in sewe Suider-Afrikaanse state (Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibie, Suid-Afrika, Zambie en Zimbabwe). Die opname is ondemeem deur 'n navorsingkonsortium van die Instituut vir Demokrasie in Suid-Afrika se Openbare Meningsdiens tydens 1999-2000. Aangaande Cox se teoretiese verwagtinge van die gemarginaliseerdes, het die empiriese analise van die Suider-Afrikaanse data-stel bevind dat hulle politieke protes potensiaal laer is as die van die geYntegreerdes, dat hulle minder deelneem aan die politiek en 'n minder aktiewe rol speel in die burgerlike samelewing, dat hulle nie geneig is om aan selfhelp-organisasies te behoort nie, dat hulle geneig is om die staat as ietwat meer legitiem te beskou as die geYntegreerdes, dat hulle ekonomiese waardes nie veralgemeen kan word as onsimpatiek tot mark-georienteerde beleidsopsies nie, en dat die meerderheid (betekenisvol meer as die geYntegreerdes) die staat beskou as die belangrikste verskaffer van sosiale dienste. Die gemarginaliseerdes is meer verdraagsaam ten opsigte van outoritere politieke altematiewe, maar is nie betekenisvol meer ontevrede (relatief gesproke) met die ekonomie as die ander groepe me. Ons kan dus nie Cox se aanname, dat die gemarginaliseerdes as 'n moontlike bron vir verandering "van onder af' sal optree, onkrities aanvaar nie. Daarby beskou die gemarginaliseerdes, in die lande wat deel was van die opname, steeds die staat as die primere bron vir ontwikkelingshulp en sosiale dienste. Daar was egter beduidende ondersteuning vir die bewering dat hulle meer geneig is tot politieke apatie en politieke ondoeltreffendheid. Die bestudering van Cox se benadering en die vergelyking daarvan met Ashley, Linklater, Hoffman en Neufeld, toon aan dat die vier skrywers sekere beginsels met CKT deel. Nietemin, kan hulle nie saam met Cox in 'n skool van kritiese denke gevoeg word nie, omdat hulle intellektuele inspirasie uit Habermas en die Frankfurt Skool van Kritiese Teorie geput word. Cox, daarenteen, is beYnvloed deur 'n verskeidenheid denkers (bv. Braudel, Carr, Gramsci, Khaldun, Marx, Sorel, en Vico). Hierdie onderskeid is belangrik en noodsaaklik omdat die empiriese resultate van die opname data-analise, Cox se fokus op die wedersydse invloed tussen sosiale magte, staatsvorme en wereldordes, ondersteun. Dit is dus meer korrek om CKT te beskou as 'n "krities-realistiese" teorie van Intemasionale Betrekkinge (bv. Richard Falk, 1997). Die studie beveel aan dat, in 'n wereld wat gekenmerk word deur toenemende ongelykheid en die voorkoms van die uitwaarts-georienteerde staat, openbare beleidmakers die standaard DIGA (Daar is geen Altematief) antwoord, in reaksie op diegene wat die "oopheid" beginsel kritiseer, in heroorweging moet neem. 'n Meer ewewigtige benadering tot die aanspreek van ongelykheid en armoede is noodsaaklik, en dit vereis 'n uitwaartslbinnewaartse beleidsherorientering. Wat benodig word is 'n staatsvorm wat geleenthede skep vir die ge'integreerdes maar wat ook die gemarginaliseerdes help en beskerm. Selfs in 'n post-W estphaliaanse wereld waar daar ander magsentra voorkom, bly hierdie noodsaaklike binnewaartse orientasie een van die staat se primere verantwoordelikhede.

This thesis aim to investigate the living conditions among marginalized habitants of suburbs in the Swedish welfare state. To approach an understanding of the complexity of marginalized urban areas, this thesis focus on studying the Stockholm suburb Husby in a context of the May riots 2013. The research method used is qualitative interviews with seven informants, who have a connection to the Husby area. The theories applied to the empirical material is Gösta Esping-Andersens theory on welfare state regimes and Loïc Wacquants theory on advanced marginality, also known as “The new urban poverty”. By observing the complexity of the Husby riots in a contextual aspect of the Swedish welfare state and the living situation in Husby, the analysis has shown that the Swedish welfare model is going through a changing process. This process means a shift from a social democratic welfare model towards a more liberal regime, with an increased privatization of public welfare and a focus on individual responsibility regarding the citizens own living conditions. Husby as an area is characterized by a low socioeconomic status, a high level of unemployment and poor school results. The growing market and the increasing focus on individual responsibility regarding decent living conditions, has excluded large groups of economically vulnerable habitants of Husby. Hereby, the welfare state has decreased its earlier caretaking of its citizens, and the changing welfare state has shaped a marginality in urban areas. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka livsvillkoren bland marginaliserade förortsbor i den svenska välfärdsstaten. För att uppnå en förståelse av denna komplexitet, fokuserar arbetet på Stockholmsförorten Husby i en kontext av de upplopp som ägde rum i maj 2013. Undersökningsmetoden är kvalitativa intervjuer med sju informanter. Samtliga har en koppling till Husbyområdet. Teorierna som appliceras på det empiriska materialet är Gösta Esping-Andersens teori om välfärdsstatsregimer samt Loïc Wacquants teori om avancerad marginalisering, även kallad ”Den nya urbana fattigdomen”. Analysen visar att den svenska välfärden genomgår en förändring. Denna förändring innebär en transformering från en socialdemokratisk modell mot en liberal regim, med en ökad privatisering av allmän välfärd samt ett fokus på individens eget ansvar i fråga om dess levnadsstandard. Husbyområdet präglas av en låg socioekonomisk status, en hög nivå av arbetslöshet samt dåliga skolresultat. Den växande marknaden har exkluderat stora grupper av ekonomiskt utsatta invånare i Husby. Välfärdsstaten har därmed minskat sitt tidigare omhändertagande av medborgarna, och denna förändring har skapat och format en marginalisering i urbana områden.

This thesis addresses aspects of Romanian society and cinema, by analyzing post-communist films through the perspective of marginality. The central hypothesis of this study refers to the ways in which films illustrate conditions of post-communist Romanian society, as they consider representations of the periphery through the angle of allegories of marginality. Following a long tradition, especially in literary studies, where it refers to the overt insertion of symbolic meanings, allegory refers in this study to a less noticeable delivery, by using a postmodern interpretation of the concept. This translates to detecting a latent meaning in films, by interpreting them in a broader context pertaining both to the film's circumstances (production, distribution and reception), and to the broader framework of the film's content. What connects post-communist Romanian films is a concern for matters of marginality, as they focus on dissensions in society, intergenerational conflicts, youth and limited opportunities of social movement, and the use of satire as a way of handling the bleak conditions of life. Aiming to provide a realistic representation of post-communist life, new wave Romanian films focus on the mundane reality of everyday life. The films discussed in this thesis expand beyond the scope of the new wave, and present a diversity of aesthetic approaches and relating perspectives on allegory—from distinct to obscure—defined by the contextual conditions of post-communism.

Military Area as a Determinant of Microregion Population Development Marie Kusovská Abstract The study deals with military area as a specific factor of microregion population development. The objective of the study is to describe and demonstrate the different effects of current and former military areas on neighbourhood population's demographic behaviour. The analysis is focused on the period of 1995-2010 and takes place in five current military areas: Boletice, Brdy, Březina, Hradiště and Libavá and three former military areas: Mladá (today's municipality Milovice), Ralsko and Dobrá Voda. The study examines the population development and its structure, natural and mechanical movement, including an analysis of migration directions. There is a finding that the municipality Milovice and Ralsko differs significantly from other areas in young age structure, high levels of total fertility rate and the intensity of immigration. At the level of mortality no significant differences were indicated. Therefore, it appears that a military area can be considered as a determinant of microregion population development, but it depends on the military uses of this area and in case of its cancelation it depends on the future civilian use.

This thesis deals with the long-term changes in the landscape of border areas of selected military bases in Bohemia  Brdy and Hradiště. Specifically, in these areas it is focused on land use changes since half of the 19th century to the present. Its main objective is to identify whether and to what extent military bases affect character and intensity of land use changes beyond their borders. The first part of the thesis is devoted to general solutions relating to the key topics/concepts representing thematic base for further work (landscape, spatial polarization and military bases). The methodology of this part is based on research and discussions of literature and other sources. In the second part of the thesis the focus is on the spatial definition and characteristics of both areas of our interest. The third part is based on the knowledge of the previous two parts, and is engaged in the land use changes research in both areas. This research has a quantitative nature and is based on the use of statistical data provided by the LUCC Czechia database, which were further processed and evaluated. Final part of the thesis is based on the results of the third part and discusses the possible impact of the military bases to changes in land use in the close border areas. Key words: landscape  landscape...