Les interactions culturelles dans la Méditerranée ancienne sont de plus en plus au centre des études sur l’Antiquité. Ce travail s’intéresse en particulier aux reflets des contacts entre la Mésopotamie et la Grèce anciennes dans la production littéraire. Sujet central et fil conducteur de la recherche est la temporalité narrative qui structure les textes littéraires, en particulier les compositions poétiques à sujet mythologique. La reconstruction proposée de la découverte de la Mésopotamie de la part de l’Occident moderne et contemporain permet de mettre en lumière les orientations idéologiques et les incohérences méthodologiques qui ont souvent biaisé l’interprétation et la systématisation des sources cunéiformes. Ce travail présente une synthèse et une réorganisation des « dimensions du temps » en Mésopotamie, dans une perspective de comparaison critique avec les analyses développées sur ces mêmes questions pour la Grèce. Le poème akkadien d’Erra a été sélectionné comme cas d’étude, en raison de son articulation narrative complexe, dans laquelle la composante temporelle est particulièrement significative pour la construction syntaxique et pour l’exégèse du texte même. Son analyse permet par la suite de développer un « parcours thématique guidé » à travers une série d’exemples choisis dans la production littéraire grecque des époques archaïque et classique, de l’épopée aux discussions philosophiques, jusqu’à la tragédie, afin de montrer que les parallélismes établis avec le poème d’ Erra révèlent l’encodage littéraire d’un « système de pensée » partagé. / The cultural interactions in the ancient Mediterranean are becoming ever more important in the studies on ancient times. This research focuses on the effects of the contacts between ancient Mesopotamia and Greece on literary texts. Narrative temporality, particularly in mythological poems, is the central argument and theme. The reconstruction here made of the discovery of Mesopotamia by the modern and contemporary Western culture allows shedding lights on the ideological orientations and the methodological incoherence which often distorted the interpretation and systematisation of cuneiform sources. This research proposes a synthesis and a reorganisation of the « dimensions of time » in Mesopotamia, in comparison with the same analyses on ancient Greece. The Akkadian poem of Erra has been chosen as case study, because of the complexity of its narrative, in which the temporal element is particularly relevant for the syntactic reconstruction and the exegesis of the text itself. Furthermore, the analysis of this text allows the development of a « thematic guided journey » through a series of literary examples from archaic and classical Greece, from epic to philosophy and to the tragedy, to show that the parallelisms with the Erra poem exemplify the literary coding of a « common way of thinking ». / Le interazioni culturali nel Mediterraneo antico sono sempre più al centro degli studi sull’Antichità. Questa ricerca si interessa ai riflessi dei contatti tra la Mesopotamia e la Grecia antiche nella produzione letteraria: argomento centrale e filo conduttore è la temporalità narrativa che struttura i testi letterari, in particolar modo le composizioni poetiche di soggetto mitologico. La ricostruzione qui proposta della scoperta della Mesopotamia da parte dell’Occidente moderno e contemporaneo permette di mettere in luce gli orientamenti ideologici e le incoerenze metodologiche che hanno spesso distorto l’interpretazione e la sistematizzazione della documentazione cuneiforme. Una sintesi e una riorganizzazione delle « dimensioni del tempo » in Mesopotamia sono proposte in chiave di comparazione critica con le analisi svolte su questi stessi temi per la Grecia. Il poema akkadico di Erra è stato selezionato come caso di studio per via della sua articolazione narrativa complessa, nella quale l’elemento temporale è particolarmente rilevante per la costruzione sintattica e l’esegesi del testo stesso. La sua analisi permette inoltre di sviluppare un « percorso tematico guidato » attraverso una serie di esempi scelti nell’ambito della produzione letteraria greca di epoca arcaica e classica, dall’epopea alle argomentazioni filosofiche, fino alla tragedia, al fine di mostrare che i parallelismi stabiliti con il poema di Erra esemplificano la codificazione letteraria di un « sistema di pensiero condiviso ».

About 15 kilometers north-east of the Turkish city of Şanliurfa lies the mound of Göbekli Tepe with its Stone Age Sanctuaries. Its enormous deposit layers, up to 15 meters high, have accumulated over several millennia on an area of about 9 hectares. Excavations done by the German Archaeological Institute with the Archaeological Museum of Şanliurfa, which have been carried out since 1995, found a very important site, which contributes to a completely new understanding of the process of sedentism and the beginning of agriculture. Amazingly, no residential buildings have been discovered up to now. However, at least two phases of monumental religious architecture have been uncovered. Of these, the oldest layer, with its richly adorned monolithic T-shaped pillars, is the most impressive. The buildings on this layer are circular, with a diameter of over 20 meters, and constructed from quarry stone. There are the enclosures A-D on the southern slope and enclosure E at the western plateau. Their age is impressive, having been dated to the 10th millennium BC, a time when men still lived as hunter-gatherers. This opened up a layer of the Stone Age, in which the so-called Neolithic Revolution took place. Overlying layer III is layer II, which has been dated to the 9th millennium BC. During this latter period there is a certain reduction both in the size of the structures and in the numbers of pillars. The uppermost layer I is represented by the surface debris including enormous deposits of Hangfußsedimente, accumulations of eroded sediments from layers II and III. There is no occupation from periods younger than the Pre-Pottery Neolithic at the site. The sanctuaries of Göbekli Tepe were completely filled in during the Stone Age. The old surfaces that can be observed in the excavations and the processes that occurred in the sediment have been subjected to pedological analyses and allow the act of filling to be dated into the late 9th millennium BC. / El montículo de Göbekli Tepe, con sus santuarios de la Edad de Piedra, se ubica a unos 15 kilómetros al noreste de la ciudad de Şanliurfa, en Turquía. Sus enormes capas de sedimentos, que alcanzan más de 15 metros de espesor, se acumularon en una superficie de alrededor de 9 hectáreas durante varios milenios. En las excavaciones realizadas desde 1995 por el Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (DAI), en cooperación con el Archaeological Museum of Şanliurfa, se descubrió un sitio muy importante que ofrece una comprensión totalmente nueva del proceso de la sedentarización y del inicio de la agricultura. Resulta sorprendente que no se hayan descubierto construcciones residenciales hasta el momento. En vez de ello, se han ubicado, al menos, dos fases de arquitectura monumental, de las que la más temprana es la más espectacular por sus grandes pilares ricamente adornados. Las construcciones de este nivel, hechas de piedras canteadas, son de planta circular y tienen un diámetro de más de 20 metros. Los denominados recintos A a D se encuentran en la pendiente sur, mientras que el Recinto E se ubica en la meseta occidental. Su edad es impresionante, ya que data del décimo milenio a.C., en una época en que el hombre aún vivía de la caza y la recolección; es, por lo tanto, un grado de la Edad de Piedra en el que ocurrió la Revolución Neolítica. La capa II cubre la III y fue fechada en el noveno milenio a.C. En este tiempo se advierte una cierta reducción en el tamaño de las estructuras y en la cantidad de los pilares. La capa I es superficial, con derrumbes e importantes depósitos de sedimentos de piedemonte, como acumulaciones de sedimentos erosionados procedentes de las capas II y III. No existen vestigios más recientes que el PPN (Pre-Pottery Neolithic o Neolítico Precerámico) en el sitio: los santuarios de Göbekli Tepe fueron rellenados completamente durante la Edad de Piedra. Las superficies antiguas se observan en la excavación y los procesos que ocurrieron en el sedimento fueron sometidos a análisis pedológicos que permitieron determinar la edad del relleno en la parte tardía del noveno milenio a.C.

The aim of this research is to investigate the functions of ceramic vessels from two well-defined contexts at Tell Ahmar that have been dated to the Middle Bronze Age II (c. 1800-1600 BC). In addition, correlations between socioeconomic activities and ceramic production at a local and regional level are further investigated. Since there is no one-to-one relation between vessel type and vessel function, the research adopts a multi-dimensional approach formed by the following hierarchical investigations. Firstly, a ceramic typology for the Middle Bronze Age pottery from Tell Ahmar, the first to be undertaken, is constructed to provide a working platform for further analyses. Secondly, interpretations of vessel functions are made based on the techno-morphological implications of vessel use. Moreover, since the ceramic assemblage under investigation represents the systemic inventory of artefacts in use in the rooms at the time of the site abandonment, function of the rooms and relative associations with the composition of the ceramic room assemblage at Tell Ahmar are investigated. In addition, comparative analysis from Northern Mesopotamian and Syrian sites are used in conjunction to suggest functional activities for the defined vessel shapes at Tell Ahmar. Inferences of vessel function are finally supported by the results of ceramic residue analysis and by epigraphic and iconographic evidence of vessel use. Functional activities (i.e. transport, storage and processing) are further discussed in order to make socioeconomic inferences at both local and regional levels. This analysis indicated that one of the major activities at Tell Ahmar was associated with long-distance transport and storage, while for those shapes characterised by a perforated base, an association with beer production is suggested. At a regional level, a general similarity of vessel shapes is noted, this being stronger among the Euphrates River Valley sites than in Inner Syria or in the Khabur Valley. However, when these similarities are examined in detail, ceramic production indicates some local distinctions. These variations, which are not associated with any ancient political boundaries, may be explained in terms of local preferences and requirements that emerged within long-distance flourishing relationships established during this period.

Thousands of years ago in Ancient Mesopotamia there was an abundant Pantheon of gods and goddesses. Circa 3000–2300 B.C.E, separate cults started to form relating to two of these goddesses: Ninisina and Gula. They were quite similar, both associated with healing, as were several other goddesses in the area. Over time they all fused, and their names disappeared one by one, until one remained; Gula. Scholars of today often tend to see them all as one type of goddess, their names interchangeable. This essay researches Ninisina and Gula, and the intention is to see if they truly are the “same”. A number of hymns and healing spells are analysed and used to compare the goddesses. This comparison is based on three themes; “Healing”, “Praise” and “Prayer & Intention”, and finds that indeed the manner of their healing and their characters differ. The essay also discusses how central their roles as healers are. It is shown that even though healing is always mentioned in every chosen text, other traits are often emphasised more.

The present study was intended as a new approach to the study of the military equipment of the Late Assyrian period which has traditionally relied upon the pictorial representations of the palace reliefs. By examining extant artifacts from the first millennium in their own right, with the reliefs merely serving to contextualize them, a truer understanding of Assyrian arms and armour can be gathered. This is necessary because the artwork only provides us with a filtered view of the real world, the reliefs are as much works of propaganda as of history. The approach taken here is to first examine the existing weapons typologically, and then to evaluate whether such weapon types appear to be accurately represented in contemporary artwork. Textual sources are also used where they can aid in the discussion. Five categories of arms and armour were studied: swords and daggers, spearpoints, shields, armour and helmets. The quality and quantity of the items in these categories varied significantly, providing for a much better representative sample of some items than others. Further questions concerning the possible ritual, rather than military, use of some of the existing artifacts were raised. However, the main conclusions reached were that the reliefs suffer not only from a propagandistic viewpoint which sometimes obscures the reality of Assyrian warfare, but that they also suffer from artistic license and spatial restraints, the difficulties in representing three-dimensional objects in a two-dimensional manner, the possible unfamiliarity of the artists with changing military technology and methods of construction, and finally, our inability to understand artistic short-hand for what were commonplace objects to the contemporary viewer. These have led to misunderstanding both as to the dating and chronological changes in weaponry, and also to the tactics used by the Late Assyrian military. This study of the artifacts themselves reveals a more mundane, utilitarian, and conservative military force which shows both a basic homogeneousness throughout the empire, and the myriad tiny variables of an army on the move drawing weapons and troops from many regions.

En Mésopotamie, l’écriture fut inventée et longtemps maîtrisée par un groupe restreint d’individus au service du temple ou du palais. Après l’effondrement de la troisième dynastie d’Ur, en 2002 av. J.-C., les données archéologiques et épigraphiques témoignent d’une intensification et d’une généralisation du recours à l’écrit. Ce phénomène, connu sous le nom de « révolution de l’écrit paléo-babylonienne » (« Old Babylonian writing revolution »), se traduisit plus précisément par l’abandon du sumérien au profit de l’akkadien, la multiplication des archives privées, le remaniement du système éducatif et l’apparition de nouveaux genres de texte, du format tabulaire et de l’écriture cursive. L’enjeu de notre recherche a été d’étudier les répercussions qu’eut cette révolution culturelle spécifiquement sur la pratique épistolaire de l’époque amorrite (2002-1595 av. J.-C.). Nous avons d’abord cherché à définir la place des échanges épistolaires dans les interactions sociales des Mésopotamiens. En dressant le portrait des épistoliers et en étudiant leurs voies d’accès à la pratique épistolaire, nous avons évalué l’implantation de la communication par lettres dans la société. Écrire et lire une lettre requérait l’apprentissage d’un savoir et d’une technique. Nous avons donc cherché, parmi les exercices étudiés par les élèves pendant leur formation à l’écrit, ceux qui pouvaient leur servir à rédiger et lire des lettres, et avons étudié dans quelle mesure ces exercices les préparaient à écrire des lettres plus ou moins complexes et variées. Nous avons aussi voulu voir si les changements introduits dans le système éducatif ont bouleversé l’enseignement du genre épistolaire et s’ils ont une part dans le développement de la littéracie et de la communication par lettres. La diffusion de l’écrit bouleversa également le rapport des Mésopotamiens au texte écrit : une lecture empirique, « naïve » des lettres a permis aux chercheurs de se rendre compte que les lettres de l’époque amorrite sont plus précises et plus longues que celles des siècles antérieurs. Nous avons voulu objectiver, rationaliser cette impression en étudiant la qualité et la quantité des informations communiquées par écrit. Qu’est-ce qui, dans les lettres, a évolué ? Est-ce le degré d’implicite et d’ambiguïté ? Les lettres pouvaient-elles être comprises sans l’intervention du messager qui les transportait ? Ou est-ce le contenu, devenu plus détaillé et varié ? Ces recherches s’appuient notamment sur la pragmatique, qui offre un cadre conceptuel pour travailler sur la notion d’implicite et analyser la possibilité pour le destinataire d’une lettre d’interpréter le message dans le contexte spécifique de l’écrit. L’éclatement de l’administration centrale, en 2002 av. J.-C., fit naître de nombreux royaumes rivaux. Ces derniers n’utilisèrent pas les mêmes graphèmes ni les mêmes formes graphiques pour écrire leurs lettres, mais peu de comparaisons systématiques ont été effectuées jusqu’à présent. Nous avons étudié comment se sont constituées et ont circulé certaines conventions graphiques. La comparaison des formes graphiques nous a ensuite permis de travailler sur la standardisation des lettres et la notion d’ « orthographe ». Nous avons finalement cherché à évaluer le niveau de maîtrise du système d’écriture requis pour lire et écrire des lettres. Nos recherches apportent un éclairage nouveau sur un corpus qui n’avait jamais été exploité dans son ensemble (environ 7000 lettres) et constituent une première tentative pour analyser les répercussions de l’intensification du recours à l’écrit sur l’ensemble d’une activité, à savoir la pratique épistolaire. Au-delà des assyriologues, ces recherches s’adressent à tous ceux qui s’intéressent à l’histoire de l’écrit et du genre épistolaire. / In Mesopotamia, writing was invented, and for a long time mastered, by a small group of individuals working for the temple or the palace. After the collapse of the Third Dynasty of Ur, in 2002 BC, archaeological and epigraphic evidence reveals an intensification in the use of writing. This phenomenon, known as the “Old Babylonian writing revolution”, resulted more precisely in the abandonment of Sumerian for the benefit of Akkadian, in the multiplication of private archives, in the reorganisation of the educational system and in the emergence of new genres, of the tabular format and of the cursive writing. The aim of our research is to study the consequences that this cultural revolution had specifically on the epistolary practice during the Amorite period (2002-1595 BC). We first sought to define the place of epistolary exchanges in the Mesopotamian social interactions. By portraying the letter-senders and studying how they had access to the epistolary practice, we have been able to estimate the establishment of letter communication in the society. Writing and reading a letter also required a certain knowledge and technique. Among the exercises studied during the training in writing, we looked for those which could be used to write and read letters. We then examined to which extent the scribal training prepared individuals to write more or less intricate and varied letters. Finally, we looked to see if the changes introduced in the educational system altered the way the epistolary genre was taught and if these changes were involved in the development of literacy and letter communication. The diffusion of writing also changed how Mesopotamians related to written text: an empirical, “naive” reading of the letters made the researchers realize that letters from the Amorite period are more precise and longer than those written during the previous centuries. We wanted to objectify and rationalise this impression by studying the quality and quantity of the information communicated in writing. What evolved in the letters? Is it the degree of implicitness and ambiguity? Could the letters be understood without the intervention of the messenger who carried them? Or is it the content, which became more detailed and varied? This research is based in particular on pragmatics, which offers a conceptual framework for working on the notion of implicitness and analysing the possibility for the addressee of a letter to interpret the message in the specific context of writing. The fall of the central administration in 2002 BC gave rise to many rival kingdoms. These kingdoms did not use the same graphemes nor the same spellings to write their letters, but very few systematic comparisons have been made so far. We studied how some graphical norms were created and circulated. The comparison of spellings then allowed us to work on the standardisation of letters and on the notion of “orthography”. We finally sought to assess the level of mastery of the writing system required to read and write letters. Our research sheds new light on a corpus of texts that had never been studied as a whole (about 7,000 letters) and is a first attempt to analyse the impact of the intensification of the use of writing on an entire activity, namely the epistolary practice. Besides Assyriologists, our research is aimed at all those who are interested in the history of writing and the epistolary genre.

Ce travail de thèse est consacré à l'étude des populations des piémonts ouest du Zagros au Bronze ancien (IIIe millénaire av. J.-C.). Il s'appuie sur des données céramiques inédites issues de missions archéologiques récentes travaillant dans le gouvernorat de Soulaimaniyeh (Kurdistan, Irak) depuis 2011 : Kunara (haute vallée du Tanjaro) dont l'occupation principale date de la fin du IIIe millénaire av. J.-C. et les prospections de la haute vallée du Tanjaro et des régions de Raniah, Peshdar et Bingird. Le IIIe millénaire av. J.-C. est une période complexe composée de plusieurs phases historiques pour lesquelles des assemblages céramiques purent être identifiés. Pour le début du millénaire, l'attestation de céramique Ninive V ou de « Scarlet Ware » dans les corpus de prospection fut déterminante pour localiser les implantations. Pour la fin du millénaire, l'étude du corpus céramique stratifié permit d'établir une typologie locale. Après avoir été comparé aux assemblages céramiques des régions environnantes (Mésopotamie du Nord, Mésopotamie Centrale et Zagros iranien), notre corpus révéla une affinité culturelle plus marquée avec la Mésopotamie Centrale mais également un contact évident avec la Mésopotamie du Nord. La réflexion sur la répartition des populations et l'évolution de l'organisation régionale au cours du millénaire à partir des corpus de prospection permit de développer trois thèmes que sont les particularismes locaux perceptibles dans la tradition potière, les degrés d'intégration de la région étudiée dans les modèles politiques et sociaux de la période et enfin la place des piémonts irakiens du Zagros dans les échanges à longue distance attestés au Bronze ancien. / This thesis concerns the people of the western Zagros foothills during the Early Bronze Age (3rd millennium B.C.). It is based on new data from recent archaeological missions, in the Suleimaniyeh governorate (Kurdistan, Iraq) since 2011: Kunara (upper Tanjaro valley) mainly dated to the end of the 3rd millennium B.C. and the surveys of the upper Tanjaro valley and the areas of Raniah, Peshdar and Bingird. The 3rd millennium B.C. is a complex period divided into different historical phases, for which ceramic assemblages were defined. For the beginning of the millennium, the presence of Ninevite V pottery and Scarlet Ware in the surveys' corpuses was decisive to localise the occupations. For the end of the millennium, a local typology was established from the stratified pottery. This was compared to the assemblages of the surrounding areas (North Mesopotamia, Central Mesopotamia and lranian Zagros). The corpus has revealed an affinity more evident with Central Mesopotamia but also a link with North Mesopotamia. Thoughts on the organisation of occupations and the regional evolution through time according to the survey's corpuses allowed me to develop three themes: the local particularities seen through the pottery tradition, the degrees of integration of the studied area in the political and social models of the period, and the place of the lraqi Zagros' foothills in the long-distance trade of the Earl y Bronze Age.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T14:49:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Simone Dupla.pdf: 2971799 bytes, checksum: 7e1e207afce384b2447f024c95b4ed22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-01 / Fundação Araucária de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico do Paraná / Inanna, the multifaceted goddess of Mesopotamian culture, was worshiped throughout the history of this society. Known as the goddess of love and war, their status in the Mesopotamian pantheon and its functionality has been re-reading object by many historians. The purpose of this study was to address the representations present in the worship of Inanna through symbols and attributes to it attributed unveiling its characteristics and relationship with the imagery of that society. To do this, we use as sources, in addition to recorded images for artifacts, myths and hymns dedicated to this deity. We realize that the ways of holiness expressed in the worship of Inanna allowed the articulation of this in many social segments and ensured their maintenance and survival. Thus, images and symbols that made up the religious universe of divinity were assignments and constructions that are perpetuated over time related to the reality of his first devotees and those who captivated over the millenniums. / Inanna, a deusa multifacetada da cultura mesopotâmica, foi cultuada durante toda a história dessa sociedade. Conhecida como deusa do amor e da guerra, seu estatuto no panteão mesopotâmico e sua funcionalidade tem sido objeto de releitura por parte de muitos historiadores. O objetivo desse trabalho foi abordar as representações presentes no culto a Inanna por meio dos símbolos e atributos a ela imputados desvelando suas características e relação com o imaginário daquela sociedade. Para tal, utilizamos como fontes, além das imagens registradas em artefatos, mitos e hinos dedicados a essa divindade. Percebemos que as formas de sacralidade expressas no culto a Inanna permitiu a articulação deste nos muitos segmentos sociais e garantiu a sua manutenção e sobrevivência. Assim, imagens e símbolos que compunham o universo religioso da divindade foram atribuições e construções que se perpetuaram ao longo do tempo relacionadas à realidade de seus primeiros devotos e aqueles que cativados ao longo dos milênios.

Located in an isolated gorge in Iraqi Kurdistan, the Neo-Assyrian rock reliefs at Khinnis are unusual for their size, shape, and subject matter. The most striking of these is the enormous Great Relief, the largest single Assyrian sculpture in existence, which depicts a pair of gods attended by the duplicated figure of the Assyrian king. Both the Great Relief and the other sculptures of the Khinnis site were carved on the orders of Sennacherib (r. 705-688 BCE), to commemorate the canal head he constructed there. The Great Relief itself was positioned over the exact juncture wherein the waters of the river Gomel were canalized and sent on their way towards Nineveh, designated by Sennacherib as Assyria’s new imperial capital, irrigating fields and orchards along the way. In this thesis I examine the composition and iconography of the Great Relief, both in the context of Sennacherib’s irrigation programs and the inscription carved at the Khinnis site. This inscription contains a curiously bifurcated account of both Sennacherib’s civil works in Assyria and his brutal sack of Babylon in 689. In both cases, Sennacherib emphasizes his ingenious technical ability to manipulate water for the benefit of the Assyrian state, either through the creative irrigation of the Assyrian heartland and the new capital, or the destructive flooding and leveling of Babylon. I argue that the dichotomy presented by these activities, a dualism of “nurture and control” through technical expertise, is a persistent theme throughout the rhetoric of Sennacherib’s inscriptions and reliefs. Through a close analysis of the Khinnis inscription, the Assyrian tradition of landscape sculpture, and the emblematic and narrative strategies employed in palatial relief programs, I argue that the Great Relief at Khinnis is an emblematic image of the dualistic ideology of Sennacherib’s reign. Ultimately, the Great Relief stands as a carefully devised visual statement about the nature of state power, consciously created by Sennacherib to signal his conceptual re-founding of the Assyrian empire. / text

No description available.