Sur fond de revendications sociales et culturelles, l’émergence d’une « conscience noire », mobilisant très activement la mémoire de l’esclavage et les thématiques de discrimination et de visibilité politique et médiatique, s’est produite dans les arènes publiques françaises au début de l’année 2005. Dans une société qui fait de son principe universaliste son crédo, cette apparition pose question. Identifiée par les médias comme étant l’expression d’une « question noire », ces mouvements revendicatifs, émis par un ensemble d’acteurs organisationnels, interrogent sur leur contenu, sur les raisons de leur émission et sur le profil des personnes qui les ont exprimés. Cette recherche sociologique, dont l’objectif est de mettre en évidence la diversité de cette problématique noire, repose sur une enquête de terrain menée sur cinq organisations ayant alimenté cette question et dont l’objectif était d’amener leurs revendications sur le terrain politique. Désignées comme noires, ces organisations, par leur auto-définition et par leurs discours, révèlent l’absence d’unification autour d’une « conscience noire » commune réfutant alors toute idée d’unité de la « question noire ». Les facteurs et les conflits qui opposent notamment les différentes mémoires noires, selon qu’elles concernent les Antillais ou les migrants africains, témoignent de l’existence de plusieurs questions noires. Ces mémoires sont différemment construites et valorisées selon les demandes et les critiques sociales émises par chacun des collectifs. De même, ces derniers, n’aspirant pas à représenter la même population selon qu’ils se revendiquent Antillais, Noirs, Africains ou descendants d’esclaves et de colonisés, combinent et hiérarchisent à leur manière des logiques d’action à partir de leur propre expérience sociale. Deux observations complètent alors cette étude : d’une part le hiatus qui s’est cristallisé entre ces collectivités militantes et les populations noires qu’elles affirment représenter, d’autre part la transformation de l’imaginaire national français qui est interrogé sur sa capacité à intégrer les spécificités propres aux populations noires françaises qui affectent le récit républicain national. / In 2005, a black consciousness arise from social and cultural claims reaffirming “slave memory” and discrimination in public sphere and questioning political and media-related visibility of the ones mobilised. This movement, described as the expression of “la question noire”, interrogates the protagonist’s profile and their involvement. This sociological research underlines the diversity of this question. An investigation has been carried out on five organizations with political claims and reveals the non-unification around a common black “consciousness”, disproving the idea of a “black question” unity. The different conceptions of “slave memory”, according to French carribean or Africans migrants concerns, shows several black questions reality based on different social criticism. As a consequence, a diversity of actions exists according to the social experience of these groups. Finally, the study reveals two tendencies. Firstly, the presence of a hiatus between these activist groups and black populations they consider that they represent. Secondly, the transformation of French national imaginary and the reassessment of its capacity to integrate black French populations.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In 2001, Home Box Office aired Conspiracy, a dramatization of the infamous Wannsee Conference organized by Reinhard Heydrich and Adolf Eichmann. The Conference took place in Berlin on 20 January 1942 and was intended to coordinate the Final Solution by asserting the dominance of Heydrich and the SS over other governmental departments. The surviving Wannsee Protocol stands as one of the most compelling pieces of evidence for the Third Reich’s genocidal intent and emblematic of its shift from mass shootings in the occupied East to industrial-scale murder. Conspiracy, written by Loring Mandel and directed by Frank Pierson, is an unusual historical film because it reenacts the Wannsee Conference in real time, devoid of the usual clichés prevalent throughout Holocaust films. It also engages with historiographical arguments and makes a few of its own. This thesis argues that dramatic film has been relatively ignored by the public history field and uses Conspiracy as a case study for how dramatic film and television can be used to further the goals of public history, especially that of making complex and difficult histories accessible to wide audiences. Grounded in a thorough reading of script drafts, production notes, HBO meeting minutes, and correspondence, this thesis examines Conspiracy from the vantage point of scholarship in public history, film studies, and Holocaust studies. It details the film’s production history, the sources used for the film, the claims it makes, and advocates for dramatic film as a powerful public history outlet. Ultimately, this thesis argues that Conspiracy is exactly the type of historical film that historians should be making themselves.

This thesis examines the debate regarding the establishment of a memorial to the victims of a national trauma; the terrorist attacks in Norway July 22, 2011. This thesis reflects on how different interest groups are treated regarding the memorial’s design according to the groups’ own opinions and arguments.The method chosen is a qualitative text analysis where a selection of material is used to formulate answers and opinions from the interest groups regarding the memorials purpose. Constructed argumentation are identified based on the perspectives regarding the issues.  The national memorial at Utøyakaia stands to remember the deceased and wounded, but also to give reflection upon terrorism and consequences of political extremism. This purpose is debated regarding on how this retelling of history should be presented at its authentic location.The interest groups are identified through the work since everyone’s involvement is not clear to all. Different forms of power and knowledge play a key role in these negotiations, where arguments and opinions are mixed through a private and professional character.  Appearance and location are the two biggest issues. Since these are most lacking in the agreements between the interest groups. The memorial should be beautiful and have associations to the island. This definition opens up to multiple ideas regarding its design which leaves no suggestion to feel justified.Utøya today is a name that brings association to the date and the place of the massacre. Utøya is an identity that has forever changed the island, AUF and the locals living in the area. It is both an authentic historical location and a memorial grove, a tourist attraction and a place where everyday life goes on through the trauma.  This is a two years’ master’s thesis in Museum and Cultural Heritage Studies.

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<p>  </p> <p>Retired from the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign in 2007, the Chief Illiniwek mascot remains a pervasive image throughout the Champaign-Urbana, Illinois area. This dissertation explores the concept of collective memory, particularly in memory’s role in forming a collective identity. Chief Illiniwek, for many in this community, symbolizes honor and loyalty. More broadly, the Chief is part of the community’s collective memory and discussing the Chief evokes feelings of pride and nostalgia for many community members. This work puts Native American sports mascots in conversation with other controversial objects such as monuments to Confederate soldiers and Christopher Columbus – both of which are images of great pride for some groups and hate and exclusion for others. </p> <p>This dissertation also explores the rise of the internet’s role in memory-making and preservation. I analyze the content posted in two Facebook groups dedicated to preserving the memory of Chief Illiniwek, and in some cases campaigning to reinstate him as the mascot/symbol of the university. Additionally, I analyze the material culture of Chief Illiniwek by exploring the current state of buying used and new Chief Illiniwek merchandise. I connect the current collecting of Chief merchandise to the historical practice of museums and academics collecting indigenous material culture and human remains. Both acts are predicated on the perceived need to preserve a group that no longer exists and alter narratives to fit within a white supremacist framework. </p> <p>I argue that the Chief maintains a presence within the Champaign-Urbana community due to the power of collective memory. More specifically, the Chief works as a way to memorialize a white supremacist culture. Efforts to rid Chief imagery are met with outrage and disgust by supporters and in these groups any supporters refer to those that are anti-Chief as outsiders or politically correct activists. I argue that the Chief debate extends far beyond the confines of the university and should be discusses as a community issue rather than a campus problem. As the university continues to distance itself from this racist imagery, many in the community still celebrates the Chief and the image continues to circulate and be displayed. </p>

SANTRAUKA Sovietinės okupacijos metu žuvo ir nukentėjo apie 350 tūkst. Lietuvos gyventojų. Visų jų atminimui nuo 1941 m. su pertraukomis buvo statomi įvairių tipų paminklai. Tyrimo objektas – rezistencijos dalyvių ir sovietinio genocido aukų įamžinimo paminklais procesas, jo ypatumai ir kylančios problemos, taip pat vietovių ir statinių, įamžintų paminklais, apskaitos ir įpaveldinimo klausimai. Jie iki šiol nenagrinėti ir nėra sulaukę tyrimo. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti Lietuvos gyventojų sovietinio genocido aukų ir rezistencijos dalyvių atminimo įamžinimo ir įpaveldinimo procesus bei su jais susijusias problemas. Tam įgyvendinti yra iškeliami šie uždaviniai: 1. nustatyti paminklų statybos etapus ir statytojų grupes, jas apibūdinti; 2. išsiaiškinti, kaip vykdoma vietovių ir statinių, pažymėtų paminklais, apskaita, koks šių objektų skirstymas; 3. apžvelgti, kaip vykdomi vietovių ir statinių tvarkymo bei įamžinimo darbai; 4. išsiaiškinti, kokios yra įamžinimo ir įpaveldinimo problemos. Tyrimo chronologija – tyrimas pradedamas XX a 5–uoju dešimtmečiu, kadangi jame prasidėjo pirmoji paminklų statymo banga ir įamžinimo darbai. Procesas nėra baigtinis, jis vyksta ir dabar, todėl apsibrėžiame 2006 m. Remiantis darbo tyrimu paminklų statyba sovietinio genocido aukų ir rezistencinio judėjimo dalyvių atminimui Lietuvoje vyko trimis etapais, kur memorialinių vietovių teritorijų tvarkymą, paminklų statybą ir memorialinių statinių ženklinimą vykdė įvairūs žmonės ir organizacijos, kuriuos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / SUMMARY OF MASTER’S WORK During the Soviet occupation, around 350,000 Lithuanian residents suffered and died. From 1941 on, with interruptions, monuments of various kinds have been built to commemorate all of them. The subject of this investigation is the process of immortalizing members of the resistance movement and victims of Soviet genocide in monuments, the specific features of and problems encountered in this process, as well as issues concerning the inventory and memorialization of sites and buildings recognized as monuments. These have not been the subject of any study hitherto and have not been the focus of investigation. The goal of this work is to disclose the processes and associated problems of commemorating and memorializing Lithuanian victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance. To achieve this goal, the following tasks were formulated: 1. to determine the phases of monument construction and groups of builders, and to characterize them; 2. to explain how inventory of sites and buildings recognized as monuments takes place and how these objects are categorized; 3. to survey how work is carried out for the maintenance and commemoration of sites and buildings; 4. to ascertain the nature of problems involved in commemoration and memorialization. Based on the work of our investigation, the construction of monuments commemorating victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance movement took place in three phases in Lithuania, a process in which... [to full text]

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 303-334). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / x, 334 leaves, bound map 29 cm

When South Africa became a democracy, many of its cultural institutions were tainted by the stigma of having been tools for the production and propagation of apartheid ideology. This thesis examines two key facets of post-apartheid museums and memorials. Firstly, how they have repositioned themselves as institutions of cultural and social standing. Secondly, their role as tools of nation building, social change, and creators of national collective memory within the new democratic South Africa. Through an analysis of cultural memory theory pertaining to museology, this study elaborates on the methods employed by museums to incorporate memory into their narratives and in turn, transfer collective memory to their viewers. This thesis provides a comparative study of the architectural, memorial and museological strategies of two post-apartheid museums; the Red Location Museum and the Apartbeid Museum. It examines the contributions of both museums to the introduction of new museological strategies for the successful creation and transmission of South African collective memory. Through this analysis, both the invaluable contributions and the drawbacks of post-apartheid museums as tools for the promotion of new democratic ideologies and philosophies are considered. This thesis does not resolve the arguments and questions which have surfaced regarding cultural institutions as tools for the promotion of reconciliation and the construction of national collective memory within South Africa. As the current climate of memorialisation is one of change and paradox, it is presently impossible to fully quantify post-apartheid museums' roles within South Africa's move toward reconciliation and social change. However, the examination of both the Red Location Museum and the Apartheid Museum reveals the extraordinary change that South African cultural institutions have undergone in addition to their potential to become institutions which facilitate active reconciliation as well as social and cultural growth.

Les migrations de femmes et d’hommes depuis le Maghreb vers la France est un processus historique ancien, remontant pour les Algériens à la fin du XIXème siècle et à la première moitié du XXème siècle pour les Marocains et les Tunisiens. Ces individus forment aujourd’hui une composante importante de la population française. Néanmoins, malgré la patrimonialisation de l’immigration, ces mémoires peinent à s’inscrire dans le récit collectif national. Dans ce contexte, la démocratisation de l’internet grâce à l’essor du web à la fin des années 1990, constitue un nouveau terrain d’expression pour des mémoires perçues comme délaissées. Média et moyen de communication, le web apparaît ainsi comme une nouvelle source pour l’étude des médiations mémorielles et des usages du passé. L’étude de ces dispositifs mémoriels implique une analyse des acteurs et de leurs stratégies de valorisation de la mémoire en ligne, mais aussi dans le champ social. Ce travail entend donc proposer une première histoire des mémoires de l’immigration maghrébine sur le web français à partir des archives du dépôt légal du web gérées par la Bibliothèque Nationale de France (BNF) et l’Institut National de l’Audiovisuel (INA). Il montre la complexité du processus de reconfiguration de la mise en visibilité des mémoires de l’immigration maghrébine. L’internet apparaît comme un nouveau support proposant des modes scénographiques inédits. Vecteur et reflet de l’amplification mémorielle, le web participe à la présentification de l’histoire en articulant le passé avec les logiques commémoratives. / This thesis focuses on how the web is used as a privilege space to study how North African immigration memories. This is the first history PhD in France that primarily relies on French Web archives as a source. This one has not yet been integrated in the French collective memory in spite of recent institutional attempts to draw people’s attention back to this issue. This exclusion was and still is linked with many causes: the socio-economic situation of North African minorities in France, the taboo of the Algerian war as well as the unequal treatment by the media of the Maghreb population. Since the end of the 1990’s, in a context of competing memories, many websites have been recalling the immigration memories and have been asking for recognition from the French state. From a media history perspective, how can these memories be presented on the Internet? Moreover, how can the past be used to rectify and transform the present? In France, a historical approach to analyzing the web and its contents has started to develop: publishing strategies, temporalities, uses, internet history. This work would not have been possible without the existence in France, since 2006, of the Web legal deposit, which is shared by INA (Institut National de l’Audiovisuel) and the BNF (Bibliothèque Nationale de France). Thereby, along with traditional broadcast material, Web content can be considered for media history. The epistemological and methodological approaches remain to be devised. The composition and the scenario of some selected memory devices online are studying thanks to the French web archive from 1999 to 2014.